Michael Kiernan (ed.), The Oxford Francis Bacon, Vol. 4: The Advancement of Learning
pg 205COMMENTARY ON THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING
The First Booke
Page 3, l. 6: vnder the Lawe—Num. 28: 3; Lev. 22: 18.
Page 3, l. 18: Scripture … inscrutable—Prov. 25: 2 (after Vulgate); a favourite quotation of James I; quoted under the frontispiece portrait to HVII. See AL, D4v and 3B3v and cmts thereon (pp. 218 and 347 below).
Page 3, l. 26: Platoes opinion—Phaedo, 75 e.
Page 4 ll. 1–2: wisest King: That … Sea—Solomon. 1 Kgs. 4: 29.
Page 4, ll. 9–10: Augustus Cæsar: Augusto … fuit—'Augustus' style of speech was flowing and prince-like.' Paraphrase of Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 3 ('Augusto prompta ac profluens quæque deceret principem eloquentia fuit'). Octavius Augustus Caesar (63 bc–ad 14), first Roman emperor.
ll. 14–17: manner of speech … inimitable by any—see Bacon's praise of the king's address to Parliament in 1620–1 (SEH, VII, pp. 172–3). James recommends to his son a style 'plaine, honest, naturall, comelie, cleane, short, and sentencious: … let the greatest parte of your eloquence consist in a naturall, cleare, and sensible forme of the deliuerie of your minde, builded euer vpon certaine and good groundes; tempering it with grauitie, quicknesse, or merinesse, according to the subject, & occasion of the time'. Basilikon doron. Or his Maiesties instructions to his dearest sonne Henry, the prince, London, 1603, K2r.
l. 22: happie fruite of marriage—James had extolled 'the frutes … your selfe, and sibfolkes to you … whiche, I hope the same God of his infinite mercy, shall continue and increase' in Basilikon doron, G6r–v. Six children had been born to him and Queen Anne, the most recent being Mary, in April 1605 (d. 1607); the others were: Henry (1594–1612), Elizabeth (1596–1662), Margaret (1598; died in infancy), Charles (1600–49), Robert (1601; died in infancy); a seventh, Sophia, lived a single day in June 1607. After 1607 Anne and James lived apart, maintaining separate courts.
l. 23: desire of peace—the king's inaugural speech to Parliament (19 March 1603) stressed this theme: 'The first then of these blessings, which God hath iointly with my Person sent vnto you, is Outward peace, That is, peace abroad with all forreine neighbours: for I thanke God I may justly say, that neuer since I pg 206was a King I either receiued wrong of any other Christian Prince or State, or did wrong to any. I haue euer, I praise God, yet kept Peace and Amitie with all, … yet do I hope by my experience of the by-past blessings of Peace, which God hath so long euer since my birth bestowed vpon me, that he wil not be weary to continue the same, nor repent him of his grace towards mee.' The Kings Maiesties speech, as it was deliuered by him in the vpper house of the Parliament, London, 1604, A3v–A4r. 'BEATI PACIFICI', 'blessed be the peacemakers', his personal motto, appears above the portrait to The workes of the most high and mightie Prince, Iames, London, 1616. In A meditation upon the Lords prayer, London, 1619, G8r, he remarks upon 'the diction of PACIFICUS … added to my title, at my comming in England', so celebrated in The peace-maker, or Great Brittaines blessing, London, 1618. D. H. Willson, King James VI and I, Jonathan Cape: London, 1935, ch. 15, dismisses the king's efforts at peace-making, but recent scholarship attributes some genuine results to his efforts.
Page 4, l. 32: Cæsar the Dictator—Julius Caesar, general and dictator (48 bc); assassinated 44 bc. His writings include De bello Gallico and De bello civili.
l. 33: Marcus Antoninus—Antoninus, emperor ad 161–80, author of Stoic Meditations.
l. 34: Emperours of Grecia—those who ruled from Constantinople after the division of the Roman Empire in the 4th century ad.
Page 5, ll. 5–7: a rare Coniunction, aswell of diuine … humane—James had composed 'Meditatiouns' upon scriptural texts, Revelations 20: 7–10, Edinburgh, 1588, and I Chronicles 25–9, Edinburgh, 1589, and a study of witchcraft, Dæmonologie, in forme of a dialogue, Edinburgh, 1597. His verse comprised The essayes of a prentise in the divine art of poesie, Edinburgh, 1584, and His Majesties poeticall exercises at vacant houres, Edinburgh, 1591. A counter-blaste to tobacco appeared anonymously in 1604. Political writings from this period include The true lawe of free monarchies, Edinburgh, 1598; London, 1603, and Basilikon doron, Edinburgh, 1599; rev. edn., London, 1603; the collected Workes, including his speeches, appeared in 1616. See G. V. P. Akrigg, 'The literary achievement of King James I', UTQ, 44 (1975), 115–29.
l. 8: ancient Hermes—Hermes Trismegistus ('thrice greatest'); variously described as a grandson of Mercury, Thoth the Egyptian god of wisdom, or a pagan contemporary of Moses, he was suppositious author of the Corpus Hermeticum, a collection of esoteric philosophical and theological tracts believed at this time to date from remote Egyptian antiquity and introduced to the west in Marsilio Ficino's Latin translation (1471). For its Renaissance development, see Frances A. Yates, Giordano Bruno and the hermetic tradition, University of Chicago Press: Chicago, 1964. Isaac Casaubon used linguistic evidence in 1614 to re-date the composition of Corpus Hermeticum to the first three centuries of the Christian era (see Anthony Grafton, 'Protestant versus prophet: Isaac Casaubon on pg 207Hermes Trismegistus', JWCI, 46 (1983), 78–93). Bacon's 'triplicitie' (lines 8–10) derives from Ficino's 'argumentum' to Trismegistus' Liber de potestate et sapientia dei, cui titulus Pimander, 'philosophus maximus, & sacerdos maximus & rex' (Lyons, 1570), z5v (Markby).
The full title of VT ends with the phrase 'With the Annotations of Hermes Stella'. Bacon may have intended to exploit this Hermes association, and persuade the learned James to supply commentary on his treatise, thereby involving the king in his programme to renew knowledge (see F. H. Anderson, The philosophy of Francis Bacon, University of Chicago Press: Chicago, 1948, pp. 16–17). No royal annotations, however, appear in the extant fragment, BL MS Harleian 6462. Earlier, in his Gray's Inn entertainment, GG (1594), Bacon applied a version of the Trismegistus hyperbole to Queen Elizabeth proposing a similar royal agenda for learning's progress: subventions for the 'conquest of the works of nature': a library of ancient and modern wisdom, a botanical garden and zoo, a museum of inventions and natural wonders, and a laboratory of scientific instruments and furnaces (LL, I, p. 335). James Cleland improves upon Bacon's royal compliment (in perhaps the earliest citation of AL) in The institution of a young noble man, Oxford, 1607, G3v, when he praises King James as one of those 'wits, as appeare not to bee taught or informed by men, but infused by God; … who by the finenes of his vnderstanding moueth the learnedst men both to thinke and write with Plato, that all our knowledge is but Remembrance. He standeth inuested with that triplicitie, which in great veneration was ascribed to ancient Hermes, the power and fortune of a King, the knowledge and illumination of a Priest, and the Learning and vniuersalitie of a Philosopher' (marginal note: 'S. Fr. B. Aduancment of Learning').
Page 5, l. 19 former—cf. Bacon's undated letter (?1605) to Sir Tobie Matthew (1577–1655), who had read an earlier draft: 'I have now at last taught that child to go, at the swadling whereof you were. My work touching the Proficiency and Advancement of Earning, I have put into two books; whereof the former, which you saw, I count but as a Page to the latter. I have now published them both; whereof I thought it a small adventure to send you a copy, who have more right to it than any man, except Bishop Andrewes, who was my inquisitor' (LL, III, p. 256). Lancelot Andrewes (1555–1626), dean and later bishop of Winchester, and a friend since Cambridge University days, performed a similar task for CV (LL, IV, p. 141), and, perhaps, other writings. H. Durel-Leon, 'The Advancement of Learning (1605): from Bacon's study to the press', pp. 154–6, speculates that Andrewes served as an 'examiner' or 'censor' directing the publication of AL; for the limitations of the evidence for dais surmise, see above, pp. lviii–lix. AHW contains a lengthy epistle to Andrewes evaluating the status of the Great Instauration and his writing plans in the forced retirement created by his impeachment in 1621, M1r–N3r (LL, VII, pp. 371–4). For Matthew's role in pg 208Italian translations of Bacon's essays published in 1617–18 and details of his lifelong special relationship with Bacon, see Textual Introduction to Ess and cmt on 'Of Frendship' (OFB, XV, pp. lxxxviii–lxxxix, pp. 226–7) and L. Jardine and A. Stewart, Hostage to fortune: the troubled life of Francis Bacon 1561–1626, Victor Gollancz: London, 1998, pp. 303–9.
Page 6, l. 4: Scientia inflat—'knowledge puffs up'. 1 Cor. 8: 1 (Vulgate). 'Salomon' is Bacon's habitual spelling (Geneva Bible); Bishops' Bible reads 'Solomon'.
ll. 4–5: That … flesh—Eccles. 12: 12.
Page 6, ll. 6–7: That … anxietie—paraphrase of Eccles. 1: 18 ('For in the multitude of wisdome is much griefe: and he that increaseth knowledge, increaseth sorowe').
ll. 7–8: that … Philosophie—Col. 2: 8.
ll. 9–10: learned times … Atheisme—cf. Ess, N3v (OFB, XV, p. 53): '[the fourth cause of atheism] Learned Times, specially with Peace, and Prosperity: For Troubles and Adversities doe more bow Mens Mindes to Religion.'
l. 10: second Causes—physical laws or laws of nature (as distinct from the First Cause that created nature). Cf. CF, fo. [1v], OFB, III (SEH, VII, pp. 220–1): 'Hee created heaven and earth and all their armies and generacions. And gaue vnto constant and everlastinge lawes, which wee call nature which is nothinge but the lawes of the creacion, which lawes nevertheles haue had three chaunges or tymes and are to haue a fowerth and last.'
ll. 14–15: pure knowledg of nature and vniuersality—'pure light of naturall knowledge', VT, p. 6 (SEH, III, p. 219).
Page 6, ll. 15–17: giue names … according vnto their proprieties—i.e. denoting their natures. (Gen. 2: 19–20). See critique of this theory on 2P3v (p. 120, ll. 29–33) and cmt (pp. 315–16).
l. 18: proude knowledge of good and euill—for cmt, see CF, fo. [1v], OFB, III (SEH, VII, pp. 220–1).
l. 20: the temptation—Gen. 3.
ll. 23–6: Salomon … fulnesse—Eccles. 1: 8.
l1. 29–30: diuersities of times and seasons for all actions and purposes— Eccles. 3: 1.
ll. 31–3: God hath made all thinges beautifull … from the beginning to the end—Eccles. 3: 11: 'He hathe made euerie thing beautiful in his time: also he hathe set the worlde in their heart, yet can not man finde out the worke that God hathe wroght from the beginning euen to the end.'
ll. 8–10: rule ouer; … The Spirite of Man … secrets—i.e. make a ruling, pronounce; paraphrase of Prov. 20: 27.
pg 209 B2r
Page 7, l. 18: former clause—i.e. St Paul cited above, A4v (p. 6).
l. 21: tinckling Cymball—1 Cor. 13: 1.
l. 24: sounding—i.e. mere sound; hence, 'empty'.
l. 26: Censure of Salomon—see B1r (p. 6 above).
l. 28: admonition of Saint Paule—see A4v (p. 6 above).
Page 7, l. 39–p. 8, l. 3:I sawe well … both—paraphrase of Eccles. 2: 13–14: 'Then I sawe that there is profite in wisedome, more than in folie: as the light is more excellent then darkenes. For the wise mans eies are in his head, but the foole walketh in darkenes: yet I knowe also that the same condition falleth to them all.' The watchman metaphor ('keepe watch', p. 8 line 2), continued in the image of the fool stumbling about his rounds, is Bacon's; used earlier in VT, pp. 47–8 (SEH, III, pp. 231–2): 'a man may wander in the waie, by rounding vp and downe'.
Page 8, l. 12: Lumen siccum optima anima—'A dry light is the best soul.' Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Romulus', E1r (marginal note: 'Heraclitus saying of the soule'); Apo, V2r–V2v (SEH, VII, p. 163). Heraclitus, a philosopher of Ephesus (ft. c.500 bc), was called 'the obscure' by contemporaries for such enigmas. Cf. Ess, X3v (OFB, XV, pp. 84–5): 'certaine it is, that the Light, that a Man receiveth, by Counsell from Another, is Drier, and purer, then that which commeth from his owne Understanding, and Judgement; which is ever infused and drenched in his Affections and Customes'.
ll. 12–13: Lumen madidum, or maceratum—'a light moist or drenched'.
Page 8, ll. 19–21: hauing regard to God … broken knowledge—cf. VT, p. 4 (SEH, III, p. 218): '… as to the nature of god, no knowledg but wonder; which is nothinge els but contemplacion broken of or loozing it self.'
l. 22: one of Platoes Schoole—Philo Judaeus (c.30 bc–ad 45) ('Of dreams'), I. 79–81 (Wats); Apo, K7v (SEH, VII, p. 142).
l. 28: waxen winges of the Sences—fleeing Minos on wings of feathers and wax, Icarus perished when he soared too close to the sun and melted his wings. In DSV, 2D1r (SEH, VI, p. 660), the tale serves as allegory of those unlawful arts ('Artes illicitæ, & Curiosæ') which overpromise, and, in time, fall from favour as Icarus did from the sky.
ll. 32–3: Will … him?—Job 13: 7, 9.
ll. 33–4: God worketh … second causes—Markby compares Hooker, Of the lawes of ecclesiastical politie (1594–7), i. 2: 'So that no certaine end could euer be attained, vnlesse the actions whereby it is attained were regular, that is to say, made suteable fit and correspondent vnto their end, by some Canon rule or lawe. Which thing doth first take place in the workes euen of God himself. All things therefore do worke after a sort according to lawe: all other things pg 210according to a lawe, whereof some superiors, vnto whome they are subiect, is author; only the workes and operations of God haue him both for their worker, and for the lawe whereby they are wrought' (E1r). Also see A4v and cmt thereon (p. 208 above).
Page 8, l. 38:little or superficiall knowledge of Philosophie—cf. Ess, N1v (OFB, XV, p. 51).
Page 9, l. 6: allegorie of the Poets—the great chain of being symbolizing nature's hierarchical order and connection; e.g. Homer, Iliad, viii. 19–27; Bacon exploits that 'excellent and Diuine fable of the Golden Chayne' on 2F3r (p. 79, ll. 14–15).
ll. 13–14: apply both to Charitie, … not to ostentation—cf. Ess, B2v (OFB, XV, p. 8, ll. 52–62).
Page 9, l. 28: Cato—Marcus Porcius Cato 'Censorius' (234–149 bc), statesman and moralist, who rejected foreign influences, championing Rome's own earlier ideals of simplicity and honesty.
l. 29: Carneades the Philosopher—(214/213–129/128 bc) founder of the New Academy, he was one of the delegation of Athenian philosophers who lectured in Rome in 156/155 bc. Bacon develops Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Marcus Cato', 2H6r.
Page 10, ll. 2–3: Tu regere … artes, &c.—'Remember, O Roman, to rule nations with your power; these shall be your arts.' Aeneid, vi. 851–2 (Anchises to Aeneas). Publius Vergilius Maro (70–19 bc) was author of Eclogues, Georgics, and the Aeneid, a favourite source of Bacon's.
l. 3: Anytus the accuser of Socrates—cf. Plato, Apol. Socr. 24b–26c. Meletus is, in fact, the accuser at this point. Bacon is writing with Plutarch open before him: an allusion to Socrates in the 'Life of Marcus Cato' in the passage immediately following the one drawn upon above B4r (p. 9, ll. 28–35), prompted his example. See C2v and cmt thereon (p. 213 below) for additional evidence of this habit of composition.
l. 15: that payre Alexander the Great, and Iulius Cæsar—their biographies are juxtaposed in Plutarch's scheme of 'parallel' Greek and Roman lives.
l. 16: Aristotles Scholler in Philosophie—Alexander the Great (356–323 bc), king of Macedonia and conqueror of much of Asia, studied moral philosophy, literature, and medicine with him. Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Alexander the Great', 3M2v, remarks: 'Alexander did reuerence Aristotle at the first, as his father, & so he tearmed him: because from his naturall father he had life, but from him, the knowledge to liue. … he left not that zeale and desire he had to the studie of Philosophie, which he had learned from his youth, and still continued with him.'
l. 17: Ciceroes Riuall in eloquence—cf. Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Julius Cæsar', 3P3r: '… he was counted the second man for eloquence in his time, & gaue place to the first, because he wold be the first and chiefest man of war and authority, … And therefore in a booke he wrote against that which Cicero made in the praise of Cato [Cato Uticensis], he prayeth the readers not to compare the style of a souldier, with the eloquence of an excellent Orator, that had followed it the most part of his life'. Marcus Tullius Cicero (106–43 bc), wrote verse, rhetorical treatises, philosophical works, letters, and orations (58 extant, 48 missing).
l. 19: Epaminondas—Theban general and statesman (d. 362 bc), defeated the Spartans in 371 bc using tactical innovations later adopted by Philip of Macedon and Alexander. In a 'Life of Epaminondas' added to the 1603 edition of North's Plutarch, he is described as a student of philosophy (Lives, a4v), celebrated as a nonpareil in a collection of parallel lives: 'I know not where there is to be found so complete a man. For my opinion, I compare Epaminondas to himselfe' (Lives, b5v); his noble acts and valiant exploits are detailed in Morals, 2N3r–2N4v.
l. 19: Xenophon—Athenian historian and soldier (c.430–c.355 bc), joined the Greek force which aided Cyrus the Younger of Persia; after Cyrus and the Greek generals were killed, he led the heroic retreat described in his Anabasis. Bacon used a Renaissance Latin translation, De Cyri minoris expeditione in Opera, Geneva, 1596, as 2C3v (p. 66, l. 32) and cmt make cleat. His other writings include Hellenica (a continuation of Thucydides), several works on Socrates, and the Cyropaedia, a romance-biography of Cyrus.
Page 10, ll. 24–5: same times that are most renowned for Armes, … most admired for learning—cf. Louis Le Roy, Of the interchangeable covrse, or variety of things in the whole world; and the concvnence of armes and learning thorough the first and famousest nations: from the beginning of ciuility, and memory of man, to this present (Paris, 1575; trans. Robert Ashley, London, 1594); for linguistic debt, see cmt on C4r (p. 214 below).
ll. 28–32: as in Man, the ripenesse of strength … So in States, … times— Aristotle, Rhet. ii. 14. 4, asserts the body is strongest at 30–5 years, the mind at about 49 (Wright). Cf. Ess, 2X2r (OFB, XV, p. 176): 'In the Youth of a State, Armes doe flourish: In the Middle Age of a State, Learning And then both of them together for a time: In the Declining Age of a State, Mechanicall Arts and Merchandize.'
ll. 35–6: Emperique Phisitionst—the clash between theoretically and experientially based medicine dates to the classical period. See Pliny, Nat. Hist. (trans. P. Holland, 1601), 2G4r. This distinction had particular resonance since the self-styled 'learned physicians' of the College of Physicians (1540) sought to enforce a London monopoly by requiring mastery of Galen (in Latin) for professional certification, and excluded as mere 'emperics' not only quacks but such otherwise qualified practitioners as the Barber-Surgeons. Margaret Pelling and pg 212Charles Webster, 'Medical practitioners', Health, medicine and mortality in the sixteenth century, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1979, p. 166, expose the shifting nature of this ubiquitous term. Bacon critiques the state of medical knowledge and practice on pp. 96–102, providing pointers for selecting a physician in Ess, 2B3v (OFB, XV, pp. 101–2, ll. 51–9).
Page 11, l. 9: grounded in Learning—'For Expert Men can Execute, and perhaps Judge of particulars, one by one; But the generall Counsels, and the Plots, and Marshalling of Affaires, come best from those that are Learned'. Ess, 2P2v (OFB, XV, p. 152).
ll. 14–15: Princes in minority … infinite disaduantage—cf. Shakespeare's Richard III (1592–3), II. iii. 11, 'Woe to that land that's govern'd by a child!'
ll. 19–20: in the handes of Seneca a Pedanti—Lucius Annaeus Seneca (c.5/4 bc– ad 65); appointed (with Afranius Burrus) tutor to Nero in ad 49, he continued as adviser after the 17-year-old became emperor in 54. Nero's worst excesses occurred after Seneca's retirement. Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 2.
ll. 21–2: Gordianus the younger, … Misitheus—Gordianus III became emperor at 15 and ruled ad 238–44. Impressed by Timesitheus' erudition (his father-in-law), he put him in charge of the Praetorian guard and took his counsel regarding administrative reform. Julius Capitolinus, 'Gordianus tertius', xxiii, Scriptores Historae Augustae.
l. 23: Alexander Seuerus—emperor ad 222–35; during the first nine years of his reign, first his grandmother, Maesa, then his mother, Mamaea, controlled the government. Aelius Lampridius, 'Alexander Severus', iii, Scriptores Historae Augustae.
l. 26: Pius Quintus—Michele Ghislieri, an Italian Dominican, was Inquisitor General of the Roman Inquisition, then pope (Pius V), 1566–72. Active in the Counter Reformation, he declared Queen Elizabeth deposed (1570) and supported Mary Queen of Scots. One of the 'greater thinges' (l. 28) Bacon has in mind is his forging of the Christian alliance that led to victory over the Turks at Lepanto (1571), an event celebrated by King James in His Majesties poeticall exercises at vacant houres, Edinburgh, 1591. Bacon singles out the battle again in AHW, O2r–v (SEH, VII, p. 19): 'Which hath put a Hooke, into the Nosthrills of the Ottomans, to this day' and, Ess, 2A4r (OFB, XV, p. 98).
ll. 26–7: Sextus Quintus—Felice Peretti, an Italian Franciscan, was pope (Sextus V) 1585–90. He brought order to the Papal States, reorganized pontifical administration and the College of Cardinals, stimulated extensive building and repair of churches and monuments, and presided over the revision of the Latin Vulgate (the 'Sixtine'; Rome, 1590). Bacon satirizes his attempt to enter heaven in Apo, G7r–G8r (SEH, VII, p. 135–6).
Page 11, l. 32: to seeke—deficient in; see also E1r (p. 19, l. 35).
l. 33: Ragioni di stato—'reasons of state'; a politic euphemism.
ll. 34–5: tearming them Inuentions against Religion—Pius is responding to the observation of Louis XI of France that kings must dissimulate to rule. Wright cites Giovanni Girolamo Catena, Vita del gloriosissimo papa Pio Quinto, Rome, 1586, p. 31, a work Bacon draws upon in SS, 2L2v (SEH, II, p. 666).
Page 12, l. 26: errours of Clement the seuenth—Giulio de Medici, a Florentine, was pope 1523–34. Francesco Guicciardini (1483–1540), who served as commissary of the papal army, analyses Clement's paralysing indecision in The historie of Guicciardin, trans. G. Fenton (1579), 4K6r–v.
l. 27: errours of Cicero—Wright cites Epist. ad Att. xvi. 7, where Cicero responds to criticism that he dithered in Brutus' hour of need.
l. 29: errors of Phocion—Athenian general of the 4th century bc (d. 346). Phocion's refusal to believe in Nicanor's treachery (plotting to seize the port of Piraeus), led to his own execution for treason. Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Phocion', 3T4v, comments: 'I cannot tell whether he did not breake a greater faith which he ought to haue had to the safetie of his countrimen'.
l. 30: Fable of Ixion—when Ixion attempted to rape Juno, Jupiter substituted a cloud upon which Ixion fathered the centaurs; he was condemned to torment on a fiery wheel (Pindar, Pyth. II. xxi). Bacon applies the myth to 'high and vapourous imaginations' on 2H4v (p. 89, ll. 23–7).
l. 31: vaporous—with pun upon Ixion's intercourse with a cloud.
l. 32: errors of Cato the second—Cato Uticensis or Cato minor (95–46 bc). Plutarch comments on Cato the younger's 'fault of seuerenesse' in Lives, 'Life of Phocion', 3S4v: 'for he could not fashion himselfe to the peoples maners, neither did they like his: … the ancient simplicity of Catoes maner (hauing so long time bene out of vse, & comming then to shew it selfe in that corrupt time & ill maners of the city) was indeed much praise worthy: but yet not the conuenientest, nor the fittest for him, because it aunswered nor respected not the vse and maners of his time.' [Marginal note:] 'Catoes plaine maner, became not the corrupt and subtill time.' Bacon's passage (ll. 29–33) was composed (or entered in a commonplace book) as he turned Plutarch's leaves: the lives of Phocion and Cato Utican appear in Bacon's sequence, the fable of Ixion (l. 30) is quoted at the beginning of the 'Agis and Cleomenes', the next biography: 'Truly the fable of Ixion was not ill deuised against ambitious persons: who imbracing a cloud for the goddesse Iuno, begot (as it is sayd) the CENTAVRI' (3Y4r).
l. 32: one of the Antipodes—'people the which do inhabit the part of the world in respect of the roundnesse therof vnderneath us, that their feete seeme to be against ours' (Cooper, Thesaurus (1584)); Bacon recommends 'studying Coopers dictionary' in HIP, fo. 249r (SEH, VII, p. 102); lemma is earliest figurative use in OED.
pg 214 C3v
Page 13, ll. 18–19: Quidam … in luce est—'Certain men are so in the shade that they think themselves in trouble whenever they are in the light.' Paraphrase of Epist. iii. 6: 'quidam adeo in latebras refugerent, … '; Bacon's version permits a pun on vmbratilis meaning 'contemplative'.
l. 29: Æschynes—i.e. the orator Pytheas (Wright). Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Demosthenes', 4C4v; Apo, K5r (SEH, VII, p. 141).
l. 30: smell of the Lampe—PFE, fo. 98v (OFB, I), records the saying: 'It smelleth of the lampe'.
Page 14, l. 5: maniable—'of a person or his attributes: manageable, tractable'. OED, 1b, cites Bacon's HIP, fo. 248r (c.1596–1604) (SEH, VII, p. 100): 'And as to the will of man, it is that, which is most manyable & obedient', as the earliest occurrence for this sense, quoting the present lemma next; Bacon may have encountered the word (in its more common meaning applied to things) in Book X of Ashley's 1594 translation of Le Roy's Of the variety of things, V4r: 'After insteed of yron succeeded brasse; whereof at first were made great peeces laied on wheeles, yet more maniable, then was the mortar'; Bacon draws upon Le Roy elsewhere in AL; see C1r and cmt thereon (p. 211 above).
l. 10: iudgement of Cato—i.e. his opposition to the Athenian philosophers, see cmt on p. 9, ll. 28–35 above. Plutarch points to his Greek studies later on in Lives, 'Life of Marcus Cato', 2G6r; marginal note: 'Cato learned the Greeke tongue in his old age'. Sir Philip Sidney whimsically accounts for Cato's change of heart: 'belike fearing that Pluto understood not Latin' (A defence of poetry, in Miscellaneous prose, ed. Katherine Duncan-Jones and Jan Van Dorsten, Oxford, 1973, p. 106),
l. 17: Virgils verses—quoted above, B4v (p. 10).
l. 21: two first Cæsars—Julius Caesar (102–44 bc) and Octavius Caesar (63 bc– ad 14).
l. 23: Titus Liuius—Livy (59 bc–ad 17); his history of Rome, Ab urbe condita libri, in 142 books, thirty-five extant.
l. 24: Marcus Varro—Marcus Terenrius (116–27 bc), philologist and antiquarian; titles of more than fifty works are known; two fragments survive: De lingua latina and De re rustica.
Page 14, l. 24: best or second Orator—i.e. after Demosthenes; Plutarch, Lives, 4F3v–4F4v, pairs Demosthenes and Cicero.
l. 25: accusation of Socrates—see above, B4v (p. 10).
l. 27: thirtie Tyrants—Athenian oligarchs who instituted an eight-month reign of terror (404–403 bc). Socrates' trial and death by hemlock, however, occurred afterwards in 399 bc; the slip may derive from Bacon's reading of Montaigne, 1. xix (Wolff).
l. 30: memorie accumulate with honors diuine and humane—cf. Diogenes Laertius, ii. 43.
Page 15, l. 5: Castor and Pollux, Lucida Sydera—Horace, Carm. i. 3. 2 ('fratres Helenae, lucida sidera', 'Helen's brothers, gleaming stars') (Markby). Twins whose wish for immortality was granted when Jupiter metamorphosed them into the constellation Gemini.
Page 15, l. 23: attributed by Macciauell—Discorsi, iii. 1. Niccolò Machiavelli (1469–1527); statesman and commentator upon expedient power politics in Discorsi sulla prima deca di Tito Livio (1531), Il principe (1532), and Istorie Fiorentine (1532). Bacon frequently cites Machiavelli in Ess (OFB, XV) and herein, warmly approving his trenchant analysis of human behaviour: 'So that we are much beholden to Macciauell & others that write what men doe and not what they ought to do', AL, 2V4r (p. 144).
l. 29: Ciuilitie—cf. Ess, 'Of Gardens', 2M1v (OFB, XV, p. 123, ll. 7–8): 'when Ages grow to Civility and Elegancie, Men come to Build Stately, sooner then to Garden Finely'.
Page 15, ll. 33–6: Cæterum … fuerit—'Notwithstanding if love of the task undertaken deceives me not, or there was never any state greater, nor more righteous, nor richer in good examples; nor in which avarice or luxury arrived so late; nor any in which poverty and frugality were for so long held in such great honor.' Livy, Ab urbe condita, 'praefatio' (Loeb). (Cæterum … umquam … in quam civitatem …)
Page 16, ll. 2–4: Verum … erunt—'In truth, these and all other evils will cease as soon as the worship of money ceases; when neither magisterial offices nor any of the other things desired by the mob shall be for sale.' Sallust, Ad Caesarem senem de re publica oratio, viii. 3 (Loeb).
Page 16, ll. 4–5: Rubor est virtutis color—'Redness is virtue's colour'; Diogenes Laertius, vi. 54, attributes it to Diogenes, founder of the Cynics (c.400–c.325 bc): 'One day he detected a youth blushing. "Courage," quoth he, "that is the hue of virtue"' (Loeb). Bacon paraphrases De vita et moribus philosophorum libri x, Antwerp, 1566, P6r: 'videns adolescentulum rubore perfusum, Confide, ait, fili: huiusmodi est virtutis color'.
l. 6: Paupertas est virtutis fortuna—'Poverty is virtue's fortune.'
l. 8: Qui festinat … insons—'He that maketh haste to be riche, shall not be innocent.' Paraphrase of Prov. 28: 20 (Vulgate, 'qui autem festinat ditari non erit innocens'); entered in PFE (OFB, I), fo. 83r.
ll. 8–9: Buy … knowledge—Prov. 23: 23 ('… likewise wisedome, and pg 216instruction, and understanding'); PFE (OFB, I), fo. 88r, has 'Veritatem Eme Et noli vendere'.
Page 16, ll. 20–1: Eo ipso … visebantur—'They shone forth in this very respect, that they were not seen.' Paraphrase of Tacitus, Ann. iii. 76 ('Sed praefulgebant Cassius atque Brutus eo ipso quod effigies eorum non visebantur'). Junia was the wife of Gaius Cassius; and sister of Marcus Brutus, the men responsible for Julius Caesar's assassination. Insignia of relatives were usually displayed at funerals.
l. 32: Rabynes—Wright nominates a particular rabbinical scholar, Isaac Abravenel (1437–1508); cf. Ess, 2K1r (OFB, XV, p. 131).
ll. 32–3: Your young men … dreames—Joel 2: 28 (clauses reversed).
l. 36: scorned vpon Theaters—e.g. Montaigne's comment on il dottore of Italian comedies (ii. 24; trans. Florio, 1603, F5v), and Shakespeare's Holofernes ('the Pedant') in Love's labour's Lost (1594–5; 1597), esp. IV. ii.
l. 36: Ape of Tyrannie—imitation of a tyrant.
Page 17: ll. 4–5: in some sort reuiued of late times, by the Colledges of the Iesuites—at the time of Bacon's comment there were more than 250 Jesuit institutions (mostly secondary level) including one for English youth at StOmer, France (1592). The Jesuit programme emphasized classical texts and Latin eloquence. Ratio atque institutio studierum societatis Jesu (Rome, 1599) speaks directly to Bacon's concerns regarding 'modern loosenes or negligence' D2v (p. 16, l. 37), for it delineates every aspect of teaching, including curriculum goals for each grade, lesson plans, techniques for class exercises and disputations, even directives for proctoring and grading examinations, the whole monitored by a Prefect of Studies. Jesuit schools stimulated intellectual and spiritual growth by 'honesta æmulatio' ('honest rivalry', Rule 31) employing recitations, verse-writing competitions, intra-class disputations and dramatic performances, as well as accelerated promotions and academic prizes. Bacon's praise (even with his sneer at their creed (ll. 5–6) is striking in the climate of the Gunpowder Plot (5 November 1605) in which the provincial of the Jesuits' English mission, Henry Garnett, had been implicated (executed, March 1606). Chamberlain, Letters, I, p. 214, notes that AL is in print on 7 November. Bacon goes on to comment upon Jesuit erudition on H4r (p. 37, ll. 18–20). One prominent Jesuit, Robert Bellarmine (1542–1621), would engage King James and his advisers in learned controversy in 1608–9. See Introduction, p. xliv above.
l. 6: Quo … deteriores—'The better they are, the worse.' Cf. Diogenes Laertius, vi. 46: 'Plaudenti lascivius in balneo adolescenti, quanto, inquit, melius: tanto deterius' ('… to the youth dancing wantonly in the baths, he said, so much the better, the worse'), Antwerp, 1566, P4v; Apo, V2r (SEH, VII, p. 163).
l. 8: Talis … esses—'You are so good that I wish you were on our side.' Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Aegisilaus', 3G3r. Agesilaus, Spartan king and general (444–360 BC), met the Persian satrap, Pharnabazus (c.413–370 bc) in 395 bc.
l. 14: Abeunt studia in mores—'Studies become manners.' Ovid, Her. xv. 83; recorded PFE (OFB, I), fo. 106r: 'Sin abeunt studia in mores'; developed in Ess, 2P3v (OFB, XV, pp. 153–4, ll. 37–51).
l. 18: not inherent to them as they are learned—i.e. incidental.
Page 17, l. 25: Solon—Athenian poet and statesman (fl. 560 bc). Bacon ranks him among distinguished 'Legis-latores, Lawgivers; which are also called, Second Founders, or Perpetui Principes, because they Governe by their Ordinances, after they are gone'. Ess, 2S1v (OFB, XV, p. 164, ll. 33–6). Solon revised the constitution to broaden participation and devised a humane law code. Bacon cites him as precedent for a comprehensive reform of English law in 1616 (LL, VII, p. 360).
ll. 26–7: Yea of such, as they would receiue—Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Solon', I3r; Apo, I4v–I5r (SEH, VII, p. 139). Cf. PA, R1r (SEH, II, p. 690).
ll. 29–30: That … contestations—some editors credit Cicero's paraphrase in Epist. ad Fam. I. ix. 18; the full context in Crito, 51b–c, makes clear Bacon drew upon Plato directly.
ll. 31–2: Non … sunt—'Not to restore things to their original institutions which have been held in contempt for a long time because of the corruption of manners.'?Sallust, Epist. ad Caesarem, i. 5, in De republica ordinanda.
ll. 33–5: Cato optimè … Romuli—'Cato intends the best, but sometimes harms the state; for he speaks as if it were Plato's republic and not the dregs of Romulus.' Paraphrase of Cicero, Epist. ad Att. ii. 1.
Page 17, l. 37–p. 18, l. 1: Isti … consisteremus—'That the teachers and instructors of virtue seem to have set the limits of duty a bit higher than nature might bear so that when we had struggled to the ultimate in spirit, we might end up nevertheless where it is fitting.' Cicero, Pro Murena, xxxi. 65 (Loeb).
Page 18, ll. 1–2: Monitis sum minor ipse meis—'I fall short of my own counsels'. Ovid, Ars amat. ii. 548.
Page 18, ll. 6–9: If … follow—Demosthenes, De Chersonese, 71 (Wright); Opera, trans. H. Wolf (Frankfurt, 1604), G6v.
l. 10: Quinquennium Neronis—'the [first] five years of Nero', ad 54–9; he reigned for thirteen. See cmt on C1v (p. 11, ll. 17–18, above). Wright cites Aurelius Victor, Epitome de Caesaribus, v. 2. The phrase appears therein (De vita et moribus imperatorum Romanorum, Antwerp, 1579, A7r), but not Seneca's role. Cf. James I, Basilikon doron, London, 1603, D7r: 'be ye contrare at your first entrie to your Kingdome, to that Quinquennium Neronis, … in giuing the lawe full execution'.
l. 20: Ecce tibi lucrifeci—'Behold, I have gained for you', Matt. 25:20 (parable of the talents) ('ecce alia quinque superlucratus sum', Vulgate).
l. 20: Ecce mihi lucrifeci—'Behold I have gained for myself.'
Page 18, ll. 21–7: meere Politiques, … owne fortune—cf. Ess, S4r–T1v (OFB, XV, pp. 73–5).
Page 18, l. 29: stand— i.e. 'stand firm' (Wright).
Page 19, l. 5: Satis … Theatrum sumus—'We are a sufficiently large theatre for one another.' Seneca, Epist. vii. 11; Epicurus is characterizing his friendship with Seneca. Cf. Ess, H2r (OFB, XV, p. 32, ll. 20–2): 'As if Man, made for the contemplation of Heaven, and all Noble Objects, should doe nothing, but kneele before a little Idoll, and make himselfe subject, though not of the Mouth (as Beasts are) yet of the Eye; which was given him for Higher Purposes'.
Page 19, ll. 12–15: speculatiue into another man, … winde him, or gouerne him—for practical instructions in such matters, see Ess, R4r–S3v, 'Of Cunning' (OFB, XV, pp. 69–73), Ess, 2O4v–2P2r, 'Of Sutours' (OFB, XV, pp. 150–2), and, especially, 'Of Negociating', Ess, 2O1v (OFB, XV, p. 147, ll. 38–46): 'All Practise, is to Discover, or to Worke. … If you would Worke any Man, you must either know his Nature, and Fashions, and so Lead him; Or his Ends, and so Perswade him; Or his Weaknesse, and Disadvantages, and so Awe him; or those that have Interest in him, and so Governe him'.
l. 17: the Leuant—i.e. the countries of the east, the eastern part of the Mediterranean with the islands and countries adjoining ('where the sun rises', Fr. lever) OED; cf. below, 2P3r (p. 120, l. 8), 'High Leuant', 'far east'.
Page 19, ll. 18–19: subiects doe forbeare to gaze or fixe their eyes vpon Princes— earlier editors cite an analogue in Herodotus, Hist. i. 99; an African instance appears in Hakluyt, Principall navigations (1589), H1v, detailing a visit in 1553 by the London Merchant Adventurers to the court of the king of Benin: 'when his noble men are in his presence, they never looke him in the face, but sit cowring, as we vpon our knees, so they vpon their buttockes, with their elbowes vpon their knees, and their hands before their faces, not looking vp vntill the king commaund them. And when they are comming to ward the king, as far as they doe see him, doe they shew such reuerence, … Likewise when they depart from him, they turne not their backs toward him, but goe creeping backward with like reuerence.'
Page 19, l. 20: bent—Wright glosses from context as 'crooked, sinister'.
ll. 21–2: scripture hath declared to be inscrutable—Prov. 25: 3; see A2v (p. 3 above); cf. Ess, Q4v–R1r (OFB, XV, p. 66, ll. 101–5): 'Counsellours should not be too Speculative, into their Soveraignes Person. The true Composition of a pg 219Counsellour, is rather to be skilfull in their Masters Businesse, then in his Nature; For then he is like to Advise him, and not to Feede his Humour'.
Page 19, l. 33: He … state—Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Themistocles', L4v. Themistocles (c.528–c.462 bc), Athenian statesman and naval commander, defeated the Persian Xerxes in 480 bc.
l. 37: compared to the Gally-pots of Apothecaries—Spedding (in Wright) suggests Bacon recalls Rabelais's prologue in Gargantua (Paris, 1532) in which Alcibiades (Symposium, 215e), likens Socrates to Sileni, medicine boxes painted with fantastic creatures. See also Erasmus, Sileni Alcibiadis (1517). In 'Of Deformity', Ess, 2K4v (OFB, XV, p. 134, ll. 39–42), Socrates; is among those disabled who 'sometimes' 'prove Excellent Persons'. Bacon draws again upon the prologue below, 2E3v, and cmt thereon (OFB, XV, p. 92, ll. 12–15).
Page 20, l. 8: Trencher Philosophers—a 'trencher' was a wooden platter or dish; a trencher philosopher, thus, is one who philosophizes for his supper. Cf. 'Trencher friends' (Greene, Never too late, 1590) and 'trencher-knight' (Shakespeare's Love's Labour's Lost (1594–5; 1597), V. ii. 464).
Page 20, ll. 10–14: Lucian … Cynike—Lucian, De mercede conductis, 33, 34. The anecdote turns on the nickname earned by Diogenes (c.400–c.325 bc) and his followers: 'Cynici: were a sect of Philosophers, which signifyeth doggish, for the similitude of their conditions. For they barked at all men, and occupied women openlie, and liued without anye prouision.' Cooper, Thesaurus (1584).
Page 20, ll. 16–17: (as Du Bartas saith,) Hecuba … Lucretia—Hecuba, aged wife of Priam and mother of Hector, in the hands of contemporary court poets becomes the youthful beauty, Helena, whose abduction sparked the Trojan war; Faustina, the dissolute wife of Marcus Aurelius (see I4v (p. 42, ll. 17–18 and cmt thereon)), becomes the chaste Lucretia whose rape and suicide drove the Tarquins from Rome. Guillaume de Saluste Du Bartas (1544–90), Huguenot poet. His unfinished epic, La semaine, ou creation du monde (1578) and La seconde semaine (1584), was translated into English verse by Joshua Sylvester as Bartas: His deuine weekes and workes (1605); entered in Stationers' Register, 22 November 1604. Du Bartas labels this passage: 'A iust reproof of wanton & lasciuious Poets of our Time':
- Those learned Spirits, whose wits applied wrong,
- With wanton Charmes of their inchanting song,
- Make of an old, foule, frantike Hecuba,
- A wondrous fresh, faire, wittie Helena:
- Of lewd Faustina, that loose Emperesse,
- A chaste Lucretia, loathing wantonnesse:
- (1605), D8r, lines 1–6 (I. ii. 1–6) (Wright).
pg 220The poem has important associations with Bacon's family and King James. Du Bartas celebrated Sir Nicholas Bacon for eloquence and political acumen (along with Queen Elizabeth, Sir Thomas More, and Sir Philip Sidney) in La seconde semaine (Paris, 1584), 'Babylone', II. 619–22. He visited the king (then James VI of Scotland) in Edinburgh. His majesties poeticall exercises at vacant houres, Edinburgh, 1591) included both the king's translation of a section of the epic (Second week, 'The Furies', A2r–G2r) and the poet's French translation of James's poem, 'The Lepanto', M1r–P1v. As a young man in the retinue of Elizabeth's ambassador, Sir Amias Paulet, Bacon may have met Du Bartas at Poiters in 1577 along with other courtiers of Henri, king of Navarre (Julian Martin, Francis Bacon, the state, and the reform of natural philosophy, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1992, p. 189 n. 15). The translator (Sylvester) acknowledges Anthony Bacon in two sonnets added to the numerous dedicatory poems of the original. See The divine weeks (trans. J. Sylvester), ed. Susan Snyder, 2 vols. Oxford, 1979, I, pp. 15–16, 439; II, pp. 903–04, 909–10.
ll. 23–4: to some such as the argument of the Booke was fit and proper for— Bacon's invariable practice. The strategic nature of his dedications is evident in CS, where he plots the fortunes of an early draff of NO: 'qu. to begynne first in france to print it; yf hear then with dedication of aduantage to the woork', CS, fo. 14v (LL, IV, p. 64). The present treatise, as he makes clear on A2r–A4v (pp. 3–5, ll. 16 ff.), is calibrated to the interests of its dedicatee, King James. See Introduction, pp. xxxviii–xl above. Similarly, he defends his choice of the poet George Herbert for The Translation of certaine psalmes into English verse;, A3r–v (SEH, VII, p. 275): 'it being my manner for Dedications, to choose those that I hold most fit for the Argument, I thought, that in respect of Diuinitie, and Poesy, met, (whereof the one is the Matter, the other the Stile of this little Writing,) I could not make better choice'.
l. 27: Diogenes—i.e. Aristippus (c.435–c.360 bc), a philosopher of hedonism; Diogenes Laertius, ii. 8. 69, Antwerp, 1566, F3v; Apo, N2v (SEH, VII, p. 147).
l. 32: Dionisius—Dionysius II, ruler of Syracuse 367–345 BC, composed verse and philosophical treatises, welcoming to his court such thinkers as Plato, Xenocrates, and Aristippus. The anecdote comes from another chapter in the life of Aristippus (ii. 8. 79; Antwerp, 1566, F5r–v, evidence that Bacon is composing with Diogenes Laertius before him. Cf. his similar gleaning of adjacent sections of Plutarch on C2v and cmt thereon (p. 213). Retold in Apo, I1r–v (SEH, VII, p. 138).
Page 21, l. 2: him—the rhetorician and writer, Favorinus.
l. 3: Adrianus Cæsar—Publius Aelius Hadrianus (i.e. Hadrian), Roman emperor ad 117–38. (c. ad 80–150); see Aelius Spartianus, 'Hadrianus', xv, Scriptores Historae Augustae (Wats); Apo, N1v–N2v (SEH, VII, p. 147).
l. 15: retaineth the state—i.e. 'upholds' it.
Page 21, ll. 31–6: Martin Luther … enforced to awake all Antiquitie—Bacon takes considerable rhetorical licence in crediting Luther's quarrel with Rome for the achievements of Renaissance humanism; by the second decade of the sixteenth century, the major texts of antiquity were well out of the library and into printed editions, and subject to critical study. Recent scholarship corroborates Luther's keen interest in 'ancient Authors, both in Diuinitie, and in Humanitie' (ll. 37–8), however. At Erfurt (where he took his arts degree) Luther (1483–1546) encountered a humanist faculty enthusiastic about the ancient languages and beginning to confront the dialectical approach of their scholastic colleagues with the evidence of biblical and patristic texts. As a member of the faculty of the university at Wittenberg, he joined with Philip Melanchthon (1497–1560), inaugural professor of Greek, to reform the curriculum: purging scholastic commentaries, trimming Aristotelian studies, endorsing the study of Greek and Latin writers, and creating new chairs in Greek and Hebrew. See Steven Ozment, 'Humanism, scholasticism, and the intellectual origins of the reformation', in Continuity and discontinuity in church history: essays presented to George Huntston Williams, ed. F. Church and T. George, Brill: Leiden, 1979, pp. 133–49. Under Melanchthon's pedagogical direction a curriculum stressing classical languages and rhetoric was developed for public schools which went on to prevail in Protestant countries. (See cmts on Sturm and Ascham, below.)
Page 22, l. 8: the Schoole-men—from the 'Schools' or university lecture-halls in which they taught. Philosophers and theologians of the 9th–14th centuries, their writings exploited logical distinctions, syllogistic reasoning, and authority (especially Aristotle's). Among the leading figures were Petrus Lombardus (c.1095–1160), Albertus Magnus (c.1200–80), Thomas Aquinas (c.1225–74), Duns Scotus (c.1265–c.1308), and William of Ockham (d. ?1349). As did most of his contemporaries, Bacon views them genetically rather than as individual thinkers. He ridicules their 'degenerate learning', E4v–F1r (p. 24, ll. 2–18), reliance on disputation, F1r–v (p. 24, l. 24–p. 25, l. 22), and narrow reading, F2r (p. 25, ll. 23–33). He also provides, 2A4v (p. 59, l. 11 ff.), extended criticism of academic customs and exercises 'aunciently begunne'.
l.: 10: new tearms of Art—seeking precision for key terms of their dialectic, scholastic writers created such words as 'hæccitas', 'thisness'; 'quidditas', 'whatness'; and 'formaliter', 'formally, i.e. present according to the intrinsic form' (Armstrong). Bacon here seconds humanist objections to technical Neo-Latin. Bacon himself used technical and non-technical Neo-Latin words.
l. 14: Execrabilis … legem—'That accursed mob which knows not the law.' John 7: 49 (Vulgate).
ll. 17–18: these foure causes concurring—this nexus of causes is Bacon's own.
ll. 20–1: an affectionate studie of eloquence, and copie of speech—Bacon responds to what he sees as a distorting concern with style over substance, not to eloquence itself. An adroit rhetorician in his own right, he notes: 'it is Eloquence, that preuayleth in an actiue life' 2R2r (p. 127, l. 25). 'Copie' (copia, 'abundance or fullness'), derives from Erasmus, De duplici copia rerum ac verborum commentarii duo (Paris, 1512; final version, Basle, 1534), a textbook developed in part for John Colet's St Paul's School in London (founded 1510). Between 1512 and 1600 more than 160 editions were published for use in the schools and universities of northern Europe. Sparked by Quintilian (De instit. orat. X. i. 5), Erasmus insisted upon techniques for stimulating richness of both expression ('copia verborum', book I) and subject matter ('copia rerum', book II). It was book I, however, with its techniques for varying diction, its extensive examples (principally from Cicero), its virtuoso variation of two sentences (141 and 200 times, respectively in ch. xxxiii), that attracted notice. The Melanchthon-Veltkirchius version (1534), standard in English grammar schools, for example, emphasized book I; such works as Georgius Major's tabular version (1526) and the frequently reprinted derivative handbooks by Mosellanus (1529) and Susenbrotus (1541) encouraged the preoccupation with style and expression Bacon attacks. See Erasmus's retort to Italian Ciceromania on E3v (p. 22, ll. 34–6). Sidney anticipates Bacon when he disparages false eloquence 'apparelled, or rather disguised, in a courtesan-like painted affectation', mocking unimaginative writers who must keep 'Nizolian paper-books of their figures and phrases …' (after Marius Nizolius, Thesaurus Ciceronianus, 1535) 'for now they cast sugar and spice upon every dish that is served to the table', Defence of poetry, p. 117.
l: 22: men began to hunt more after wordes, than matter—the controversy over res and verba goes back at least to Quintilian's ideal (De instit. orat. VIII. proem. 20–1): 'Nam plurumque optima rebus cohaeret et cernuntur suo lumine', 'as a rule, the best words are essentially suggested by the subject matter and discovered by their own light'; Gertrude is joining this issue when she rebukes Polonius, 'More matter with less art', in Hamlet (1600–1), II. ii. 95. A. C. Howell, 'Res et verba: words and things', ELH, 13 (1946), 131–42, examines the changing debate down to Bishop Sprat's call for a scientific language of a 'primitive purity, and shortness, when men deliver'd so many things, almost in an equal number of words', in The history of the Royal-Society of London, for the improving of natural knowledge (1667), p. 113. Finally, Swift; gleefully sends up this notion in Gulliver's travels, book III (1726) when he has the Laputans dispense with words altogether and carry on conversation out of sacks of things. Brian Vickers reexamines the issue in 'The Royal Society and English prose style: a reassessment', in Rhetoric and the pursuit of truth (Los Angeles, 1985). In Tr, p. 80 (OFB, I) Bacon includes 'seekeinge thinges in wordes' in a list of intellectual lapses that have 'forbidden the happie match betweene the minde of man, and the nature of thinges'.
l. 23: choisenesse of the Phrase—'selectness; special fitness of the words'.pg 223OED credits Jonson's Discoveries (c.1623–35) with the coinage, but he is, in fact, quoting this passage (see his Works, viii. 628).
l. 24: sweet falling of the clauses—syntactical parallelism achieved by exploiting the Latin word endings (Vickers).
Page 22, ll. 27–8: the flowing, and watrie vaine of Osorius—Jerónimo Osorio da Fonseca (1506–80), bishop of Silves, 'the Portuguese Cicero'. His works include De nobilitate civili and De nobilitate Christiana (1542; translated by W. Blandie as The fiue bookes of ciuill and christian nobilitie, 1576), De gloria (1552), De regis institutione et disciplina (1571), and De rebus Emmanuelis regis Lusitaniae (1571); Opera, 1592. His library, looted in the aftermath of the Cadiz raid (1596), had been presented to the Bodleian Library by the Earl of Essex, Bacon's sometime patron (R. C. Bald, John Donne: a life, Clarendon Press: Oxford, 1970, p. 85). In 1555 the humanist Roger Ascham (see cmt on l. 31 (p. 224 below)), thought so highly of the bishop's wisdom and Ciceronian style that he presented copies of his treatises to influential members of the English court (Lawrence V. Ryan, Roger Ascham, Stanford University Press: Stanford, 1963, p. 208). By the time of The scholemaster (1570), perhaps irked by recently exacerbated religious and political differences with his former correspondent, Ascham rounds on him, ridiculing the same feature Bacon criticizes, the 'fulness' of his Latin, urging him 'not to write any thing of his owne for a while, but to translate Demosthenes, with so straite, fast, & temperate a style in latine, as he is in Greeke' (N3v–N4r). A few years later the civil lawyer William Lewin, also takes exception to his rotund style in a letter prefacing Gabriel Harvey's Ciceronianus (London, 1577), using language very similar to Bacon's: 'illius paulo magis, quam par fuit, redundans et circumfluens oratio', 'speech a little more copious and overflowing than was proper' (J. W. Binns, Intellectual culture in Elizabethan and Jacobean England the latin writings of the age, Francis Cairns Publications: Leeds, 1990, p. 275).
ll. 28–30: Sturmius … infinite, and curious paines vpon Cicero the Orator, and Hermogenes the Rhetorician—a disciple of Melanchthon, Johannes Sturm (1507–89) developed a comprehensive curriculum for his school at Strassburg to inculcate knowledge and eloquence through study of classical literature, especially Cicero. To that end he wrote De litterarum ludis recte aperiendis (1538) and a widely used school-text of Cicero's orations, In partitiones oratorias Ciceronis (1539). Among his editions of Cicero's oratorical works were De inventione, the apocryphal Rhetorica ad C. Herennium (1540), Orationes (1544), and Epistulae (1577). He edited the second-century AD rhetorician Hermogenes of Tarsus twice: a Greek text only (1555–8), and a Greek-Latin edition with commentary, Hermogenis ars rhetorica … latinate donati et scholis explicati atque illustrati (1570–1). Bacon pronounces Hermogenes 'exceeding Subtill' in Ess, 2K1v (OFB, XV, p. 131, ll. 57–8).
ll. 30–1: owne Bookes of Periods, and imitation—Sturm's treatise on pg 224sentence structures, De periodis (1550), was dedicated to Ascham's prize student, Princess Elizabeth. Ascham cites Sturm's views on imitation from De amissa dicendi ratione (1538) and De nobilitata liberata (1549), noting their profound influence upon book II's 'teachyng the ready way to the Latin tong': 'Sturmius onelie hath most learnedlie declared, who is to be followed, what is to be followed, and the best point of all, by what way & order, trew Imitation is rightlie to be exercised', The scholemaster, P2r. See also Sturm's De imitatione oratoria (1574).
ll. 31–2: Car of Cambridge, and Ascham … almost deifie Cicero and Demosthenes—Nicholas Car (1524–68) was original fellow of Bacon's Trinity College. He succeeded Sir John Cheke as Regius professor of Greek at Cambridge (1547), lecturing on Demosthenes, Plato, and Sophocles. His lecture De scriptorum Britannicorum paucitate, et studiorum impedimentis (1576) and his edition and Latin translation of Demosthenes' orations (1571) were published post-humously. Bacon quotes a Latin Demosthenes on 2S4r (p. 134), but it is not Car's. Roger Ascham (1515–68), fellow of St John's College Cambridge, was Latin Secretary to Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth. He recommends both Demosthenes and Cicero as models and describes a routine of 'double translation' in which the student assimilates a style by recreating, translating, and measuring it against the original. Though he evaluates other writers (including Caesar, Varro, and Sallust), his loyalities are clear: 'Tullie, whom, aboue all other, I like and loue best' (S2v). His praise of the Epistulae reflects the sort of adulation Bacon reacts against here: 'But where Tullie doth set up his saile of eloquence, in some broad deep Argument, caried with full tyde and winde, of his witte and learnyng, all other may rather stand and looke after him, than hope to ouertake him, what course so euer he hold, either in faire or foule' (S3r). For contrasting views of Bacon's analysis, see Binns, Intellectual Culture in Elizabethan and Jacobean England, pp. 270–90, and Alvin Vos, '"Good Matter and Good Utterance": the character of English Ciceronianism', SEL, 19 (1979), 3–18, as well as Judith Rice Henderson's important vindication, '"Vain Affections": Bacon on Ciceronianism in The Advancement of Earning', ELR, 25 (1995), 209–34.
l. 34: Erasmus—Desiderius Erasmus (?1466–1536), Dutch scholar and humanist educator, 'the honor of learning of all oure time' as Ascham, The scholemaster, G3r, puts it. His vast output included editions of Greek and Latin classics, the Church Fathers (Jerome and Athanasius), a Greek New Testament and a new Latin translation of the New Testament, as well as myriad original works, including Adagia (1500, many revisions), humanistic commentary upon his extensive collection of Latin and Greek proverbs (frequently mined by Bacon), Moriae encomium (1509), sardonic praise of all sorts of folly, and Colloquia (1519), lively dialogues written to inculcate humanistic attitudes and Latin faculty.
l. 35: Decem … Cicerone—'I have spent ten years reading Cicero'. Paraphrase of Erasmus, 'Echo', Colloquiorum familiarum opus (1519; Basle, 1559), 'Decem jam annos aetatem trivi in Cicerone' (Markby). Bacon distorts chronology to cap his pg 225account of a recent decline of prose with Erasmus's put-down of a fanatical Ciceronian. The target (for both Bacon and Erasmus) is slavish imitation, not Cicero or imitation. Himself an editor of Cicero (De officiis, Tusculanae quaestiones), Erasmus excoriated 'Ciceronian apes' (French and Italian species) in Ciceronianus sive de optimo genere dicendi (1528).
l. 36: One—Armstrong points out that this lemma (ὄνε Greek for 'ass') mocks by echoing the final three letters of 'Cicerone': both the Greek word and Latin ending being pronounced 'Onay'.
l. 36: Asine—'you ass'. Vickers, Francis Bacon and renaissance prose, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1968, pp. 111–12, suggests that Bacon's symmetries and repetitions ('Then grew … then did … then did', etc. (ll. 27–36)) underscore the unthinking, mechanical nature of such imitatio. The editor of the standard edition of De copia, while lamenting Bacon's use of the Erasmian concept to score polemical points, declares Bacon 'wrote the epitaph of copia' with this paragraph. Collected works of Erasmus, vol. XXIII, University of Toronto Press: Toronto, 1978, p. xlii.
Page 22, l. 36–p. 23, l. 1: learning of the Schoole-men … despised as barbarous—Ascham, The scholemaster, Q4r, condemns 'all the barbarous nation of scholemen'. Cf. also Erasmus, Antibarbari (1520).
Page 23, l. 5: Secundum maius & minus— 'to a greater or lesser degree'.
l. 10: Pigmalions frenzie—he fell in love with his ivory carving; Venus gave it life and she bore a daughter. Ovid, Met. x. 243–97.
Page 23, l. 11: wordes are but the Images of matter—see detailed examination of language below, 2P3r–2P4r and cmt thereon (pp. 313–16 below).
l. 12: all one—the same.
l. 27: Nil sacri es—'You are no divinity'; recorded in PFE (OFB, I), fo. 98r: 'Nil sacrj es (Hercules to adonis'; Erasmus includes 'Sacra nihil sunt' in Adagia, III. v. 93 (1559 edn., D8r).
l. 28: Hercules followers—i.e. in the spirit of his twelve heroic labours; see symbolic use of the Pillars of Hercules on 2A1v and cmt thereon (pp. 249–50 below).
Page 23, ll. 32–3: as substance of matter is better than beautie of words—pace Ascham, The scholemaster, O2v: 'Ye know not, what hurt ye do to learning, that care not for wordes, but for matter, and so make a deuorse betwixt the tong and heart'.
Page 23, l. 37–p. 24, l. 1: Deuita … scientiæ—'Avoid profane novelties of terms and oppositions of science falsely so called.' 1 Tim. 6: 20 (Vulgate, 'divitas').
Page 24, ll. 2–3: noueltie and strangenesse of tearmes—cf. Ess, C4r–v (OFB, XV, pg 226p. 14, ll. 97–100): 'Men create Oppositions, which are not; And put them into new termes, so fixed, as whereas the Meaning ought to governe the Terme, the Terme in effect governeth the Meaning'.
Page 24, ll. 20–21: worke vpon it selfe, as the Spider worketh his webbe— recorded in PFE (OFB, I), fo. 100r: 'Ex se finxit velut araneus'; Erasmus, Adagia, IV. iv. 43 (1559 edn., K7r). Cf. Tr, pp. 34–5 (OFB, I) speaking of the schoolmen's fondness for disputation: 'But all this is but a web of the wit, it can work nothing'.
ll. 21–2: Copwebs of learning—John Boys, An exposition of the dominical epistles and gospels used in our English liturgie, cites the phrase in 1610 to link Bacon with Donne's attack on scholastic pedantry in Pseudo-martyr (1609): 'I wil not meddle with the [marginal note: 'Aduancement of learning lib. I. pag. 20'] cobwebs of learning in the schoole, which haue more wit then art, yet more art then vse; nor with the distorted and idle glosses of the Canonists; he that list may burthen his memorie with a shipfull of their fooleries, accuratly collected by the penner of Pseudomartyr, cap. 10' (I3v); see R. C. Bald, John Donne: a life, Clarendon Press: Oxford, 1970, p. 226. Jonson, Discoveries (c.1623–35), Works, viii. 627, deems this discussion of distempers 'well noted by the late L. St. Alban': 'All these are the Cobwebs of Learning, and to let them grow in us, is either sluttish or foolish. Nothing is more ridiculous, then to make an Author a Dictator, as the schooles have done Aristotle.'
ll. 31–2: the strength of the old mans faggot—Aesop, Fab. 52; cf. 'Vis unita fortior'; CGE, F6r–v (SEH, VII, pp. 83–4); Tilley, U11, 'In union is strength'. In PAL, 2N2v (LL, VI, p. 66): 'Edgar, the Saxon King, collected the Lawes of this Kingdome, and gaue them the Strength, of a Faggot bound, which formerly were dispersed'. The Tragedie of Gorboduc (1562) opens with a dumb show of wild men whose bundle of sticks portends the dangers of the division of a kingdom.
ll. 37–8: Verborum minutijs rerum frangit pondera—'He broke up weighty matters with trifles of words.' Paraphrase of Quintilian, De instit. orat. X. i. 130: 'si rerum pondera minutissimis sententiis non fregisset, consensu potius eruditorum quam puerorum amore comprobaretur', 'if he [Seneca] had not broken weighty matters into most minute sentences, he would have been approved rather by the consensus of the learned than the affection of boys'. Cf. Ess, V2r–v (OFB, XV, p. 79, ll. 29–35).
Page 24, l. 38–p. 25, l. 1: Quæstionum minutijs Scientiarum frangunt soliditatem—'They broke up the solidity of the sciences with trifling questions' (untraced). In Ascham, The scholemaster, Q3v, the Schoolmen are characterized as 'all the rable of barbarous questionistes'.
Page 25, ll. 9–12: fiction of Scylla … monstris—Virgil, Eclog. vi. 75, 'candida succinctam latrantibus inguina monstris', 'with howling monsters girt about her pg 227white waist' (Circe's revenge); see VT, p. 49 (SEH, III, pp. 232–3); cf. Error in Spenser's The Faerie Queene (1590), I. i. xiv–xv.
l. 21: Dionysius of Siracusa—Dionysius II, ruler of Syracuse, 367–345 bc.
ll. 21–2: Verba … otiosorum—'Such are the words of idle old men', retorting to Plato; Diogenes Laertius, 'Plato', iii. 18. In NO, I4r (SEH, I, p. 181), Bacon applies the comment to 'professorial' philosophers (citing Plato, Aristotle, Zeno, Epicurus, Theophrastus, Chrysippus, Carneades, and the Sophists), who debased the search for truth to disputation, 'professoria, & in disputationes effusa: quod genus inquisitioni veritatis aduersissimum est.'
Page 25, l. 27 : great vndertakers indeed—OED (3) cites lemma as earliest instance of 'undertaker' meaning 'one who engages in the serious study of a subject or science', but the context has the negative connotation of individuals more interested in process than substance; 'charlatans'. Cf. Samuel Daniel's earlier use of the phrase in A defence of ryme (1603), H3r: 'May wee not, … suspect these great vndertakers, lest they haue conspired with enuy to betray our proceedings'.
ll. 27–8: fierce with darke keeping—as animals and madman so restrained were supposed to become; cf. the torment of Malvolio in Shakespeare's Twelfth Night (1601–2), IV. ii. 29–30. Bacon asserts cloistered study engenders strident arguers; cited in CDSH, fo. 223v (SEH, III, p. 187).
l. 32: vnequall mirrour of their owne minds—cf. 'rather like an inchanted glasse' on 2O3v (p. 116, l. 9).
Page 26, l. 7: direct beame, … reflected—light rays; Ellis compares St Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, i. q. 16. 1.
Page 26, l. 8: Percontatorem … est—'Flee the inquisitive man, for he is garrulous.' Horace, Epist. i. 18. 69.
ll. 12–13: Fingunt simul creduntque—'They invent, and at once believe.' Tacitus, Ann. v. 10.
ll. 19–20: reports and narrations of Miracles—cf. Ess, N1v (OFB, XV, p. 51, ll. 1–2): 'I had rather beleeve all the Fables in the Legend, and the Talmud, and the Alcoran, then that this universall Frame, is without a Minde.'
Page 26, l. 30: Plinius—Gaius Plinius Secundus, ad 23/4–79. His massive encyclopeadia, Naturalis historia, used over 2000 sources, many of them suspect. John Lyly (?1554–1606), court dramatist and proto-novelist, drew heavily upon its 'unnatural natural history' as did Bacon, cavils here notwithstanding, in SS. But cf. DG, OFB, VI, p. 104, ll. 1–5.
l. 30: Cardanus—Girolamo Cardano (1501–76). An Italian physician and mathematician, he composed De subtilitate rerum (1550) and De varietate rerum pg 228(1557). Bacon's charge of 'fabulous matter' (l. 31) probably refers to such accounts in the former work as that of the fantastic beasts in book ix ('De animalibus quæ ex putredine generantur'), although Bacon himself believed that animals could be bred from putrefaction, e.g. NO, 2K3v–2K4r (SEH, I, p. 311). He draws upon books i–ii (Lyons, 1580) for experiments on sympathy and antipathy in SS, 2L1v–2L2r (SEH, II, pp. 664–5).
l. 30: Albertus— Albertus Magnus (c. 1200–80), German Dominican scholastic philosopher ('the Universal Doctor') who helped to introduce Aristotle's scientific treatises and methods to Europe (Aquinas was his student). He developed his own scientific methodology from empirical observation; his botanical findings appear in De vegetabilibus et plantis.
l. 30: diuers of the Arabians—such interpreters of Aristotle as Avicenna (Ibn Sina, 980–1037) and Averroes (Ibn Rushd, 'the Commentator', 1126–98). In NO, K4r (SEH, I, p. 186), Bacon delimits three periods of scientific development (Greek, Roman, and his own age): 'Neque enim causa est, vt vel Arabum, vel Scholasticorum mentio fiat: qui per intermundia tempora Scientias potiùs contriuerunt numerosis tractatibus, quàm pondus earum auxerunt.'
l. 35: Historie of liuing creatures—the Historia animalium. Bacon uses 'historie' here in the same sense of 'systematic account' (OED, 5), as he does for his compilations of data in the 1620s: HV, HVM, and HDR.
Page 27, l. 1: all prodigious Narrations—the spurious De mirabilibus auscultationibus ('On crediting wonders') appeared in Renaissance editions of Aristotle, e.g. Opera, Basle, 1538, vol. 2, 2F4r–2G3v. See here, 2B4v–2C1r (pp. 63–4).
l. 12: Naturall Magicke, and Alcumy—for this section, see NO, M1r–v (SEH, I, pp. 192–3). Naturall Magicke was a Renaissance attempt (as was alchemy) to understand and control hidden causes of natural phenomena. Giovanni Battista della Porta's Magiae naturalis libri viginti (1558, revised 1589), a principal resource, contains a spirited defence of natural magic in I. ii (Frankfurt, 1597 edn., A2r). Bacon offers detailed discussion on 2H4r–2I1r (pp. 89–90) distinguishing 'degenerate' from 'the true' natural magic 'that great libertie and Latitude of operation, which dependeth vppon the knowledge of formes', 2I1r (p. 90, ll. 8–9). See Paolo Rossi, Francesco Bacone: dalla magia alla scienza (Bari, 1957; trans. Sacha Rabinovitch, University of Chicago Press: Chicago, 1968; rev. edn. Einaudi: Turin, 1974).
Page 27, l. 17: Alcumy pretendeth to make separation—critiqued on 2H4v–2I1r(pp. 89–90).
ll. 21–2: conceale by enigmaticall writings, … auricular traditions—satirized by Lyly in Gallathea (1585), II. iii, and, later, by Jonson in The Alchemist (1610); see, especially, the debate between Subtle and Surly over alchemy's arcane terms (III. ii. 182 ff.).
pg 229ll. 24–5: Husband man whereof Æsope makes the Fable—in Fab. 33; 'Agricola et filii ipsius', Æsopi Phrygis fabulae, graece et latine (Antwerp, 1567), B4v–B5r, the moral is given as 'laborem thesaurum esse hominibus', 'work is a treasury to men'; paraphrased in NO, M1v (SEH, I, p. 192).
ll. 29–30: search and stirre to make gold—i.e. transmute base metals into gold. Much taken with this possibility, Queen Elizabeth provided room in Somerset House in 1565 for the experiments of Cornelius de Lanney; when they proved unfruitful, he was persuaded to continue his search in the Tower. See also Burghley's correspondence with Edward Kelly twenty years later concerning the possibility of a gold 'powder' (Conyers Read, Lord Burghley and Queen Elizabeth, Knopf: New York, 1960, pp. 474–6). Contemporary controversy over Kelly's alchemical powers is recorded in Apo, T6r–T8v (SEH, VII, p. 162). In Tr, p. 35 (OFB, I) Bacon disparages overreaching alchemists who would build systems 'out of a few experiments of the furnace', hedging on the question of gold-making: they 'oft faileth to multiply gold'. Much later, in SS, M2v (SEH, II, pp. 448–9), he considers 'The worke it selfe I iudge to be possible; But the Meanes (hitherto propounded) to effect it, are in the Practise, full of Errour and Imposture; and in the Theory, full of vnsound Imaginations', recalling 'that we knew a Dutch-man [?Cornelis Drebbel], that had wrought himselfe into the beleefe of a great Person by vndertaking that he could make Gold … with a great Lampe', M3r (SEH, II, p. 449); Bacon rejects the 'Deuice of the Lampe' as 'folly', but includes two 'Experiment[s] Solitary touching the Making of Gold'. Also see NO, T1r–v (SEH, I, pp. 230–1). Stanton J. Linden examines Bacon's complex ambivalence towards transmutation in 'Francis Bacon and alchemy: the reformation of vulcan', JHI, 35 (1974), 547–60.
Page 28, l. 1: deuiser—Wright proposes 'device' (after SEH, III, p. 226, but VT, p. 37, agrees with lemma (deviser); VT reads 'sciences of Conceipte' for 'Sciences' (l. 2).
l. 3: Artillcrie, sayling, printing—a familiar triad of early modern achievements cited by Cardano, Bodin, Campanella, Le Roy, inter alios. In Tr, p. 36 (OFB, I), printing, artillery, 'the needle' ('what a change have these three made in the world and in these times') are serendipitous discoveries: 'stumbled vpon and lighted on by chaunce'. VT, p. 37, reads 'Printing, Artillery, Sayling', not 'Painting …' as given in SEH, III, p. 226.
ll. 15: Oportet discentem credere—'A person who is learning, should believe.' Aristotle, Soph. Elen. i. 2 (Wats); Opera, Basle, 1538, vol. 1, t4r: 'credere enim recipereque qui discere velit aliquid pleraque oportet'; PFE (OFB, I), fo. 89v, 'In Acadomijs discunt credere.
ll. 15–16: Oportet edoctum iudicare—'The learned person should discriminate.'
Page 28, ll. 20–1: time … Author of Authors … furder and furder to discouer pg 230truth—cf. Erasmus, Adagia, II. iv. 17 (1559 edn.) r7r: 'Tempus omnia reuelat'; Tilley, T333; cf. T336, 'Time tries all things'.
l. 30: deuowreth his children—Kronos ('time'), trying to evade the prophecy that his sons would vanquish him, ate his children; Juno forced him to vomit them up and the prophecy proved true.
ll. 34–5: State … in ea—'Stand in the old paths and see which is the right and good way and walk in it.' Jer. 6: 16 ('… vias, et videte, et interrogate de semitis antiquis quae sit via bona, … ', Vulgate). In CBP, B1r (LL, III, p. 105), Bacon applies it to 'custome and vsage' with similar qualification, 'a just ground I say it is of deliberation, but not of direction'. Cf. Ess, T3r (OFB, XV, p. 76, ll. 36–40). Charles Whitney, Francis Bacon and modernity, Yale University Press: New Haven, 1986, pp. 92–4, sees here a 'spectacular misquotation of Jeremiah' as Bacon seeks to reconcile tradition and innovation.
Page 29, l. 1: Antiquitas … Mundi—'Antiquity is the youth of the world.' Cf. 2 Esd. 14: 10 (Apocrypha), 'For the world hath lost his youth, and the times begin to wax old'.
ll. 2–3: Ordine retrogrado—'in reverse order'. Cf. NO, L3v (SEH, I, p. 190).
Page 29, l. 7: Lucian—i.e. Seneca as quoted by Lactantius (c. ad ?250–?317), 'the Christian Cicero', 'De falsa religione deorum', in Divinæ institutiones, i. 16 (Markby); Migne, PL (Paris, 1844), VI, cols. 202–3.
l. 10: the lawe Papia—Lex Papia Poppaea (ad 9) offered incentives for younger marriages, sharpened penalties against celibacy, and discouraged older men from marrying young girls, but failed to encourage the family as intended. See Tacitus, Ann. iii. 25.
l. 15: expedition of Alexander into Asia—in 334–323 bc.
ll. 17–18: Nil … contemnere—'It was nothing but scorning empty hazards.' Livy, ix. 17. 17. Cf. VT, p. 34 (SEH, III, p. 224); NO, N4v (SEH, I, p. 201–2), and TGB, fo. 27r (SEH, VII, p. 50).
ll. 18–19: the westerne Nauigation—which led to the discovery of America in 1492.
l. 20: Euclyde—Euclid (fl. c.300 bc); an English translation by Henry Billingsley, introduced by John Dee, The elements of geometrie of the most auncient philosopher Euclide of Megara (plane geometry, number theory, and solid geometry), appeared in 1570.
ll. 22–3. a kind of relation (as the Lawyers speak)—'A fiction of law by which two times or other things are identified, and for legal purposes, regarded as one and the same' (OED, 4c; lemma is the sole transferred instance).
Page 29, ll. 26–7: if a man should beginne the labour of a newe search—cf. Le Roy, Of the variety of things (trans. 1594), book XII: 'WHETHER IT BE TRVE, OR NO, that there can be nothing said, which hath not bin said before' (Z1r).
l. 32: time … Riuer—a favourite comparison of Bacon's: in Ess, 2Q4v (OFB, XV, p. 159, ll. 10–11), applied to fame; to governments in VT, p. 40 (SEH, III, p. 227); to the lamentable loss of pre-Socratic works in DPAO (OFB, VI, p. 206); see also FL, fo. 145v (SEH, III, p. 503); NO, I4v (SEH, I, pp. 181, 185).
Page 29, ll. 35–6: ouer-early and peremptorie reduction of knowledge into Arts and Methodes—i.e. exposition of a topic as though finished and complete; cf. detailed discussion of 'the METHODE OF TRADITION' on 2Q1v (p. 122, ll. 27 ff.).
Page 30, l. 8: Philosophia prima—'first philosophy'; Wats glosses as 'the Common and Generall Axioms of Sciences': principles common to all branches of philosophy; developed, 2E4v–2F2r (pp. 76, l. 26–78, l. 20).
Page 30, l. 12: ascend not to a higher Science—Bacon's paradigm for learning is pyramidal; see 2G4r (p. 85, ll. 4–12), and DO, B2r–C4r (SEH, I, pp. 134–45).
l. 20: owne little worlds—i.e. the microcosm of their minds vs. the external macrocosm ('the great and common world'); Markby cites Sextus Empiricus, Adversus logicos, i. 133; Vickers (after Wolff) suggests Bacon knew Sextus from a contemporary edition of pre-Socratic fragments, Poésis philosophiké (Paris, 1573). Page 30, ll. 21–4: they disdaine … deluded—VT, p. 16 (SEH, III, p. 224) reads: 'for as in the inquirie of divine truth, the pride of man hath ever enclyned to leaue the Oracles of gods worde and to vanishe in the mixture of their owne invencions; so in the self same manner, in inquisicion of nature they haue ever lefte the oracles of gods workes, & adored the deceyvinge and deformed imagery, which the vnequall mirrours of theire owne mindes haue represented vnto them'. ll. 27–8: some Sciences … most applyed—cf. NO, H1v (SEH, I, p. 173), 'Idola Theatri, siue Theoriarum', 'Idols of the theatre, or systems'.
ll. 30–1: the second Schoole of Plato—the Neoplatonists. Developed by Plotinus in the third century ad; adherents included Porphyry (233–c.304), Iamblichus (c.250–c.330), and Proclus (410–85). Emperor Justinian closed the Academy at Athens in AD 529. Under the stimulus of the Florentine Marsilio Ficino (1433–99), who produced annotated Latin editions of Plato, Plotinus, and others, as well as his own philosophical writings, Neoplatonism flourished in the Renaissance.
Page 30, l. 31: Proclus, … with the Mathematiques—assimilated the Pythagorean view that numerical relationships revealed the universe's order; PFE (OFB, I), fo. 101r, records 'Numeris platonis obscurius'. Cf. NO, N4r (SEH, I, p. 201); DAS, 2A2r (SEH, I, p. 577).
l. 32: a kinde of Primo geniture—i.e. their first-born having rights to the entire estate.
l. 33: made a Philosophie out of a few experiments of the Furnace—cf. TPM, pg 232V6v–V7r (SEH, III, p. 534): 'carbonarii isti ex pauculis distillationum experimentis Philosophiam condere aggressi sunt', 'those charcoal-burners out of a few experiments in distillation presumed to establish a philosophy'.
l. 34: Gilbertus—William Gilbert (1540–1603), fellow of St John's College Cambridge, physician to Queen Elizabeth and King James, president of the College of Physicians. De magnete (1600) was a substantial research study in six books, containing numerous experiments exploring the properties of magnetism. Bacon's sneer may be a specific reaction to the title of Gilbert's preface: 'AD LECTOREM CANDIDUM, ET MAGNETICÆ PHILOSOPHIÆ STUDIOSUM', 'To the honest and studious reader of magnetic philosophy' (*2). In 1608 Dudley Carleton reports the continuing resistance to his theories at Cambridge University: 'In the Monday exercise there were likewise many invectives, as the philosophers in the question an terra sit naturae magneticae, against Dr. Gilbert and all his sectaries, which they called Gilbertinos' (Dudley Carleton to John Chamberlain 1603–1624: Jacobean letters, ed. Maurice Lee, Jr., New Brunswick, 1972, p. 103). Gilbert's magnetic 'philosophy' remains a cautionary tale throughout Bacon's works: CV, fo. 256v (SEH, III, p. 603); NO, H3r (SEH, I, p. 175); HGL, S2r(SEH, II, p. 80); HNE, B2v (SEH, II, p. 13). If he condemns Gilbert's universalizing, however, Bacon often shows respect for his empirical work (e.g. NO, loc. cit.); his 'Catalogue of Bodies Attractive and Not Attractive', BIT (SEH, III, p. 824–6), draws upon Gilbert's chapter on electricity in De magnete. Bacon also responds to De magnete and to his Physiologia nova (apparently seen in manuscript) in DGI, E5v–E6r and cmt thereon (OFB, VI, pp. 391–2). Graham Rees, 'Francis Bacon on verticity and the bowels of the earth', Ambix, 26 (1979), 202–11, examines Bacon's modifications of one of Gilbert's key concepts in DFRM (SEH, III, p. 58); Peter Urbach provides useful re-evaluation of the entire Bacon-Gilbert nexus (Francis Bacon's Philosophy of Science, Open Court Press: La Salle, Ill., 1987, pp. 109–21).
l. 37: Hic ab arte sua non recessit, &c.—'This one did not swerve from his own art.' Cicero, Tusc. disput. I. x. 20 ('ab artificio suo') speaking of Aristoxenus, a musicologist and theorist (and Aristotle's student) who wrote treatises on harmonics and the elements of rhythm.
Page 31, l. 2: Qui … pronuntiant—'They who look into few, pronounce easily.' Aristotle, De gener. et corrup. i. 2 ('paucis inspectis facile pronunciant', Opera, Basle, 1538, vol. i, K2r). Cf. VT, p. 46: 'These are the opinions of persons that haue respecte but to a few things' (SEH, III, p. 231).
ll. 5–8: two wayes of action, … faire and euen—cf. Hercules confronted with diverging paths to vice and virtue in Xenophon, De factis & dictis Socratis (Memorabilia, II. i. 20–34).
ll. 11–12: manner of the tradition and deliuerie of knowledge, … Magistrall and peremptorie—see extensive discussion on 2Q2r–2R2r (pp. 123–7) distinguishing one method (MAGISTRALL) for 'use' and another (PROBATION) for 'progression' of knowledge.
pg 233 G3r
Page 31, l. 17: Velleius the Epicurean—cited again at 2Q4v (p. 116, l. 38–p. 117, l. 1).
ll. 17–18: Nil … videretur—'Fearing nothing so much as to appear to be doubtful about anything.' Cicero, De natura deorum, I. viii. 18.
ll. 18–19: Socrates his irronicall doubting of all things—Socrates (469–399 BC) feigned ignorance, using probing questions to elicit truth. Cf. Cicero, De oratore II. lxvii.
Page 32, l. 4: reliefe of Mans estate—a principal aim of Bacon's programme to redirect scientific inquiry.
l. 15: Declinat … tollit—'She turned aside from the race, and took up the golden ball.' Ovid, Met. x. 667. Atalanta vowed to marry that suitor who could pass her in a footrace; he won by distracting her with the golden apples he threw in her path. Frequently cited: PFE (OFB, I), fo. 90r; VT, p. 13 (SEH, III, p. 222); FL, fo. 141r(SEH, III, p. 498): 'or for creditt and ornament, and that everie of theise are as Atalantaes balls which hinder the care of Invention'; see especially NO, Q1r(SEH, I, p. 213), where Bacon insists upon meticulous data collection and eschews premature conclusions. In DSV, 2D4r–v (SEH, VI, 667–8) the fable 'ATALANTA, siue Lucrum' symbolizes the struggle of art (Atalanta) with nature (the suitor Hippomenes): 'Sed perpetuò Artes incœpta præcidunt, & stadium deserunt, & ad lucrum & commodum declinat, instar ATLANTÆ' (2D4r).
ll. 16–17: call Philosophy downe from heauen—Cicero, Tusc. disput. V. iv. 10 (Markby).
Page 32, l. 25: as a Spouse, for generation, fruit, and comfort—see Michèle LeDœuff, 'L'Espérance dans la science', in Francis Bacon, science et méthode, ed. M. Malherbe and J.-M. Pousseur, Vrin: Paris, 1985, pp. 37–51; translated with revisions as 'Hope in Science', FBLT, pp. 9–24.
l. 30: Fidelia … malignantis—'Faithful are the wounds of a friend, but treacherous the kisses of an enemy.' Prov. 27:6 ('Meliora sunt vulnera diligentis quam fraudulenta oscula odientis', Vulgate).
Page 33, l. 7: plat forme—'plan'; cf. Ess, 2N4r (OFB, XV, p. 145, ll. 223–5): 'So I have made a Platforme of a Princely Garden, Partly by Precept, Partly by Drawing, not a Modell, but some generall Lines of it.'
ll. 11–12: wisedome or sapience, as the scriptures call it—Ps. 104: 24; Prov. 4: 7; Job 28: 12. Le Dœuff points out that the Vulgate contains the book of pg 234'Sapientia' (attributed to Solomon); included as part of the Apocrypha in English Bibles of the period.
l. 20: work of six dayesGen. 1. Also see DPAO, OFB, VI, pp. 208–10, pp. 250–2 and cmts thereon, pp. 420 and 432.
Page 33, ll. 28–9: celestiall Hierarchye, of that supposed Dionysius—De caelesti hierarchia, 6–9, attributed to Dionysius the Areopagite (fl. first century ad), but actually composed late fifth-early sixth century. The orders were arranged in hierarchies of three: seraphim, cherubim, and thrones (ch. 7), dominations, virtues, and powers (ch. 8), principalities, archangels, and angels (ch. 9); Dionysii Areopagitæ opera omnia qua extant (Paris, 1566), A6r–B4r.
l. 36: first fourme … light—Gen. 1:3.
Page 34, l. 1: day wherin God did rest—Gen. 2: 2–3.
Page 34, ll. 10–12: first Acts … imposition of names—Gen. 2: 19–20. For Bacon's complicated response to Adam's naming of the creatures, see 2P3v– 2P4r (p. 120, ll. 28–33) and cmt thereon (pp. 315–16).
Page 34, ll. 13–14: as was touched before— see A4v–B1r (p. 6, ll. 14–20 above).
ll. 14–15: morall knowledge of good and euill—cf. St Thomas Aquinas, Summ. Theol. ii. q. 163. a. 2. (Ellis).
ll. 21–2: not violating … Storie or letter—consistent with its literal meaning. Bacon comments on the proper interpretation of 'diuine Poesie' on 2E3r (p. 74, l. 34).
ll. 22–3: the Contemplatiue state, and the actiue state, figured in the two persons of Abell and Cain—Gen. 4: 1: 'Habel was a keper of shepe, & Kain was a tiller of the grounde'. Bacon finds other contemplative types in the Genesis account: Adam's prelapsarian activities on H1r (p. 34, ll. 4–12) and Enoch, 'the first Contemplatiue' on 2T2v (p. 137, ll. 25–7). The classical debate (e.g. Aristotle, Nicom. eth. x. 6. 8) became a major theme of Renaissance humanism, which usually came down on the side of vita activa. In Defence of poetry, p. 93, Sidney pronounces the topic a major site for philosophical 'wrangling', though he provides his own specimen in the debate between Musidorus and Pyrocles in The Countess of Pembroke's arcadia (The Arcadia) (1590), ed. Jean Robertson, Clarendon Press: Oxford, 1973, pp. 14–17. In this section of Book I in which he is arguing for the dignity of learning, Bacon endorses the contemplative life; in Book II, discussing moral philosophy on 2T2r–v (p. 137, ll. 4–29), he sides with the humanists: 'But men must know, that in this Theater of Mans life, it is reserued onely for God and Angels to be lookers on', 2T2r (p. 137, ll. 15–17). Cf. 'Of Studies', Ess, 2P2v–2P3r (OFB, XV, p. 153, ll. 12–16): 'They perfect Nature, pg 235and are perfected by Experience: For Naturall Abilities, are like Naturall Plants, that need Proyning by Study: And Studies themselves, doe give forth Directions too much at Large, except they be bounded in by experience.' Bacon continually struggled (as did Sidney) to reconcile the two states. On the one hand, as he asserted (c.1592) to his uncle William Cecil: 'I confess that I have as vast contemplative ends, as I have moderate civil ends: for I have taken all knowledge to be my province' (LL, I, p. 109); on the other, much of his time (including part of this very letter) was devoted to 'civil ends'. His serious philosophical writing (including AL) had to be composed in moments snatched from an active life in law and government. Aso see OFB, VI, pp. 431–2.
ll. 31–2: Inuentors and Authors of Musique, and works in mettall—'Iubal, who was the father of all that playe on the harpe and organes. … Tubal-kain, who wroght cunningly euerie crafte of brasse and of yron'. Gen. 4: 21–2.
Page 34, ll. 33–4: the confusion of tongues—punishment for attempting a tower to heaven: 'Therfore the name of it was called Babel [marginal note in Geneva bible: 'Or, confusion'], because the Lord did there confounde the language of all the earth'. Gen. 11:9.
l. 38: seene in—'well versed'. 'And Moses was learned in all the wisdome of the Egyptians, and was mightie in wordes and in dedes'. Acts 7:22. The doctrine of prisca sapientia held that revelation could be parsed in the writings of certain inspired ancients (e.g. Hermes Trismegistus, Orpheus). See Marsilio Ficino and the Neoplatonists in CHRP, pp. 68 f. and cmt above, pp. 206–7.
ll. 39–40: Plato … Solon—Plato, Timaeus, 22b; cf. NO, I4v (SEH, I, p. 182); Apo, R3r (SEH, VII, pp. 156–7); recorded in PFE (OFB, I), fo. 89v: 'vos græci semper pueri'.
Page 35, l. 8: lawe of the Leprousie—Lev. 13: 13–14.
Page 35, l. 20: Qui extendit … nihilum—'He stretched out the north over the empty space, and hung the earth upon nothing.' Job 26:7 (Vulgate).
ll. 23–4: Spiritus … tortuosus—'By his spirit he has adorned the heavens; with his hand formed the crooked serpent.' Job 26: 13 (Vulgate).
ll. 24–5: Nunquid … dissipare—'Can you bring together the glittering stars of the Pleiades or scatter the circle of Arcturus?' Job 38: 31 (Vulgate).
ll. 27–8:Qui … austri—'Who made Arcturus, and Orion, and the Hyades, and the secrets of the south?' Job 9: 9 (Vulgate).
l. 28: takes knowledge of—acknowledges.
ll. 30–1: Annon … me, &c.—'Have you not poured me out like milk, curdled me like cheese?' Job 10: 10 ('Nonne', 'me coagulasti', Vulgate).
ll. 31–3: Habet … vertitur—'Silver has beginnings for its veins and a place in which gold is refined, iron taken from the earth, and loose stone turned by heat into copper.' Job 28: 1–2 (Vulgate).
l. 36: Salomons petition—'Giue therefore vnto thy seruant an vnderstanding heart, to iudge thy people, that I may discerne betwene good & bad: for who is able to iudge this thy mighty people?' 1 Kgs. 3: 9 (Markby).
Page 36, ll: 1–3: compile a naturall Historie of all verdor, … mosse vppon the wall—1 Kgs. 4: 33: 'And he spake of trees, from the cedar tre that is in Lebanon, euen vnto the hyssope [marginal note: 'From the hiest to the lowest'] that springeth out of the wall' (Geneva, Vulgate). Wright notes that only the reading of the translation by Tremellius and Junius (cf. Testamenti veteris biblia sacra, Frankfurt am Main, 1579), 'ad muscum, qui prodit e pariete', agrees with the lemma. The Second Counsellor in GG(LL, I, p. 334), praises Solomon as 'a man so seen in the universality of nature that he wrote a herbal of all that was green upon the earth'.
ll. 3–4: a rudiment betweene putrefaction, and an hearbe—'half-way or a stage between two species' (Vickers). Also see DGI, OFB, VI, pp. 393, 408.
ll. 9–10: the glorie … out—paraphrase of Prov. 25: 2: 'The glorie of God is to conceile a thing secret: but the Kings honour is to searche out a thing'. Cf. VT, p. 7 (SEH, III, p. 220); PFE (OFB, I), fo. 88r, reads: 'The glory of God is to Conceale a thing and the glory of man is to fynd owt a thing'.
l. 18: conference with … Doctors of the lawe—Luke 2: 46.
Page 36, l. 21: similitude and guift of tongues—Acts 2: 1–4.
l. 22: Vehicula srientiæ— 'carriers of knowledge'.
ll. 26–7: abbase all humane wisedome or knowledge—Augustine, De civitate dei, xiv. 38 (Vickers).
ll. 30–1: only learned amongst the Apostles—not one of the original twelve, he was an educated man.
l. 35: Edict of the Emperour Iulianus—Flavius Claudius Julianus (Julian the Apostate), Roman emperor ad 361–3. Ammianus Marcellinus, 'Julianus', xxii. 10. 7; xxv. 4. 20 (Markby).
Page 37, ll. 2–6: Gregorie … Authors—Gregory the Great, pope 590–604. Bacon draws upon Machiavelli, Discorsi, ii. 5. Cf. Ess, 2V2r (OFB, XV, p. 173, ll. 41–2): 'Gregory the Great, that he did, what in him lay, to extinguish all Heathen Antiquities.'
Page 37, ll. 7–8: Scythians, … Saracens—the invasions of the Scythians or Tartars in the fourth century and of the Saracens in the seventh.
ll. 12–17: And wee see … other knowledges—Bacon similarly credits Luther and the Reformation on E2v (p. 21, l. 26–p. 31, l. 8 above).
ll. 18–20: the Iesuites, … quickned and strengthned the state of Learning— pg 237the network of Jesuit colleges was 'an important means of disseminating elements of the new, as well as of the old, natural philosophy', according to J. Gascoigne, 'A reappraisal of the role of the universities in the scientific revolution', Reappraisals of the scientific revolution, ed. D. C. Lindberg and R. S. Westman, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1990, p. 214. See D2v (p. 17, ll. 3–5) and cmt thereon (p. 216 above).
l. 21–2: seruice … to the Romane Sea—'see' (sedes, 'seat'), the Papacy. In addition to the traditional vows of chastity, poverty, and obedience, Jesuits take a fourth, special vow of obedience to the Pope.
Page 37, ll. 28–9: magnifie … workes of God—e.g. Ps. 19: 1: 'The heauens declare the glorie of God, and the firmament sheweth the worke of his hands'; cf. also Ps. 104.
l. 35: You ene … God—Matt. 22: 29; analysed in 'De Hæresibus', MedS, E2v–E4r (SEH, VII, pp. 240–2).
l. 36: two Bookes or volumes to studie—as discussed on B3v (p. 9, ll. 10–15 above), those of God's word and God's works.
Page 38, l. 13: Apotheosis—transformation into a god. Alexander first encouraged ruler worship; cf. K2v (p. 44, l. 33) and cmt thereon (p. 243) for his followers' objections to Persian ritual; Roman rulers assumed godhead by legislative vote.
l. 14: Relatio inter diuos—'a relationship among the gods'. Wats cites Herodian, Hist. iv. 2; Herodian Histor. Lib. viii, Paris, 1581, I4r.
l. 16: vsed amongst the Romane Emperours—Octavius Caesar initiated an imperial style which included the titles 'divi filius' ('son of god') and 'augustus' ('venerable').
ll. 19–20: distribution of which honours—a 'true Marshalling of the Degrees of Soveraigne Honour' is set out in 'Of Honour and Reputation', Ess, 2S1v (OFB, XV, p. 164, ll. 29–57), one of the original ten essays of 1597; this passage was revised and expanded several times 1597–1625.
l. 24: Hercules, … Romulus—Hercules, son of Alcmene and Zeus, freed Thebes from tyranny and performed twelve heroic labours; the others were founders of Athens, Crete, and Rome, respectively.
l. 27: Ceres, Bacchus, Mercurius, Apollo—in order, Roman deities of grain, wine, literature, and music.
Page 38, ll. 28–32: merit of the former … vniuersall—the draft in VT, p. 25 (SEH, III, p. 223), examines motive: 'if the ordinary ambicions of men leade them to seeke the amplificacion of theire owne power in theire countryes, and a better ambicion then that hath mooued men to seek the amplificacion of the pg 238power of their owne countreys amongst other nacions, better againe and more worthie must that aspiringe be which seeketh the amplificacion of the power and kingdome of mankinde over the world'.
l. 34: coming in aura leni—'in a gentle breeze'. Cf. VT, p. 25 (SEH, III, p. 223), 'this as a worke truly divine, which cometh in aura leni without noise or observacion'. Wright compares God's visit to Elijah in 1 Kgs. 19: 12, 'post igneum sibilus aurae tenuis' ('after the fire, a whistling of gentle air', Vulgate); Geneva reads 'a stil and soft voyce'. Bacon used the phrase earlier in a letter to Tobie Matthew anticipating changes at King James's accession: 'I find myself as one awaked out of sleep; which I have not been this long time, nor could, I think, have been now, without such a great noise as this; which yet is in aura leni' (LL, III, pp. 73–4).
Page 39, ll. 3–4: fayned relation of Orpheus Theater—Philostratus Junior, Imagines, vii (Wats), which does not, however, mention the breaking of the spell. Cf. also, Ovid, Met. xi. 1–66. Brian Vickers, Studies in the Literary Imagination, 4 (1971), p. 216, believes Bacon's linking of the theatre metaphor with Orpheus to be unique. In DPI (LL, IV, p. 118), Bacon urges the king to 'join the harp of David, in casting out the evil spirit of superstition, with the harp of Orpheus, in casting out desolation and barbarism'. His allegorical interpretation of the myth appears in 'ORPHEVS, siue Philosophia', DSV, 2C2r–v (SEH, VI, pp. 646–8).
ll. 20–1: either Kings … or Philosophers Kings—Plato, Repub. v. 473d. A favourite saying of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus (not Antoninus Pius as Wright suggests); one of the 'learned Princes' below (l. 33). See Julius Capitolinus, 'Marcus Antoninus', 27, Scriptores Historae Augustae.
ll. 35–6: from the death of Domitianus … Commodus—Titus Flavius Domitianus was assassinated in ad 96; Lucius Aelius Aurelius Commodus began his reign in ad 180.
ll. 36–7: succession of sixe Princes—Marcus Cocceius Nerva, emperor ad 96–8; Marcus Ulpius Trajanus (Trajan), emperor ad 98–117; Publius Aelius Hadrianus (Hadrian), emperor ad 117–38; Antoninus Pius, emperor ad 138–61; Lucius Commodus Verus (Commodus), co-emperor with Marcus Aurelius, ad 161–9; and Marcus Aurelius, emperor ad 161–80.
Page 40, ll. 3–4: prefigured … in a Dreame—Suetonius, 'Life of Domitianus', 23; cited in Ess, 2E3v (OFB, XV, p. 113, ll. 33–4); applied to law reform in OD, T2v–T3r (LL, VII, pp. 358–9).
l. 10: Neque … Apollo—'And Apollo does not keep his bow always bent'. Horace, Od. II. x. 19.
l. 12: Nerua—Marcus Cocceius Nerva was emperor for sixteen months ad 96 to 98.
ll. 13–14: Postquam … libertatem—'After the divine Nerva united things pg 239previously incompatible—rule and liberty'. Paraphrase of Tacitus, Agric, iii ('sed quamquam primo statim beatissimi saeculi ortu Nerva Caesar res olim dissociabiles miscuerit, principatum ac libertatem').
l. 18: Telis … nostras—'Phoebus, with thy arrows avenge our tears.' Dio Cassius, lxviii. 3. 4, Romanae historiae libri, Basle, 1558, Z5r–v (paraphrasing Homer, Iliad, i. 42 (Wats).
l. 19: Traian—see cmt pp. 239–40.
l. 19: for his person not learned—he was not himself a learned man.
ll. 20–1: Hee … reward—Matt. 10: 41.
Page 40, ll. 22–3: not a greater admirer of … or Benefactor of Learning—among other foundations, he established the Bibliotheca Ulpia and supported the poet and orator Pliny the Younger (ad 61/62–c.114).
Page 40, ll. 28–9: legend tale of Gregorius Magnus—Gregory the Great, pope 590–604. See Joannes Diaconus, 'Sancti Gregorii Magni vita', Migne, PL (Paris, 1902), LXXV, cols. 105–6; and Dante, Purgatorio, x. 73–6; Paradisio, xx. 43–5.
l. 35: vpon the certificate of Plinius secundus—appointed governor of Bithynia by Trajan, his request for a policy to deal with Christians in his province with Trajan's response appear in Epist. x. 96–7. He lauds Trajan's reign and vilifies that of Domitianus in Panegyricus.
l. 37: Adrian—Hadrian see cmt, p. 220.
Page 40, l. 38–p. 41, l. 1: an errour in his mind: … to comprehend all thinges— Dio Cassius, lxix. 3. 2; trans. Xiphilinus, Basle, 1558, 2A3v.
Page 41, l. 3: Phillip of Macedon—king of Macedonia (359–336 bc) and father of Alexander the Great.
Page 41, ll. 5–6: God forbid … better than I—Plutarch, Morals (trans. 1603), 2M1v; Apo, N1r–v (SEH, VII, p. 147); in VT, p. 45 (SEH, III, p. 230), it is 'a man of art' who debates with the king.
Page 41, ll. 9–10: his picture … with Apollonius—not Hadrian, but Alexander Severus, emperor ad 222–35, who mingled the statues of deified emperors with those of Apollonius, Christ, Abraham, and Orpheus. Aelius Lampridius, 'Alexander Severus', xxix, Scriptores Historae Augustae (Ellis).
ll. 16–17: many famous monuments and buildings—in addition to extensive restoration of roads and bridges, Trajan created baths and his massive Forum Trajani with its basilica, libraries, and Trajan's column commemorating his prowess in the Dacian wars. Dio Cassius, lxviii. 7. 2; 1558 edn., Z5v–Z6r, once more is the source. Pliny, Panegyricus, 50, remarks: 'At quam magnificus in pg 240publicum es', 'But when it comes to public buildings, you do it on the grand scale'.
l. 17: Constantine the Great—Constantine I, co-emperor ad 306–24, then emperor ad 324–37. Moved the imperial capital to Byzantium, rebuilt as Constantinople, in ad 330 and made Christianity the official religion of the Empire.
l. 18: call him … Wall flower—Aurelius Victor, Epitome de Caesaribus, xli. 13; De vita et moribus imperatorum Romanorum, Antwerp, 1579, D2r.
Page 41, l. 26–7: his whole time was a very restauration … times—the 'perambulation' of his provinces commenced in ad 120 with visits to Gaul and the Rhine, thence to Britain and Spain, and over the next eight years ranging over Africa, Asia minor, Syria, and the Nile. Hadrian's Wall, built to protect the northern frontiers of Roman Britain, is its most spectacular vestige. Bacon sums up in OD, T4r–v (LL, VII, p. 359): 'Adrian's veine was better; For his minde was to wrastle a fall with Time; … So that his Bounty did striue with the Ruines of Time.'
l. 28: Antoninus Pius—cf. Ess, 2P3v (OFB, XV, p. 145, ll. 45–8).
ll. 30–1: Cymini Sector—Dio Cassius, lxix. 3; 1558 edn., 2A6v, marginal note reads 'Antoninus Pius Cuminsector cognominatus'; recorded in PFE (OFB, I), fo. 102r, 'Cumjnj sector'.
Page 42, ll. 1–4: he likewise approached … Christians—Dio Cassius, lxix. 3; 1558 edn., 2A6v.
l. 2: Halfe a Christian—Acts 26:28, 'Then Agrippa [Agrippa II, king of Chalcis] said unto Paul, Almost thou perswadest me to become a Christian.'
l. 5: Diui fratres—'divine brothers'.
l. 6: Lucius Commodus Verus—Lucius Ceionius Commodus, son of Aelius, who took the title L. Aurelius Verus when he joined his adoptive twin, Marcus Aurelius Antoninus (Marcus Annius Verus) in joint-rule. Lucius Verus reigned until his death in ad 169, Marcus Aurelius from 161 to 180.
l. 7: wont to call … Martiall his Virgill—cf. Aelius Spartianus, 'Life of Aelius Verus', 5, Scriptores Historae Augustae.
l. 9: named the Philosopher—for his exposition of Stoic philosophy in the Meditations. Julius Capitolinus' biography in Scriptores Historae Augustae, subtitled 'Philosophus', opens with a sentence paraphrased by Bacon in ll. 9–10: 'Marco Antonino, in omni vita philosophanti viro et qui sanctitate vitae omnibus principibus antecellit', 'Marcus Antoninus, a man devoted to philosophy all his life and who excelled all the emperors in the purity of his life'.
Page 42, ll. 17–18: patience towards his wife—i.e. despite Faustina's scandalous behaviour. Iuliani imperatoris Caesares, Opera, Paris, 1583, 2F7r.
l. 20: Commodus, Caracalla, and Hæliogabalus—Marcus Commodus Antoninus pg 241ruled ad 180–92; Caracalla (Marcus Aurelius Antoninus), ad 211–17; Haeliogabalus (Elagabalus), ad 218–22; tyranny and immorality marked all three reigns. The germ of ll. 20–3 is in the opening sentence of the 'Life of Alexander Severus' (see following note).
l. 21: Alexander Seuerus—Marcus Aurelius Alexander Severus was emperor ad 222–35. Aelius Lampridius, 'Life of Alexander Severus', 5–10, Scriptores Historae Augustae.
l. 23: Quomodo … Antoninus—'Let the name of Antoninus be as the name of Augustus'. 'Life of Alexander Severus', 10.
l. 26: Church for the most part was in peace—i.e. peace with itself; Armstrong feels that Bacon forces the case since Aurelius deemed Christianity superstition (Medit. xi. 3) and so persecuted it.
Page 42, ll. 32–3: Plutarch … lyues by parallells—Plutarch's Eves of the Noble Grecians and Romanes compared (trans. Sir Thomas North, London, 1579) contains 50 biographies, 46 in pairs. Bacon's hyperbole may derive from the 'Life of Epaminondas': one of fifteen lives ('collected out of good Authors') added to the 1603 edition: 'I compare Epaminondas to himselfe' (b5v). See B4v (p. 10, l. 19) and cmt thereon (p. 211 above). Bacon used the phrase earlier in the year writing to Lord Chancellor Ellesmere to propose a new history of Britain (2 April 1605; LL, III, p. 250).
Page 42, l. 34: endued with learning in her sexe singuler—Ascham (her tutor 1548–50), declares roundly: 'Pointe forth six of the best giuen Ientlemen of this Court, and all they together, shew not so much good will, spend not so much tyme, bestow not so many houres, dayly orderly, & constantly, for the increase of learning & knowledge, as doth the Queenes Maiestie her selfe. Yea I beleue, that beside her perfit readines, in Latin, Italian, French, & Spanish, she readeth here now at Windsore more Greeke euery day, than some Prebendarie of this Chirch doth read Latin in a whole weeke. And that which is most praise worthie of all, within the walles of her priuie chamber, she hath obteyned that excellencie of learnyng, to vnderstand, speake, & write, both wittely with head, and faire with hand, as scarse one or two rare wittes in both the Vniuersities have in many yeares reached vnto.' The scholemaster, H1r. T. W. Baldwin, William Shakspere's small latin & lesse greeke, University of Illinois Press: Urbana, 1944, I, pp. 257–84, scrutinizes what he considers Ascham's self-serving account, pronouncing her education little more than that of a 'learned grammarian'. Bacon evaluates her at length in FME (SEH, VI, pp. 291–303), composed in 1608 for Jacques-Auguste de Thou's Historiarum sui temporis. Her letters, and speeches, and her verse (original and translations), are available in modern critical editions; reviewed by Steven W. May in 'Recent Studies in Elizabeth I', ELR, 23 (1993), 345–54. May and Anne Lake Prescott have published Elizabeth's French verses in ELR, 24 pg 242(1994), 9–43. Also see J. W. Binns, 'Elizabeth I and the universities', New perspectives on renaissance thought, ed. John Henry and Sarah Hutton, Duckworth: London: 1990, pp. 244–52.
l. 35: rare euen amongst masculine Princes—as the tn indicates, a difficult distinction to get right; Bacon revises thrice.
Page 43, l. 8: truth of Religion established—by sanctioning (1559) the Act of Supremacy, vesting power over the Church of England in the crown instead of Rome (first claimed by Henry VIII in 1534) and the Act of Uniformity (1559), restoring an official prayer book and requiring attendance at church under penalty of fine.
ll. 9–10: temperate vse of the prerogatiue, not slackened, nor much strayned—a monarch's sovereign right and power over subjects, theoretically not subject to restriction or interference. See Ess, P2r (OFB, XV, p. 59, ll. 41–3) cmt thereon (p. 211), for Bacon's effort to advise on this question. James proved maladroit.
l. 16: of her selfe—unmarried.
Page 43, l. 26: mentioned before—on B4v (p. 10, ll. 14–17 above).
l. 30: bred and taught vnder Aristotle—Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Alexander the Great', 3M2v; see K2r (p. 44, ll. 3–8).
ll. 36–7: so good a Trumpet … as Homers verses—Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Alexander the Great', 3M4v, 'Then he couered it [Achilles' tomb at Ilium] with nosegayes and flowers, saying, that Achilles was happy, who while he liued had a faithfull friend, and after his death an excellent herauld to sing his praise'.
Page 44, ll. 1–3: precious Cabinet of Darius … for Homers workes—Darius III, king of Persia, 336–330 bc, was defeated in battle by Alexander in 333 bc and again in 331 bc. He was murdered as Alexander approached once more to join battle. The anecdote appears in Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Alexander the Great', 3N1v, and in a marginal note in North's translation (1603): 'Some thinke that this place shold be meant of the rich coffer, that was found among king Darius jewels, in the which Alexander would have all Homers works kept' (3M2v).
Page 44, ll. 3–4: letter to Aristotle—Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Alexander the Great', 3M2v.
l. 18: speech hee vsed of Diogenes—Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Alexander the Great', 3M4r. Greek philosopher who dramatized his belief in the simple, virtuous life by taking up residence in a tub; see also E1r (p. 20, ll. 29–31) and cmt thereon above.
ll. 24–5: Plus … dare—Seneca, De beneficiis, v. 4; paraphrased in next line.
pg 243 K2v
Page 44, ll. 27–8: felt his mortality … Sleepe & Lust—rejecting the wife of Darius, Plutarch, 'Life of Alexander the Great', Lives, 6M4r.
l. 30: out of the mouth of Aristotle or Democritus—as exponents of moderation.
ll. 33–5: Looke, … Diomedes—Bacon conflates two versions by Plutarch: Morals, 2M2v: 'he chaunced to be shot into the legge with an arrow, and no sooner was he hurt, but there came quickly running and flocking about him a number of those who in flatterie were wont to call him God: unto whom with a smiling countenance he said as he shewed unto them his wound bleeding; Behold this is very bloud indeed, as yee may plainly see'; and Lives, 'Life of Pyrrus', 3N2r: '… being striken with an arrow, and feeling great paine of it: My frendes said he, This bloud which is spilt, is mans bloud, and not as Homer said [Iliad, v. 335 ff.]: No such as from th'immortall gods doth flow' (ichor, the ethereal fluid in their veins).
ll. 36–7: speech hee vsed to Cassander—Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Alexander the Great', 3P1v. Cassander, an officer in Alexander's army, later sought the Macedonian throne.
Page 45, l. 3: that was the matter—that was the point.
l. 8: Callisthenes—Aristode's nephew, a rhetorician and historian who travelled with Alexander to record his exploits; his alleged implication in a conspiracy led to his execution.
l. 8: against the new ceremonie of his adoration—Alexander tried to persuade his followers to adopt Persian genuflexion; Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Alexander the Great', 303r, 'he [Callisthenes] stoutly stood against kneeling to the king, and sayd that openly'.
Page 45, l. 16: Turne your stile—reverse your 'stylus' (and scrape your wax tablet for a fresh try). Bacon paraphrases Alexander's order to Callisthenes to reverse his argument (3O2v–3O3r).
l. 19: dispight made him eloquent then againe—cf. OD, X2v–X3v(LL, VII, pp. 362–3).
ll. 21–2: Antipater, … Gouernor—Antipater (d. 319 bc) was left behind in Macedonia to rule during Alexander's Asiatic campaigns.
ll. 23–5: did not degenerate, … in vse of purple—Plutarch, Morals 2M2v: 'When some there were who much praised unto him the plainenesse and homely simplicitie of Antipater, saying that he lived an austere and hard life, without all superfluities and delicious pleasures whatsoever: Well (quoth he) Antipater weares in outward shew his apparell with a plaine white welt or guard, but he is within all purple (I warrant you) and as red as scarlet.' Armstrong credits a confusion in Erasmus, Apo II. xvi, noting Bacon heightens the contrast by depicting Antipater in black.
l. 29: lights— from the campfires.
l. 31: That he would not steale the Victorie—Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Alexander the Great', 3N3r–v. Alexander went on to defeat this force led by Darius in 331 bc; see Ess, Z1v (OFB, XV, p. 91, ll. 57–62).
Page 45, l. 34: one loued Alexander, and the other loued the King—Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Alexander the Great', 3O1r.
Page 46, ll. 1–2: Surely, … Parmenio—Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Alexander the Great', 3N2v.
l. 5: Hope—of returns. Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Alexander the Great', 3M4r, is illustrating Alexander's 'liberalitie'.
ll. 7–9: Cæsars portion, … Largesses—Crassus secured his debts in order to take up his praetorship. Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Julius Caesar', 3P4v–3P5r. Bacon is again trawling his Plutarch folio for examples: Caesar's life follows Alexander's.
ll. 10–12: Henry Duke of Guise, … obligations—Henri de Lorraine, third due de Guise (1550–88), with Catherine de Medici instigated the massacre of Huguenot Protestants in Paris on St Barthlomew's day 1572. Bacon, ACI, A8r (LL, III, p. 144), remarks that he heard this anecdote in France (in 1576); Apo, M3v–M4r (SEH, VII, p. 145).
l. 12: turned all his estate into obligations—'meaning that he had left him selfe nothing, but onely had bound numbers of persons to him', ACI, A8v (LL, III, p. 144).
l. 14: if all Sciences were lost, … found in Virgill—Macrobius (fl. c. 400) made this claim in Saturnalia, I. 16. 12, a dialogue in seven books celebrating Virgil; more likely to be among the 'certaine Critiques' Bacon had in mind, however, was Renaissance Italian philologist and scholar, Julius Caesar Scaliger (1484–1558) in his Poetics (Lyon, 1561), i2v and k2v; see Binns, Intellectual culture in Elizabethan and Jacobean England, p. 97.
Page 46, ll. 23–4: Historie of his owne warres, … a Commentarie—in De bello Gallico and De bello civili. Cf. Basilikon doron (1599; 1603), H7r–v: 'And among all prophane histories, I muste not omitte most speciallie to recommend vnto you, the Commentaries of Cæsar; both for the sweete flowing of the stile, as also for the worthinesse of the matter it selfe.'
l. 25: reall passages—realistic accounts of actual occurrences.
l. 29: De Analogia—'Of Analogy', not extant. Cicero, Brutus, lxxii, describes it as 'de ratione Latine loquendi accuratissime' ('concerning the method of speaking Latin with absolute precision') in which diction forms the basis of eloquence ('dixit verborum dilectum originem esse eloquentiae').
ll. 30–1: Vox ad placitum—'speech as one pleases'; common usage.
l. 31: Vox ad licitum—'lawful speech'; correct speech.
ll. 31–2: reduce custome of speech, to congruitie of speech—create a standard for the language.
l. 35: the then reformed computation of the yeare—the Julian calendar sought to eliminate inconsistencies by adding ninety days to the year 46 BC and changing the length of most months to preserve the seasons. See Suetonius, 'Divus Julius', 40, and Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Julius Caesar', 3R3r. Gregory XIII (pope 1572–85) further adjusted the system in 1582, beginning the year on 1 January ('New Style') instead of 25 March as in the Julian system ('Old Style'), an innovation not adopted in England and her colonies until 1752. King James reacts to the Gregorian adjustments in 1609 in 'A Speech at White-hall', Workes (1616): 'Nay by that accompt I can neuer tell mine owne age; for now is my Birth-day remooued by the space of ten dayes neerer me then it was before the change' (2Y3r).
Page 46, l. 38: his Anticato—not extant. Suetonius, 'Divus Julius', 56, refers to the books 'Anticatones', a rejoinder to Cicero's panegryric of Cato Uticensis (see next note). Bacon credits the work for one of his apophthegms: 'Cæsar, in his Booke, that he made against Cato (which is lost,) did write, to shew the force of Opinion, and Reuerence, of a Man, that had once obtained, a popular reputation; That there were some, that found Cato drunke, and they were ashamed, in stead of Cato', Apo, T2r–v (SEH, VII, p. 161).
Page 47, ll. 2–3: a conflict against … Cicero the Orator—Plutarch treats it in Lives, 'Life of Julius Cæsar', 3R2r. Cicero, Epist. ad Att. xii. 40–1, characterizes Caesar's work as a vituperatio, glossed as ''a blaming and dispraising' in Cooper, Thesaurus (1584).
l. 4: Booke of Apothegmes—not extant. In the preface to his own collection, Apo, B1r–v (SEH, VII, p. 123), Bacon remarks: 'Iulius Cæsar did write a Collection of Apophthegms, as appeares in an Epistle of Cicero [Epist. ad Fam. ix. 16]. I need say no more, for the worth, of a Writing of that nature. It is pitie his Booke is lost: for I imagine, they were collected, with Iudgement and Choice.' Suetonius, 'Divus Julius', 56, suggests the Apophthegmes were among those minor works of Caesar which Augustus banned.
l. 5: but a paire of Tables—taking down the sayings of others.
ll. 10–11: Verba … defixi—'The words of the wise are as goads and nails fastened deeply'. Eccles. 12: 11 ('sicut stimuli et quasi clavi', Vulgate).
ll. 13–14: a Master of words, that could with one word appease a mutinie— Bacon uses this anecdote (Suetonius, 'Divus Julius', 70) in Tr, p. 69 (OFB, I), noting Caesar had the 'most reall & effectuall eloquence that ever man had. not a soundinge & delightfull eloquence, for a Contynuate speech, but an eloquence of accion'.
l. 15: Milites—'soldiers'.
l. 17: Quirites—'citizens'.
l. 20: Ego Quirites—'I, citizens'.
Page 47, ll. 28–9: Non Rex sum, sed Cæsar—'I am not king but Cæsar'. Suetonius, 'Divius Julius', 79; Apo, O6v–O7v (SEH, VII, p. 151).
ll. 32–3: the greater title; … till this day—i.e. absolute ruler; cf. Shakespeare's 3 Henry VI (1590–1), III. i. 18: 'No bending knee will call thee Cæsar now'. Page 48, l. 1: after warre declared—against Pompey and the Senatorial party in 48 bc.
Page 48, ll. 5–6: Young man … facere—Bacon's source is Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Julius Caesar', 3Q4v (Wats); Frankfurt am Main, 1580, 3H3v: 'ô adolescentule, fallit, difficilius mihi hoc dictu esse quàm factu'.
l. 12: Lucius Sylla—Lucius Cornelius Sulla (138–78 bc), elected dictator in 81 and retired two years later.
ll. 13–14: could not skill of Letters, … knew not how to Dictate—paraphrase of Suetonius, 'Divus Julius', 72: 'Sulla neisse litteras, qui dictaturam deposuerit', punning on dictare: (a) to act the dictator; (b) to give dictation, compose. Cf. Ess, M4v (OFB, XV, p. 49, ll. 217–18); Apo, L6v (SEH, VII, p. 144); OD, V3r (LL, VII, p. 361), and Sidney's version in Defence of Poetry: 'And mark but even Cæsar's own words of the aforenamed Sulla (who in that only did honestly, to put down his dishonest tyranny), literas nescivit, as if want of learning caused him to do well' (p. 90).
l. 20: Xenophon the Philosopher: see B4v (p. 10, ll. 19–20) and cmt thereon (p. 211).
l. 21: Artaxerxes—Artaxerxes II (c.436–352 BC), son of Darius II and king of Persia, he defeated his younger brother Cyrus at Cunaxa.
ll. 24–5: for the loue and conuersation of Proxenus—Xenophon, Anabasis, iii. 1. 4; De Cyri minoris expeditione, in Opera, Geneva, 1596, L4r.
l. 25: in Message—as a messenger.
l. 26: the great King—style of the King of Persia.
l. 32: Xenophon happened to say—i.e. Theopompus; Renaissance editions of Xenophon agree with lemma.
ll. 33–7: Why Falinus, … Kings power—Anabasis, ii. 1. 12–14; De Cyri minoris expeditione, in Opera, Geneva, 1596, K5v.
Page 49, l. 7: Iason the Thessalian—tyrant of Pherae (c. 380–370 BC), who mobilized his army in 370 BC, but was assassinated before he could invade. See Xenophon, Hellenica, vi. 1. 19 (Wright). In TGB, fo. 27r–v (SEH, VII, p. 50), Bacon discusses these individuals more specifically (and in historical sequence): Agesilaus, Jason, Alexander.
ll. 7–8: attempted by Agesilaus the Spartan—Agesilaus, king of Sparta (444–360 bc) invaded in 396–394 bc, but soon withdrew. Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Agesilaus', 3G2.
l. 8: atchieued by Alexander the Macedonian—Alexander defeated Darius III in 331 bc; see cmt on p. 242 above.
Page 49, ll. 13–14: Scilicet … feros—'Certainly whoever has devoted himself faithfully to the liberal arts softens manners and keeps them from being uncivilized.' Paraphrase of Ovid, Epist. ex Ponto, II. ix. 47–8 (reading 'adde quod' for 'Scilicet').
l. 16: fideliter—'faithfully'.
l. 25: Nil noui super terram—'Nothing new upon the earth'. Cf. Eccles. 1: 9 ('there is no new thing under the sunne', Geneva).
ll. 26–7: Neither … maruaile … that goeth behind the curtaine—cf. Jonson (c.1623–3;), Works, vii. 570: 'A Puppet-play must be shadow'd, and seene in the dark: For draw the Curtain, Et sordet gesticulatio'.
ll. 32–3: battailes of the Frogs, and the Mise—Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Agesilaus', 3G3v: 'Alexander … made a ieast at it, when newes was brought him of the great battell which his Lieutenaunt Antipater had fought with king Agis, saying: Me thinkes when I heare these newes, whilest we are ouercomming of kinge Darius here, there hath bene a battell of Rattes fought in ARCADIA'. Bacon's change of Plutarch's 'battell of rattes' to 'battailes of the Frogs, and the Mise' recalls the Homeric mock-epic, Batrachomyomachia. Renaissance Latin editions carried the subtitle: 'hoc est, ranorum et murium pugna', 'that is, the battle of the frogs and the mice' (e.g. London, 1580); also included in certain editions of Aesop (Fabulæ, Antwerp, 1567).
l. 33: went of—'told of'.
Page 49, ll. 34–5: earth … not seeme much other, than an Ant-hill, … a little heape of dust—Seneca, Nat. Quæst, i. praefatio; Opera, Basle, 1537, M2v.
Page 50, l. 3: Epictetus—Stoic philosopher (ad 60–140). Wright suggests Bacon's source is the commentary of Simplicius upon Epictetus, Enchiridion, xxxiii.
ll. 6–7: Heri, … mori—'Yesterday I saw a fragile thing break, today a mortal die.'
l. 9: Concomitantia—'bound together'.
ll. 10–12: Fœlix … auari—'Happy is he who can learn the causes of things and cast at his feet all fear and inexorable fate, and the roars of hungry Acheron.' Virgil, Georg, ii. 490–2; ('atque' for 'quique'). Acheron was a river in the underworld.
ll. 13–14: particular remedies, … to all the diseases of the minde—the essay 'Of Studies', Ess, 2P3v (OFB, XV, pp. 153–4, ll. 38–51), cites cases.
pg 248 L3v
Page 50, l. 18: rationem totius—'essence of all', i.e. sums it up. Wright suggests an allusion to Eccles. 12: 13: 'Let us heare the end of all: feare God and kepe his commandements: for this is the whole dutie of man' (Geneva).
ll. 21–2: vnlearned man knowes not, … to account—Wats cites Plato, Alcib. Prim. 133c–e.
l. 23: Suauissima vita, … meliorem—'The sweetest life is day by day to feel oneself becoming a better person'. Xenophon, De factis et dictis Socratis, in Opera, Geneva, 1596, 2C6v; (Memorabilia, I. vi. 9) (Wright); recorded in PFE (OFB, I), fo. 85r, 'Suauissima vita in dies meliorem fierj'.
l. 30: Veritas, and Bonitas—'truth and goodness'.
Page 51, ll. 12–13: Victorque … Olympo—'And a victor he gave laws to willing peoples, and influenced the path to heaven'. Virgil, Georg. iv. 561–2 ('volentis').
Page 51, ll. 26–7: depth or profoundnesse of Sathan—i.e. of his evil. Rev. 2: 24.
l. 34: Homer hath giuen more men their liuings—Plutarch, Morals, 2L5v: 'Xenophanes … complained once unto him [Hiero I, tyrant of Syracuse, 478–467 bc] of his povertie saying: That his state was so meane that he was not able to maintaine and find two houshold servitors under him: why (quoth he?) Homer whom you reproove and find such fault withall, dead as he is, nourisheth more than ten thousand' (Wright).
Page 52, l. 13: ambitious Princes turne melancholy—developed with examples in Ess, P1v (OFB, XV, p. 59, ll. 22–31), (Alexander, Diocletian, 'And in our memory, Charles the fift').
ll. 19–25: Suaue … men—Lucretius, De rerum natura, ii. 1–10; Ess, B2v (OFB, XV, p. 8, ll. 50–7).
Page 53, ll. 1–2: verses of Homer … without the losse of a sillable, or letter— 'exempted from the wrong of time' as Bacon puts it below (l. 8); cf. Shakespeare, Sonnets (1593–9), lv. 1–2: 'Not marble nor the gilded monuments | Of princes shall outlive this pow'rful rhyme'.
Page 53, ll. 33–4: Æsops Cocke—Phaedr. iii. 12, ascribed to Aesop in Renaissance editions. Bacon cites it often: Ess, K2v (OFB, XV, p. 39, ll. 39–41); TGB, fo. 34r(SEH, VII, p. 57); Apo, P8r (SEH, VII, p. 154); PFE (OFB, I), fo. 102r, reduces the fable to 'Gallus insistit'.
l. 34: Mydas—Ovid, Met. xi. 153 ff; when he denied that Apollo's lyre was superior to Pan's reeds, Midas was awarded the ears of an ass.
l. 36: iudged for Plentie—preferred the lyre's fuller sound.
ll. 36–7: Paris, … against Wisedome and Power—asked to award the golden apple to the fairest among Minerva, Juno, and Venus (Iliad, xxiv. 25), each of whom offered him a bribe: Minerva (wisdom), Juno (power), and Venus (a beautiful wife). Paris chose the last, Helen of Troy, the ultimate result being the Trojan war. George Peele's solution in The Arraignment of Paris (1581) was to award the prize to Queen Elizabeth, present at the performance.
l. 37: Agrippina—mother of the emperor.
Page 53, ll. 37–8: Occidat matrem, modo imperet—'Let him kill his mother that he may be emperor'. Paraphrase of Tacitus, Ann. xiv. 9: 'illa occidat inquit dum imperet'.
Page 54, l. 1: Qui … immortalitati—'He preferred an old woman to immortality'. Plutarch, Gryll. i; Morals, 3A6r; Circe to Ulysses (from Calypso's offer in Homer, Od. v. 218 ff.); Ess, F3v (OFB, XV, p. 26, l. 42).
ll. 5–6: Iustificata … suis—'wisdom is justified by her children'. Matt. 11:19 (Vulgate).
The Second Booke
Page 55, ll. 7–12: It … commend ouer their dearest pledges—cf. Ess, F2v (OFB, XV, p. 25, ll. 10–13).
l. 24: Hercules Columnes—the Pillars of Hercules: the rocks Calpe (Gibraltar) and Abyla (Ceuta) flanking the Strait of Gibraltar, set up by Hercules to mark the world's western boundaries (Pliny, Nat. Hist. iii, proem, trans. P. Holland, 1601, F1v). PFE (OFB, I), fo. 85r, reads 'Hercules pillers non vltra'. The image was much used before Bacon appropriated it: see Erasmus, 'Ad Herculis columnas', Adagia, III. v. 24 (1559 edn., D4r), and George Puttenham's commentary on emperor Charles V's plus ultra device: 'one not content to be restrained within the limits that Hercules had set for an vttermost bound to all his trauailes, … good successe gaue great commendation to his deuice: for by the valiancy of his Captaines before he died he conquered great part of the west Indias, neuer knowen to Hercules or any of our world before', The arte of English poesie (1589), i1v. Jonathan Goldberg, James I and the politics of literature, Stanford University Press: Stanford, 1989, p. 48, fig. 11, notes that Queen Elizabeth is depicted in a post-Armada engraving (1596) standing between imperial columns. Samuel Daniel anticipates Bacon's application of the emblem to intellectual venturing in his exhortation to 'drooping Academies':
- And set their bolde Plus vltra farre without
- The Pillers of those Axioms Age propounds:
- Discou'ring daily more and more about,
- In that immense and boundlesse Ocean
- Of Natures riches, neuer yet found out,
- Nor fore-clos'd, with the wit of any man.
- Mvsophilvs: containing a generall defence of learning,
- in The Works of Samuel Daniel (1601), C3v.
Bacon ruminates on its scientific implications in CS, fo. 15r (LL, IV, p. 64): 'Ordinary discours of plus vltra in sciences, as well the intellectuall globe as the materiall, illustrated by discouuery in our Age' and goes on to exploit it as a major symbol for his new philosophy. Simon van de Pass's engraved title-page to IM depicts a ship in full sail about to pass between two classical pillars, with a verse from Daniel 12: 4: 'Multi pertransibunt & augebitur scientia' ('many shal runne to and fro, and knowledge shalbe increased'); Vulgate (quoted herein, 2D3vp. 71, l. 15) reads 'Plurimi pertransibunt et multiplex erit scientia'; NO title-page reproduced Gibson, 103a; SEH, I, p. 119. In VT, p. 10 (SEH, III, p. 221), and here on 2D3v (p. 71, ll. 15–17), Bacon declares his age poised 'as if the opennesse and through-passage of the world, and the encrease of knowledge were appointed to be in the same ages'. See Charles Webster, The great instauration: science, medicine and reform 1626–1660, Duckworth: London, 1975, pp. 23–7, Achsah Guibbory, The map of time: seventeenth-century English literature and ideas of pattern in history, University of Illinois Press: Urbana, 1986, pp. 43–67, and Charles Whitney, Francis Bacon and modernity, Yale University Press: New Haven, 1986, p. 50, for millenarian implications. Bacon provides more extensive commentary on 'these pillars of fate set in the path of knowledge' in the 'Preface' to NO, A1v(SEH, I, p. 125).
Page 56, l. 4: Claudus … extra viam—'A cripple on the path arrives before a runner off the path.' Bacon records a version in PFE (OFB, I), fo. 88r: 'Melior claudus in via quam Cursor Extra viam', in a section of proverbs, and quotes it as a 'saying' ('vt dicitur') in NO, H1r–v (SEH, I, p. 172).
Page 56, ll. 5–6: If the Iron … preuaileth—paraphrase of Eccles. 10: 10. Cf. VT, p. 14 (SEH, III, p. 223): 'as Salomon saith excellently, The fool putteth too more strength, but the wise man considereth which waie, signifying the eleccion of the meane to be more materiall then the multiplicacion of endevour'.
Page 56, ll. 35–6: Principio … aditus, &c.—'First seek a settled home for your bees where the winds may have no access.' Virgil, Georg. iv. 8–9.
ll. 37–8: Libraries, which are as the Shrynes, where all the Reliques of the pg 251ancient Saints, … are preserued—so Bacon celebrates Sir Thomas Bodley (1545–1613), founder in 1602 of the Bodleian Library, Oxford: 'I have sent unto you [a copy of the Advancement], not only in good affection, but in a kind of congruity, in regard of your great and rare desert of learning. For books are the shrines where the Saint is, or is believed to be: and you having built an Ark to save learning from deluge, deserve propriety in any new instrument or engine, whereby learning should be improved or advanced' (LL, III, p. 253). Bodley's response to Bacon's critique of traditional learning is discussed in the Introduction, p. xxxiii above. The first account of the Bodleian collection, Catalogus librorum bibliothecæ publicæ (Oxford, 1605), categorizing books according to the faculties of the University, does not list any of Bacon's works; the next, Catalogus universalis librorum in bibliotheca Bodleiana (Oxford, 1620), an alphabetical listing, has four: Essaies (1597), DSV, CD (1614), and a copy of AL. Looking to the preservation of his own 'Reliques' (l. 38), Bacon directed in his will that 'of all my writings, both of English and of Latin, there may be books fair bound, and placed in the King's library, and in the library of the University of Cambridge and in the library of Trinity College, where myself was bred, and in the library of Bennet College [Corpus Christi College Cambridge], where my father was bred, and in the library of the University of Oxonford, and in the library of my Lord of Canterbury, and in the library of Eaton' (1625 version; LL, VII, pp. 539–40).
Page 57, ll. 6–7: reward and designation of Readers in Sciences already extant and inuented—see recommendations regarding university lecturers' salaries, 2A3vp. 58, ll. 6–7.
ll. 7–9: reward and designation of Writers and Enquirers, concerning any partes of Learning, not sufficiently laboured and prosecuted—not restricted to investigators at the universities. See Bacon's notes for a research institute in CS, fo. 16r (LL, IV, p. 66), 'foundac. of a college for Inuentors', and the account in NA, described by Rawley, 'To the Reader', a2r (SEH, III, p. 127) as 'a Modell or Description of a Colledge, instituted for the Interpreting of Nature, and the Producing of Great and Marueilous Works for the Benefit of Men; Vnder the Name of Salomons House, or the Colledge of the Sixe Dayes Works', a3r–g2r (SEH, III, pp. 156–66).
Page 57, ll. 13–14: Difficile non … præterire—'It were hard not to pass over someone, ungracious to pass over anyone.' Paraphrase of Cicero, Orat. post reditum in Senatu, xii. 30, a spurious work published in Renaissance editions of Cicero; Opera omnia, Lyons, 1588, ii. 2S5r ('Nam difficile est non aliquem, nefas quemquam praeterire').
l. 15: that parte of the Race, which is before vs—Phil. 3: 13.
ll. 18–19: all dedicated to Professions, and none left free to Artes and Sciences at large—i.e. the curriculum has been narrowed to preparing for law, medicine, or divinity. Charles B. Schmitt corroborates: 'In the north liberal arts and theology were strongly emphasized, while in Italy the bias was more towards the pg 252professions of law and medicine…. What liberal arts subjects there were in Italy were principally directed towards preparation for medical or legal studies and, for the most part, the arts degree was not looked on as an end in itself.' 'Science in the Italian universities in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries', in The emergence of science in western Europe, ed. M. Crosland, Science History Publications: New York, 1976, p. 36. Bacon's indictment of narrow professionalism and a failure to provide for independent and sustained study of the 'Artes and Sciences at large' was relevant, of course, to the English universities where divinity studies had been the most prominent of the three. Recent scholarship has begun to explore the problematical effect upon the curriculum of an increasingly secular student population owing to the influx in the later sixteenth century of the sons of nobility and gentry. The scholarship on this issue, however, as it seeks to cope with the stark, conservative prescriptions of the statutory curriculum, remains affected by the fragmentary and anecdotal nature of its newly discovered primary sources (library lists of college fellows, students, and booksellers stocks from probate records, student notebooks and diaries, tutorial accounts). Much of this fresh evidence (including a uniquely circumstantial tutorial regime set down by a tutor at Emmanuel College (see 2B1r, p. 59, ll. 24–5) and cmt thereon (p. 259) quoted in most recent evaluations of both sixteenth- and seventeenth-century curricula) dates from the mid-seventeenth century. Notwithstanding these cautions regarding the nature of the primary data, there is some reason to believe that the increasing importance of tutorials in the individual college provided for a course of study more flexible than the prescriptions of the statutory curriculum of the university at large, individual tutors fashioning programmes of study relevant to the needs of their non-professional charges, many of whom would move on (after brief stays at the Inns of Court) to careers at court or in government without earning a degree. Such adjustments to the official undergraduate programme, however, do not address the sort of fundamental shift Bacon seeks here: a course of study directed to 'Philosophie and Vniuersalitie', those 'Fundamental knowledges' to nourish the 'progression' of knowledge (ll. 25–9). See Victor Morgan, 'Cambridge university and "the country" 1560–1640', in The university in society, ed. L. Stone Princeton University Press: Princeton, 1974, I, pp. 183–245; Mark Curtis, Oxford and Cambridge in transition 1558–1642, Oxford, 1959, pp. 83–148; Kenneth Charlton, Education in Renaissance England, London and Toronto, 1965, pp. 131–68; Mordechai Feingold, The mathematicians' apprenticeship, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1984, pp. 23–44; and James McConica, The history of the University of Oxford, III: The collegiate university, Oxford, 1986, pp. 151–6, 693–721.
l. 21: ancient Fable—Livy, ii. 32. 9–12. Cf. Sidney, Defence of poetry (1595), p. 93; Camden, Remaines (1605), 'Wise Speeches', 2C3v–2C4r.
ll. 25–6: Philosophie and Vniuersalitie—put more aggressively in CS, fo. 16v(LL, IV, p. 67): 'Endevor to abase the price of professory Sciences and to bring in estimation Philosophy or Vniversality, name and thing'. By 'Vniuersalitie' pg 253Bacon means 'the study of general principles' (Wright). In VT, p. 41 (SEH, III, p. 228), he treats 'Of the impediments of knowledg in handlinge it by partes, and in slipping off perticuler sciences from the roote and stocke of vniuersall knowledge'. Cf. 'men have abandoned Vniuersalitie, or Philosophia prima' on G1v (p. 30, ll. 7–8 above).
ll. 26–7: all Professions are from thence serued, and supplyed—Ascham made a similar argument for study of 'the tongues and sciences' in his letter of 1553 to William Cecil, then chancellor of Cambridge University: 'I know Universities be instituted onelie that the realme may be served with preachers, lawyers, and physicions, … and yet good husbandes, in serving, use not to cut down all for tymbre and fuell, … Therfore if som were so planted in Cambrige, as thei shold neyther be carryed awaye to other places, nor decaye there for lack of living, nor be bownd to professe no one of the three, but bond them self holie to help forward all, I belive, preachers, lawyers, and physicions shold spring in nombre, and grow in bignes, more then commonlie thei do'. James Mullinger, The University of Cambridge from the royal injunctions of 1535 to the accession of Charles the First, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1884, II, p. 115.
Page 57, ll. 33–4: this dedicating of Foundations and Dotations to professory Learning—OED, citing only this instance, defines 'professory' as 'of or pertaining to professors; professorial'; the present context makes clear, however, that Bacon is thinking of the dominance by the specialized learning of the three professions. Proposing new university lectureships in 1625, Bacon explicitly excludes anyone 'professed in divinity, law, or physic, as long as he remains lecturer' (LL, VII, p. 544); for salaries, see 2A3v (p. 58, ll. 6–7) and cmt thereon (p. 254).
Page 57, l. 34: Maligne aspect, and influence—having a negative impact upon (astrological terminology).
l. 36: it proceedeth—the result is.
Page 57, l. 38–p. 58, l. 3: no education collegiate, … vnto seruice of estate— Bacon's father proposed an academy at the Inns of Court to this end (c. 1540) and drew up in 1561 articles for two schools to educate court wards for civil service, providing for instruction in classical and modern languages and in civil law, as well as in riding, weapons, and vaulting. See English historical documents, vol. V; 1458–1558, ed. C. H. Williams (London, 1967), and Robert Tittler, 'Education and the gentleman in Tudor England: The case of Sir Nicholas Bacon', History of education, 5 (1976), 3–10. Sir Humphrey Gilbert's unpublished proposal for 'Queene Elizabethes Achademy' (c.1572), also for court wards, makes the distinction explicit: 'wheareas in the universities men study onely schole learninges, in this Achademy they shall study matters of accion meet for present practize, both of peace and warre' (ed. F. J. Furnivall, EETS, extra ser. 8 (1869), p. 10). The curriculum included riding and martial arts, applied mathematics (for pg 254surveying and navigation), modern languages (French, Italian, Spanish, 'high duche'), and 'Civill pollicie … with speciall apliance of our owne histories, to the present estate and governement of this Realme' (p. 3). Study of such subjects at the universities (outside of ad hoc tutorial) remained years in the future and even then met resistance. Chairs in history were established at Oxford (1622) and Cambridge (1627) by William Camden and Fulke Greville (1554–1628), respectively. Oxford officials attempted to force Camden's inaugural lecturer into ecclesiastical history, but Camden insisted upon 'civil history'. Anecdotal evidence suggests there was some limited extra-statutory tutorial in modern languages at the universities during this period. See Kevin Sharpe, 'The foundation of the chairs of history at Oxford and Cambridge: an episode in Jacobean politics', History of universities, 2 (1982), 127–52; Curtis, Oxford and Cambridge in Transition, pp. 117, 138–41.
Page 58, ll. 6–7: smalnesse and meanesse of the salary or reward—Bacon's interest in this issue was genuine and practical. He arbitrated (c.1600) a salary dispute between trustees and professors of the newly established Gresham College in London (see I. R. Adamson, 'The administration of Gresham College and its fluctuating fortunes as a scientific institution in the seventeenth century', History of education, 9 (1960), p. 16), then in 1611 sought to remedy this issue directly by proposing that monies be diverted from a proposed rest home and grammar school at Charterhouse in order to fund annual stipends of £100 for university lecturers, 'which though it be not near so great as they are in some other places, where the greatness of the reward doth whistle for the ablest men out of all foreign parts to supply the chair, yet it may be a portion to content a worthy and able man, if he be likewise contemplative in nature, as those spirits are that are fittest for lectures'. The legal case, in which Bacon participated (AdK; LL, IV, p. 253), in the event was decided on behalf of Charterhouse in 1613. See David Cressy, 'Francis Bacon and the advancement of schooling', History of European ideas, 2 (1981), 65–74.
Page 58, ll. 17–18: Dauids military lawe—paraphrase of 1 Sam. 30: 24 ('as his parte is that goeth downe to the battel, so shal his parte be, that tarieth by the stuffe: they shal parte alike').
Page 58, l. 24: Et Patrum … nati—'And feeble fathers will result in puny offspring.' Virgil, Georg, iii. 128 ('invalidique patrum referant ieiunia nati').
ll. 27–8: Minerua … Vulcan—guardians of wisdom and fire (alchemy), respectively.
ll. 32–3: Spheares, Globes, Astrolabes, Mappes, … as appurtenances to Astronomy & Cosmography—Trinity College, Cambridge statutes (1560) stipulated that the mathematics lecturer include readings in cosmography and astronomy. The entry of a payment for 'two mappes' appears in the Bacon pg 255section of an account-book kept by his Trinity tutor in the 1570s (Whitgift, p. 447). See 2B1r (p. 59, ll. 12–14) and cmt thereon (p. 259 below) for discussion of these tutorial accounts. When he speaks of the 'beneficence of men' (l. 31), Bacon may be recalling the scientific instruments at his own college donated by John Dee (1527–1608), mathematician, astrologer, and a Charter Fellow of Trinity, who describes them in The compendious rehearsall of John Dee (1592), as 'the first astronomer's staff of brass, that was made of Gemma Frisius' devising, the two great globes of Gerardus Mercator's making, and the astronomer's ring of brass, as Gemma Frisius had newly framed it; … afterwards  by me left to the use of the Fellowes and Schollers of Trinity College'. Chetham miscellanies, i, The Chetham Society 24 (1851), p. 5. Philip Gaskell, Trinity College library: the first 150 years, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1980, pp. 33, 122, suggests these items may have been present in Old Library (1546–c.1604) as late as 1603. Another prominent 'beneficence' Bacon may have seen was the celestial sphere (designed by Thomas Harriot), presented to the Bodleian Library in 1601.
ll. 34–5: some places instituted for Physicke, haue annexed the commoditie of Gardeins for Simples of all sorts—Botanical gardens had been affiliated to medical study in Europe since 1544 (Padua). The London Royal College of Physicians engaged herbalist John Gerard (1545–1612) to stock such a garden in 1587 and again in 1598; nothing came of either project. Gerard himself proposed a garden for the Barber-Surgeons Company and petitioned Lord Burghley for a botanical garden at Cambridge University. He published a Catalogus (1596, 1599) of his own garden in Holborn and was put in charge of Burghley's gardens in the Strand and at Theobalds. His Herball or generall history of plants (1597) included only limited comment on medicinal herbs. A botanical garden was one of four projects recommended to advance science in GG (LL, I, p. 335). The 'Princely Garden' in 'Of Gardens', Ess, 2M1v–2N4r (OFB, XV, pp. 139–45), takes no notice of medicinal plants. See C. B. Schmitt, 'Science in the Italian universities in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries', in The emergence of science in western Europe, p. 41; Sir George Clark, A history of the royal college of physicians, 2 vols., Oxford, 1964, I, p. 160; Margaret Pelling and Charles Webster, 'Medical practitioners', Health, medicine and mortality in the sixteenth century, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1979, pp. 172–3; Feingold, The mathematicians' apprenticeship, p. 33.
l. 36: command the vse of dead Bodies for Anatomyes—by act of Parliament (1540) bodies of four executed felons were supplied annually to the Barber-Surgeons Company; the College of Physicians being similarly provided for in 1565. Regius professors of physic also required cadavers for an annual lecture and demonstration; John Caius received separate licence in 1564 for two bodies for dissection per year at Gonville and Caius College Cambridge. See Andrew Cunningham, 'The kinds of anatomy', Medical history, 19 (1975), 11–12. Despite such statutory encouragement, how much actual dissection went on, particularly pg 256at the universities, is a matter of considerable controversy. Bacon criticizes contemporary dissection procedures on 2L1v–2L2r (p. 199, l. 8–p. 100, l. 27); see cmt thereon (pp. 295–7 below).
Page 58, l. 38–p. 59, l. 1: except there be some allowance for expences about experiments; … Furnace or Engyne, or any other kind—see GG (LL, I, p. 335); his plans for 'an History mechanique … of the experiments and observations of all Mechanicall Arts', CS, fo. 15v (LL, IV, p. 65); and provisions at Salomon's House, NA, f2r (SEH, III, p. 161): for 'Fournaces of great Diuersities, and that keep great Diuersitie of Heates' and 'Engine-Houses, wher are prepared Engines and Instruments for all Sorts of Motions', f3v (SEH, III, p. 163). For the centrality of the mechanical arts in Bacon's concept of natural history see below.
Page 59, ll. 5–7: Aristotle … compile an Historie of Nature—noted in Pliny, Nat. Hist. viii. 16 (Warhaft). Bacon expresses his admiration for the Historia animalium (above, F3r (pp. 26, l. 34–p. 27, l. 6).
ll. 12–14: whether the Readings, exercises, and other customes … be well instituted or no—in Bacon's view, clearly not. His quarrel is not only with the narrow curriculum criticized on 2A3r (p. 57, ll. 18–19), but with the very modes of instruction, devised, he observes twice in this paragraph, long ago, in 'more obscure times'. 'Readings' i.e. 'lectures'. University lectures on theology, civil law, medicine, and mathematics were given several times a week in the 'Schools' (university lecture halls); college lectures on language and rhetoric, dialectic, and philosophy in the hall, chapel, or tutors' rooms. Unlike their European counterparts Oxford University and Cambridge University continued to rely upon the medieval disputatio as the principal academic exercise, a tool to train and exercise the mind during instruction and the prime instrument of examination for determining degrees. The skills needed to dispute propositions in any area of knowledge were inculcated in the readings and writings in dialectic and rhetoric of college tutorial and lecture, sustained by numerous opportunities to perform among peers, in sessions in hall or chapel, and, eventually, in formal session in the 'Schools'. A recent authority singles out 'the relentless pressure of disputation', concluding that 'collegiate instruction was shaped by the need to prepare for disputations' (McConica, The history of the University of Oxford, III, p. 710). Statutory regulations for these exercises in effect while Bacon was a student at Trinity College Cambridge in 1573–5, are set forth in 'De publicis sociorum et discipulorum exercitationibus scholasticis, et de sermone Latino' (Mullinger, The University of Cambridge, II, pp. 615, 617, 619). At Trinity, sophisters (those in the final two years of study) met several times a week to debate propositions drawn from rhetoric, dialectic, and Aristotle's Problems; bachelors disputed topics from philosophy and theology. Cambridge undergraduates also underwent annual four-hour disputations in the Schools, each pg 257being required over his career to dispute twice as opponent and twice as defendant. W. T. Costello, The scholastic curriculum at early seventeenth century Cambridge, Harvard University Press: Cambridge, Mass., 1958, pp. 14–15. For Oxford's version see J. M. Fletcher (in McConica), pp. 166–73, and Fletcher's 'Change and resistance to change: a consideration of the development of English and German universities during the sixteenth century', History of universities, 1 (1981), 8–10, 13. Bacon's conviction that such pedagogy occluded knowledge rather than opening opportunities for its advancement is expressed more caustically elsewhere. In Tr, p. 78 (OFB, I) 'disputations of the learned' are savaged as being capable only of manipulating the 'knowen and founde out': 'the[y] can descant vpon them, they can knitt them into certaine Courses, they can reduce them to there principles yf any instance of experience stand vp against them the[y] can ranke it in order by some distinction but all this is but a webb of the witt it can worke nothinge'; as for the putative benefits of university instruction: 'alas they learne nothinge there but to beleeue. firste to beleeue that others knowe that which the[y] knowe not' (p. 80); in VT, pp. 69–70 (SEH, III, p. 252), Bacon notes: 'vniversities inclyne wittes to Sophistry and affectation', while in CV, fo. 251r (SEH, III, p. 597), he declares the nature of lectures and exercises do not foster innovative thinking: 'Lectiones autem et exercitia ita disposita, vt aliud à consuetis nè facile cujquam in mentem veniat cogitare'. As noted above, recent scholars (pre-eminently Feingold) have parsed the statutes anew and discerned the possibility of additional instruction in mathematical and related topics, gathering anecdotal evidence as well of other scientific activity in the colleges not sanctioned in the official documents. Notwithstanding modern scholarship's useful complication of our view of curriculum and pedagogy at the two universities during this period, the sort of systemic reform of the university initiated by official scrutiny or visitation that Bacon here calls for was not forthcoming. Indeed, the most recent revisions to the statutes, more than thirty years old, had made only modest changes in the status quo (Cambridge more than Oxford, which retained its medieval division into seven liberal arts). Bacon's own uncle, William Cecil, in fact, had been one of the 'Gouernours in Vniuersities' (l. 10) for forty years, including a stint as chancellor of Cambridge (1588–98), and he had supported consistently the traditional system of instruction. Nor was his son, Robert Cecil, likely to heed AL's call for reform of ancient 'exercises, and other customes', directing as he had as recently as October 1601 that University officials ensure 'all dueties and exercises of learninge be diligently and duely performed accordinge to the Statutes and Orders of the Universitie … In Lectures and Disputations in publique Schooles … In diligent frequenting the same' (Cambridge University Library, MS Baker, xxvii. 27). Undaunted, Bacon sent Robert Cecil a presentation copy, underscoring its 'propriety in regard you are a great governor in a province of learning' (LL, III, p. 253). See Introduction, p. xxxi above for related presentation copies. AL's royal dedicatee was in no mood for change either. pg 258Indeed, more than a decade afterwards (1619), the king insisted that 'no new erected Lectures or Sermons be permitted … to withdrawe Scholars from their attendance on the exercises of Learning, Lectures, Disputations, Determinations or Declarations, either public or private'. See C. H. Cooper, Annals of Cambridge, Cambridge, 1842–53, III, p. 130; Costello, The scholastic curriculum, p. 8.
ll.15–16: one … most wise and Princely Maximes—in A counter-blaste to tobacco (1604): 'as such customes, that haue their first institution either from a godly, necessary, or honorable ground, and are first brought in, by the meanes of some worthy, vertuous, and great Personage, are euer, and most iustly, holden in great & reuerent estimation and account, by all wise, vertuous, and temperate spirits: So should it by the contrary, iustly bring a great disgrace into that sort of customes, which hauing their originall from base corruption and barbarity, doe in like sort, make their first entry into a Countrey, by an inconsiderate and childish affectation of Noueltie, as is the true case of the first inuention of Tobacco taking, and of the first entry thereof among vs' (B1r–v).
l. 18: for suspect—suspected.
Page 59, ll. 24–5: Schollers in Vniuersities come too soone, & too vnripe to Logicke & Rhetoricke—the statutes of Cambridge University (1570) set out the course of study in arts as follows, 'Primus annus rhetoricam docebit: secundus et tertius dialecticam. Quartus adjungat philosophiam', 'He shall teach rhetoric the first year, dialectic the second and third. In the fourth year he should add philosophy'. Documents relating to the university and colleges of Cambridge (London, 1853), i. 459; cited in Lisa Jardine, 'The place of dialectic teaching in sixteenthcentury Cambridge', Studies in the renaissance, 21 (1974), 43. Drawing upon college statutes, entrance requirements, lecturer assignments, and set-texts, Jardine suggests that the primary focus for all students below third-year status was dialectic (Bacon's 'Logicke'), rhetoric (applied to Greek and Latin literature) taking a subordinate role. There was also limited instruction in the quadrivium subjects (arithmetic, astronomy, geometry, music). (See Feingold, The mathematicians' apprenticeship for details.) Dialectical handbooks such as Rudolph Agricola's De inventione dialectica (1515), Johannes Cæsarius's Dialectica, and John Seton's Dialectica (based upon his 1546 Cambridge lectures), in an annotated edition by Peter Carter (1572), provided simplified, practical technique for analysis and argumentation, preparing students for more complex texts, particularly Aristotle's Organon and the more formal disputations later in the course. See Jardine, 'The place of dialectic teaching', 44–6, 50–7; Francis Bacon: discovery and the art of discourse, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1974, pp. 35–6. In his re-examination of Bacon's rhetoric, CCB, pp. 200–31, Brian Vickers takes exception to Jardine's thesis of the primacy of dialectic.
The college tutor directed each undergraduate's academic studies as well as looking after his finances and moral life. (Stat. 10, 'De tutorum et pupillorum pg 259officio', Mullinger, The University of Cambridge, II, p. 599.) An account-book kept by John Whitgift (1530?–1604), master of Trinity College Cambridge, records monies taken in and expended on behalf of forty-six students under his supervision during the years 1570–7, among them, numerous entries for Francis and Anthony Bacon, who were in residence from April 1573 to December 1575. Whitgift's accounts (Lambeth Palace Library MS 807, pt. 1) were published by S. R. Maitland in the British magazine, 32 (1847), 361–79, 509–28, 650–6; 33 (1848), 17–31, 444–63; usefully annotated by Philip Gaskell in 'Books bought by Whitgift's pupils in the 1570's', TCBS, 7 (1979), 284–93. Whitgift's entries cover college fees, commons meals, personal necessities (footwear to medical dosings), and, most significantly, mention books purchased for tutorial sessions, including the following for the Bacons: '2 aristotellis', Caesar's Commentarii, the works of Livy, Plato, Cicero, as well as the latter's Rhetorica, and 'one commentarie of tullies orations', 2 copies of a Greek Iliad, Greek/Latin editions of Xenophon, the Orationes of Demosthenes, the Ars rhetorica of Hermogenes, and 'a laten bible'. These books represent only the purchases—other titles may have been shared, borrowed, or brought from home (there is, for instance, a payment for 'carrieng bokes from london'). No dialectic manuals appear in the Bacons' section, though Whitgift does record six copies of Seton and two of Cæsarius for other students. Jardine, Francis Bacon, p. 66, believes it 'likely' that Bacon came to Aristotle by way of one of these dialectical handbooks. Whitgift's entries do not, unfortunately, provide any details of the actual tutorial. Jardine, 'The place of dialectic teaching', 47–50, seeks to fill this void regarding late sixteenth-century instruction by viewing the unique 'Directions for a student in the universitie', perhaps set down by an Emmanuel College tutor of the 1620s (but extant only in later-seventeenth-century copies) as reflective of the general practice of that period, then takes it back another fifty years to extrapolate a possible course of study for Bacon in the early 1570s. Emmanuel College MS 1. 2. 27(1) is reprinted in Harris F. Fletcher, The intellectual development of John Milton, University of Illinois Press: Urbana, 1961, ii. 623–55. See J. A. Trentman, The authorship of Directions for a student in the universitie', TCBS, 7 (1978), 170–83. The larger context for Bacon's critique here is treated in cmt, pp. 251–3 above.
It must be stressed that Bacon is not attacking dialectic and rhetoric in this passage—their 'wisedome', he declares on 2B1r (p. 59, l. 33) is 'great, & vniuersal'; indeed, they are 'the Arts of Arts' (p. 59, l. 27). Rather, he rejects the manner and timing of instruction, before youthful undergraduates ('children, and Nouices', p. 59, ll. 25–6) have acquired sufficient subject matter for these disciplines to work upon. Cf. HIP, fo. 250r (SEH, VII, p. 103), sent to Henry Savile: 'The Marshalling & Sequele of Sciences & practises: Logick & Rhetorick, should be used to be read after Poesy, Hystory, & Philosophy'. Vickers observes that the timing of instruction had been criticized by earlier humanists such as Juan Luis Vives in his preface to De ratione dicendi (1553). The typical age of English undergraduates in this period remains problematic: the pg 260data in admissions and matriculation records is fragmentary and seventeenth-century student populations have been analysed more systematically than sixteenth-century ones. (Debated in History of education, 5 (1976), 221–6; 8 (1979), 167–77; 9 (1980), 97–9.) Still, it does appear Bacon came to logic and rhetoric sooner than most, entering Trinity College Cambridge at 12 in April 1573, leaving by Christmas 1575, owing to an outbreak of the plague, without a degree; his brother, Anthony, with whom he shared digs, entered at 15, a more customary age. Another Trinity man, Henry Peacham (BA, ?1594–5; MA, 1598), levels similar criticism in The compleat gentleman (1622), F3r, though his remarks may be sparked by Bacon's.
l. 27: for Iudgement, … for Ornament—dialectic provides analysis of an argument, rhetoric for its effective presentation.
l. 30: which Cicero calleth Sylua—'raw material' (literally, 'forest'), i.e. subject matter. Cicero, Orator, iii. 12; Bacon glosses, 'stuffe'. Cf. the title of Bacon's miscellaneous collection of natural-historical data, Sylva sylvarum (1626). Ben Jonson also plays upon the conceit: calling his commonplace book Timber, his collections of verse, The Forrest (1616), and for the 'lesser poems of later growth', The Underwood (1640–1).
l. 30: Supellex—i.e. rhetorical devices (literally, 'furniture'). Cicero, Orator, xxiv. 80; Bacon glosses, 'varietie'.
Page 59, l. 37–p. 60, l. 9: a lacke I finde in the exercises vsed in the Vniuersities, … for otherwise they do peruert the Motions, and faculties of the Minde, and not prepare them—a unique transcript of a Cambridge disputation (conducted about twenty years after Bacon left university) upon the proposition 'Sufficit in rebus humanis scire locum esse in carcere' with its set speech and extensive ad hoc memorization as the disputant repeated and refuted, without notes, his opponent's intricate syllogistic arguments, fits Bacon's objections. See BL Cotton Faustina MS D. ii, fo. 61r, in Costello, The scholastic curriculum, pp. 19–24.
Bacon had taken up the practical implications of such misconceived training and offered specific correctives, in HIP, fo. 250r (SEH, VII, p. 103): 'The Exercises in the Vniversities & Schooles are of Memory & Invention; either to speake by Hart that which is sett downe verbatim, or to speake Ex tempore; whereas ther is litle use in Action of either of both: But most things which wee utter, are neither verbally premeditate, nor meerely ex temporal. Therefore Exercise would be framed to take a litle breathing; & to consider of Heads, & then to forme & fitt the speech Ex tempore: this would be donne in two manners; both with writing & Tables, & without.'
Bacon's negative view of disputations here and above may have been heightened by his own curtailed stay at Cambridge: second-year students (in his case, this would be his final year) were required to attend the disputations, but did not get to participate (Charlton, Education in Renaissance England, p. 143). Whatever Bacon's reservations, disputations enjoyed a prominence beyond academic instruction and examination. Queen Elizabeth was entertained with pg 261numerous disputations during visits to Cambridge in 1564 and Oxford in 1566 and 1592. See Mullinger, The University of Cambridge, II, pp. 190–93; McConica, The history of the University of Oxford, pp. 397–400; John Nichols, ed., The progresses and public processions of Queen Elizabeth (1823), Burt Franklin: New York, 1966, I, pp. 149–89, 206–50; III, pp. 144–67; and J. W. Binns, 'Elizabeth I and the universities', New Perspectives on Renaissance Thought, ed. John Henry and Sarah Hutton, Duckworth: London, 1990, pp. 244–52. King James insisted on taking his own very active role in disputations planned for his entertainment at Oxford in 1605 (see Introduction, pp. xlii–xliii); in 1614, in his guise of hunting enthusiast, he took boisterous part when two Cambridge dons debated 'Whether dogs can make syllogisms' (Costello, pp. 25–6). Two prominent graduates corroborate Bacon's distaste for the academic exercises. Milton sets down a spirited critique of those at Christ's College Cambridge c.1625–32 in Prolusion VII, and Oxonian Thomas Middleton puts on the public stage a savage satire of a Cambridge bachelor and his doltish tutor in A Chast Mayd in Cheape-side (1613), disputing the proposition, 'Stultus non est animal rationale' in pidgin Latin (IV. i; 1630 edn., G2v–G3r), a debate capped triumphantly by Tim Yellowhammer ('the Cambridge Boy') with 'Tis the easiest thing to proue a Foole by Logicke' (G3r).
A cautionary note: for all his criticism of its curriculum and pedagogy, Bacon's ties to university remained strong and his hopes for its reform active. See Introduction, pp. xxxi–xxxiii above. His next published work, DSV, an important allegorical exposition of his philosophical ideas, was composed in the university's preferred language, Latin, and dedicated to 'ALMÆ INCLYTÆ ACADEMIÆ Cantabrigiensi', 2A2r (SEH, VI, p. 691). He took care to provide copies of his philosophical works to both his college and the university libraries, NO (LL, VII, pp. 135–6); DAS (SEH, VII, pp. 438–9); see also the directives in his will in cmt, p. 251 above. Links of a different sort may be seen in his appointment as standing Counsel to Cambridge University (1613) and election the following year as its MP. See T. Bass Mullinger, 'The Relations of Francis Bacon, Lord Verulam, with the University of Cambridge', Proceedings of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society, ns 3 (1894–8), 227–36, and L. Jardine and A. Stewart, Hostage to Fortune, p. 348 and n. 45. William Rawley's collection of elegiac verses, Memoriae honoratissimi domini Francisci, baronis de Verulamio Sancti Albani, sacrum (London, 1626) is mostly Cantabrigian.
l. 2: Verbis conceptis—'in prepared words'.
Page 60, ll. 14–16: Hoc … suscipiatis—'How this may be done, some things come to mind, and more can be thought of; I should like you to take these matters under consideration'. Cicero, Epist. ad Att. x. 7 ('Id quem ad modum fieri').
ll. 20–1: more Intelligence Mutual betweene the Vniuersities of Europe, then now there is—in his notes for a research institute, CS, fo. 16r, Bacon provides pg 262for 'Intelligence and Correspondence with the vniuersities abroad' (LL, IV, p. 66).
Page 60, ll. 30–1: Father of illuminations or lights—Wats compares Jas. 1: 17, 'Euerie good giuing, and euerie perfite gift is from aboue, and commeth downe from the Father of lights, with whome is no variablenes, nether shadowing by turning'.
Page 61, ll. 1–2: Serpent of Moses, … Serpents of the Inchantors—Aaron, not Moses in Exod. 7: 12 (Wright). 'For they cast downe every man his rod, and they turned to serpentes: but Aarons rodde did eate up their roddes'. Bacon's reading may derive from the Bishops' Bible whose headnote accords with this lemma: 'The rodde of Moyses is turned to a serpent'. Bishops' Bible also reads 'enchaunters' whereas Geneva (Bacon's customary English version) has 'sorcerers'. John C. Briggs, Francis Bacon and the rhetoric of nature, Harvard University Press: Cambridge, Mass., 1989, pp. 132–4, suggests the substitution of Moses (a figure seen as blessing the new learning's transformations) makes 'emphatic' the superiority to Egyptian learning.
l. 5: Opera Basilica—'royal works'. Wright compares 'basilica facinora' in Plautus, Trinummus, IV iii. 23, but Bacon surely echoes the king's own recent treatise, Basilikon doron, 'gift of a prince' (Edinburgh, 1599; revised 1603). The lemma, summing up a crucial constituent of Bacon's programme (see Introduction, pp. xxxviii–lvi above), recurs throughout his writing; cf. his characterization of the project to gather systematically comprehensive scientific data, PAH, a2v '(vt alibi diximus) Opus sit quasi Regium', '(as I have said elsewhere) a kind of royal work'.
l. 6: Image in a crosse way—a signpost at a fork in the road.
Page 61, l. 13: excite voluntary endeuours—i.e. stimulate voluntary research activity.
l. 23: not granted … to loue, and to bee wise—attributed to Agesilaus in Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Agesilaus', 3G3r; Tilley, L558; quoted in Ess, H2v (OFB, XV, p. 32, ll. 32–6).
l. 26–7: Nam … viam—'For who will kindly point out the way to a wanderer'; verses by Ennius in Cicero, De officiis, i. 16 ('Homo qui').
Page 61, l. 39: Dicit piger, Leo est in via—'The lazy man says there is a lion in the path'. Paraphrase of Prov. 22: 13 ('est foris'; Vulgate).
Page 62, l. 1: Possunt, quia posse videntur—'They are capable, because they deem themselves to be'. Virgil, Aeneid, v. 231; PFE (OFB, I), fo. 91r.
ll. 5–8: THE PARTS of humane learning … REASON—Bacon's classification is based upon the categories in Galen's analysis of the faculties of the soul. See Grazia Tonelli Olivieri, 'Galen and Francis Bacon: faculties of the soul and the classification of knowledge', in The shapes of knowledge from the renaissance to the enlightenment, ed. Donald R. Kelley and Richard H. Popkin, Dordrecht, 1991, pp. 61–81. Jardine, Francis Bacon, pp. 96 ff., skilfully recapitulates earlier systems for the classification of knowledge and Bacon's relationship to them. Also see Sachiko Kusukawa's analysis in CCB, pp. 47–74, and CHRP, passim.
Page 62, ll. 16–17: [marginal note]: Historia Literarum—'History of Letters'; that is, a history of intellectual culture in its various historical contexts (Rees); Vickers would extend the meaning to a much wider sense: 'that is, of all written records'.
l. 21: with his eye out—i.e. fundamentally deficient; Polyphemus was the oneeyed giant Cyclops blinded by Odysseus (Od. ix. 106 ff).
ll. 24–5: some smal memorials of the Schooles, Authors, and Bookes—such as the compendium of extracts and opinions on the Greek philosophers by Diogenes Laertius (third century ad), also Plutarch (first century ad) and the De grammaticis et rhetoribus (second century) by Suetonius.
ll. 26–31: a iust story of learning, … and all other euents concerning learning, throughout the ages of the world—Bacon's innovation here is, in effect, to propose a social history of knowledge. See Luciano Malusa in Storia delle storie generali della filosofia, vol. I, ed. Giovanni Santinello, Brecsia, 1981; English edn., Models of the history of philosophy: from its origins in the renaissance to the 'historia philosophia', gen. ed. C. W. T. Blackwell, Kluwer Academic Publishers: Dordrecht, 1993: 'the traditional review of opinions was to be replaced by analysis of the progress of knowledge and events that affected philosophers' views on mankind and nature, so that they could take their place next to literary, poetic and scientific works … Literary history was supposed to create a grand scheme that linked the development of all disciplines and the relationship between them' (p. 165). I am indebted to Graham Rees for this reference.
Page 62, l. 37: Saint Augustines—(354–430), a doctor of the Church. He wrote Confessions, a conversion narrative, and De civitate dei, a defence of Christianity, as well as many polemical and dogmatical works.
l. 37: Ambrose—(340?–397), a doctor of the Church, bishop of Milan, his works include homilies, scriptural allegory, and hymns.
Page 63, l. 1: NATVRE in COVRSE—in due order, or in its normal course. For natural history and Bacon's own histories see OFB, XII and XIII.
l. 2: NATVRE ERRING, or VARYING—anomalies, marvels, monsters, heteroclites.
l. 2: NATVRE ALTERED or wroght—i.e. by human intervention, i.e. history of the mechanical arts.
ll. 7–9: [marginal note] Historia Natura Errantis—'History of Nature Erring'.
ll. 14–16: a substantiall and seuere Collection … with due reiection of fables, and popular Errors—Bacon sketches this project with likely resources (ancient, medieval, and Renaissance compendia compiled by Pliny the Elder, Viscentius Bellovacensis, Laurens Joubert, Pancirollo) in CS, fo. 15v (LL, IV, p. 65); see here, 2I2v, p. 91, ll. 35–6, for the 'Kalender of popular Errors'. Bacon's concern here (as with his call on 2C1r, p. 64, ll. 12 ff. for a similar collection for the mechanical arts), is above all functional: a systematic collection of masses of empirical data will provide the primary matter for scientific investigation on which to base scrupulous generalization and, ultimately, principles to benefit mankind. See Graham Rees, 'Quantitative reasoning in Francis Bacon's natural philosophy', Nouvelles de la république des lettres (Naples), 5 (1985), 27–48.
l. 22: nothing lesse, then—'by no means' (Wright).
Page 64, l. 2: your owne example—in his critique of witchcraft, Dæmonologie, in forme of a dialogue, Edinburgh, 1597.
ll. 9–10: Narrations touching the Prodigies and Miracles of Religions—such collections as the medieval Legenda Aurea roundly condemned in 'Of Atheisme', Ess, N1v (OFB, XV, p. 51, ll. 3–4).
l. 12: HISTORY of NATVRE WROVGHT, or MECHANICALL—its scope and methodology detailed in CS, fo. 15v (SEH, IV, pp. 65–6): 'The places or thinges to be inquyred are; first the materialls, and their quantities and proportions; Next the Instruments and Engins requesite—then the vse and adopitation [sic] of euery Instrument; then the woork it self and all the processe thereof with the tymes and seasons of doing euery part thereof; Then the Errors which may be comytted, and agayn those things which Conduce to make the woorke in more perfection; Then all obseruacions, Axiomes, directions; Lastly all things collaterall incident or interuenient'. See 2B4r (p. 63, ll. 14–17) and cmt thereon. Also see PAH, b3v ff., DAS, M1v ff. (SEH, VII, 498 ff).
ll. 13–14: [marginal note] Historia Mechanica—'Mechanical History'.
Page 64, ll. 18–27: Plato: … bringes in Hippias … an Ironie—Plato, Hippias major, 287e–291e.
ll. 29–30: the Philosopher, … fell into the water—Diogenes Laertius, i. 34 pg 265(Antwerp, 1566, B2r), names him as Thales; proverbial: 'To look at the stars and fall into a ditch' (Tilley, S827). Cf. Sidney, Astrophil and stella (1581–2), 19: 10–11; Defence of poetry (1595), p. 82; Lyly distils the proverb into a bumbling astrologer for his play Gallathea (London, 1588), III. iii.
ll. 33–4: Aristotle noteth well—Polit, i. 3. 1; Phys. i.
Page 65, l. 16: neuer well knowen, till hee be crossed—cf. Ess, 2G3r (OFB, XV, p. 120, ll. 41–4): 'A Mans Nature is best perceived … In Passion, for that putteth a Man out of his Precepts'.
l. 16: Proteus euer chaunged shapes—minor sea-god who would change appearance at will unless restrained; see Od. iv. 385 ff.; Virgil, Georg, iv. 397–414. Bacon interprets the figure allegorically as 'PROTEVS, sive Materia' in DSV, 2C3v–2C4r (SEH, VI, pp. 725–6).
Page 65, l. 20: of three kinds—accepted by Ralegh, The history of the world (1614), E3v: 'I am not altogether ignorant in the Lawes of Historie, and of the Kindes. The same hath beene taught by many; but by no man better, and with greater brevity, than by that excellent learned Gentleman Sir Francis Bacon' (Ellis).
ll. 34–5: Cæsar … the name of a commentarie—originally, commentarii were notebooks compiled by orators; later, the term applied to memoirs. Julius Caesar adopted the term for his lean narratives of his military campaigns, De bello Gallico and De bello civili See above, K4r (p. 46, ll. 23–4) and cmt thereon (p. 244).
Page 66, ll. 1–6: Remnants of History, … from the deluge of time—the full title of Camden's just published antiquarian collection subsumes many of Bacon's categories: Remaines of a greater worke concerning Britaine the inhabitants thereof, their languages, names, surnames, empreses, wise speeches, poesies, and epitaphes (1605); entered 10 November 1604 in the Stationers' Register, as 'Reserches of Brittainne …' (Arber, iii. 275). Bacon sent Camden corrections to the account of his father, Sir Nicholas Bacon, in Annales rerum Anglicarum, et Hibernicarum, regnante Elizabetha (1615) 'for my father's honour, as a son I confess' (7 April 1610; LL, IV, p. 212).
l. 1: as was saide—above, 2C2v (p. 65, l. 26).
ll. 1–2: tanquam Tabula Naufragij—'only the plank of a shipwreck'. Cicero, De officiis, iii. 23. 89 (Wright).
l. 8: tanquam imperfectè Mista—'only imperfectly mixed'. In DUK, B2v (LL, III, p. 94), Bacon instances 'those bodies which they call Imperfecte mistà [snow, air and water], last not, but are speedily dissolued'. Cf. OFB, VI, pp. 396–7, 406.
ll. 9–10: Corruptions and Mothes of Historie, which are Epitomes—such abridgements of Roman history as Lucius Annaeus Florus, Epitome bellorum omnium annorum DCC (Livy, Caesar, Sallust) or the Epitome de Cæsaribus or such native compendia as John Stow's A summarie of Englyshe chronicles (1566) further pg 266reduced in a duodecimo version '(lately collected and published) nowe abridged, and continued tyle March 1566' (1566–1618). Their popularity could be at the expense of the originals (certain books of Livy and Dio Cassius existed only in summaries), hence Bacon's metaphor. Ascham made a similar charge in The scholemaster, N2v: 'It may proffet priuately some learned men, but it hath hurt generallie learning it selfe, very moch. For by it have we lost whole Trogus, the best part of T. Liuius, the goodlie Dictionarie of Pompeius festus, a great deale of the Civill lawe, and other many notable bookes.' The negative impact of epitomes upon the research student is scored in a letter of advice to Fulke Greville: 'Such abridgments make us know the places where great battles have been fought, and the names of the conquerors and conquered, and will minister arguments of discourse, but cannot breed soundness of judgement, which is the true use of all learning' (LL, II, p. 23). See Brian Vickers, 'The authenticity of Bacon's earliest writings', Studies in Philology, 94 (1997), 289–92. On 2R1r (p. 126, l. 16) Bacon assails Ramus for 'introducing the Canker of Epitomes'.
Page 66, l. 25: Maxima è Minimis suspendens—'suspending the greatest from the least'.
ll. 31–2: War of Peloponnesus—see Thucydides, History of the war between Athens and Sparta, 431–404 bc.
l. 32: Expedition of Cyrus Minor—in the Anabasis, see Xenophon's account of the arduous trek by the Greeks from Asia Minor back to Greece in 401–399 bc. The lemma indicates Bacon used the Latin translation, De Cyri minoris expeditione, Opera, Geneva, 1596; see above, B4v (p. 10, l. 19) and cmt thereon (p. 211).
l. 32: Conspiracie of Catiline—43 bc; see Sallust, Bellum Catilinae.
Page 67, ll. 12–13: Caput inter nubila condit—'head thrust among the clouds'. Virgil, Aeneid, iv. 177 (Rumor); paraphrased in l. 13; PFE (OFB, I), fo. 105v. Bacon builds his essay 'Of Fame', Ess (OFB, XV, p. 177, ll. 8–27), out of Virgil's description.
ll. 15–16: Historie … from Theseus to Philopæmen—a legendary Athenian hero and king, Theseus consolidated the Attic communities under Athens (Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Theseus', B6r). Philopoemen of Megalopolis (c.253–182 bc), statesman and general, dominated the Achaean league and defeated Sparta. Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Philopoemen', 2I4r, notes 'GRECE did love him passingly well, as the last valliant man she brought forth in her age, after so many great and famous auncient captaines' (marginal note: 'Philopoemen the last famous man of Grece').
l. 16: what time—during which period.
l. 17: from Romulus to Iustinianus—Romulus, eponymous founder of Rome. Abandoned by a usurping uncle, he and twin Remus (sons of Mars and Rhea Silva), were suckled by a she-wolf (Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Romulus', C4v); first pg 267among 'Conditores Imperiorum'; 'Founders of States, and Common-Wealths' in 'Of Honour and Reputation', Ess, 2S1r–v (OFB, XV, p. 164, ll. 30–2). Justinian I, emperor ad 527–65, directed the consolidation of Roman law, Corpus juris civilis; he is listed among the 'Second Founders, or Perpetui Principes, because they Governe by their Ordinances, after they are gone', Ess, 2S1v (OFB, XV, p. 164, ll. 34–6).
l. 18: Vltimus Romanorum—'last of the Romans'. Wright notes that Tacitus, Ann. iv. 34, applies the phrase to Cassius, and Suetonius, Life of Tiberius, 61, to Brutus and Cassius; Brutus speaks an English version over the slain Titinius and Cassius in Shakespeare's Julius Cæsar (1599), V. iii. 99. Bacon may have been sparked by Plutarch, quoted above on 2C4r (p. 67, ll. 15–16) and cmt thereon (p. 266 above).
ll. 19–20: Texts of Liuius, … Herodianus—Titus Livius (59 bc–ad 17). His history of Rome, Ab urbe condita libri, breaks off with the death of Drusus in 9 bc; thirty-five (of 142) books are extant, the rest in fragments and epitome. Polybius (c.? 203–c.120 bc), Greek historian of Rome. His Universal history covers 220/ 219–145/144 bc in forty books, of which the first five exist, the remainder in excerpts and quotation. Gaius Sallustius Crispus (86–c. 34 bc). His works include Bellum Catilinae, treating the Catiline conspiracy; Bellum Jugurthinum, the war with Numidian king Jugurtha (111–106 bc); and the Historiae, fragments of speeches. Julius Caesar (102–44 bc). His extant historical works include De bello Gallico (58 to 52 bc), and De bello civili praised on K4r (p. 46, ll. 23–4 above). Appian (fl. second century ad). His history of Roman imperialism from the founding of Rome to the reign of Trajan (ad 98–117), composed in Greek in twenty-four books, survives in fragments (vi–vii, xi–xvii). Cornelius Tacitus (c. ad 55–?after 115). A favourite Bacon source, his works include De vita Julii Agricolae, a life of his father-in-law, focusing upon Roman Britain; De origine et situ Germanorum, a description of the Germanic tribes; and two narratives of the imperial period ad 14–96, Historia, and Annalia, both fragmentary. Herodian of Syria (fl. early third century) wrote an account in Greek of the emperors from Marcus Aurelius to Gordianus III (ad 180–238). All of the Greek texts were available in Latin translation.
Page 67, ll. 26–7: leauing the care of forreyne stories to forreyne States—a few years later, Bacon attempted to set the record straight regarding Queen Elizabeth's reign in a Latin piece, forwarded through the good offices of Sir George Carew, ambassador to Paris, for inclusion in Jacques-Auguste de Thou's Historiarum sui temporis. See SEH, VI, pp. 291–303; his covering letter (c.1608), LL, IV, pp. 109–10; also herein, ll. 28–9 and cmt thereon. A manuscript of FME, endorsed 'for the l. Ambassdor in france', is extant in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris (IELM, BcF 299).
ll. 27–8: Curiosus in aliena Republica—'a pryer into a foreign republic'. Paraphrase of Cicero, De officiis, i. 34. 125 (Wright).
ll. 28–9: vnworthinesse of the Historie of Englande in the Maine continuance—writing to Lord Chancellor Ellesmere (April 1605; LL, III, pp. 250, 251), Bacon puts the case for a history 'of the times which have passed since King Henry the 8th', by attacking the research methodology of Polydore Vergil (1470?–1555?), commissioned to write a Latin history, 'having obtained into his hands many registers and memorials out of the monasteries, did indeed deface and suppress better things than those he did collect and reduce'. Such vernacular chronicles as Halle, Grafton, Holinshed—no doubt to be booked among that 'greater part beneath Mediocritie' (l. 26)—treat the civil chaos of the fifteenth century leading up to the Tudor ascendancy Bacon proposes to study. Though he protests the project is for other pens than his own (LL, III, p. 252), he returns to it c.1609–10, submitting ('only for your Majesty's reading'), 'The Beginning of the History of Great Britain'; see HGB (SEH, VI, pp. 275–9). In the leisure enforced by impeachment, Bacon picks up the task once more, publishing HVII in 1622. The following year he began a history of Henry VIII (at the request of Prince Charles) of which the opening paragraph survives (SEH, VI, pp. 269–70). Bacon's other writings on English history (not part of this project), include Latin memorials of Queen Elizabeth, FME, c.1608 (SEH, VI, pp. 305–18); see cmt on 2D1r (p. 68, l. 16) below, and of Prince Henry, HPWE, undated, ?1618 (SEH, VI, pp. 323–5).
ll. 30–1: partialitie, … in the latest and largest Author—George Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum historia (Edinburgh, 1582). Buchanan (1506–82), learned humanist and Latinist, returned from Calvinist exile on the Continent to tutor Queen Mary and her son, James VI. See D. H. Willson, King James VI and I, Jonathan Cape: London, 1956, repr. 1963, pp. 19–27, and, especially, Maurice Lee, Great Britain's Solomon:James VI and I in his three kingdoms, University of Illinois Press: Urbana, 1990, pp. 31–2, 34. As king of Scotland, James rejected Buchanan's Calvinist teachings and his attacks upon his mother, persuading the Scottish Parliament to condemn Buchanan's writings in 1584 as anti-royalist. Bacon takes his lead once more from Basilikon doron wherein James counsels Prince Henry to be 'well versed in authenticke histories, & in the Chronicles of all nations; but speciallie in our owne histories. … I meane not of suche infamous inuectiues, as Buchanans or Knoxes Chronicles' (Edinburgh, 1599; 1603 edn.), H6v.
ll. 35–6: Tenne Tribes, and of the Two Tribes—the twelve Hebrew tribes divided into two kingdoms at the death of Solomon c.930 bc: Judah (the tribes of Judah and Benjamin) and Israel (the other ten tribes); when Israel was conquered by the Assyrians in 721 bc, the ten dispersed, the so-called 'Lost Tribes'. Bacon had exploited this notion earlier in the coda to his DUK, C4r–v(EL, III, p. 98), 'dedicated in private to His Majesty' (LL, III, p. 90).
Page 67, l. 39–p. 68, l. 1: from the Vniting of the Roses, to the Vniting of the Kingdomes—from 1485 when Henry Tudor (red rose of Lancaster) killed the usurper Richard III (white rose of York) at Bosworth Field and ascended the throne of England as Henry VII initiating the Tudor dynasty. King James VI of Scotland succeeded to the English crown through his descent from Margaret Tudor, daughter of Henry VII, thereby effecting 'the Vniting of the Kingdomes'. Constitutional union was not achieved until 1707; see cmt, pp. 270–1 below. Bacon's dedicatory epistle of HVII to Prince Charles neatly sums up: 'the last King of England, that was Ancestour to the King your Father, and Your selfe; and was that King to whom both Vnions may in sort referre: That of the Roses beeing in him Consummate, and that of the Kingdomes by him begunne', A2r–v (SEH, VI, p. 25).
Page 68, ll. 3–4: mixt Adeption of a Crowne, by Armes and Tytle—'There were fallen to his lot, and concurrent in his Person, three seueral Titles to the Imperiall Crowne. The first, the Title of the Lady ELIZABETH [of York (1465–1503), daughter of Edward IV and Elizabeth Woodvile], with whom, by precedent Pact with the Partie that brought him in, he was to marrie. The second, the ancient and long disputed Tide (both by Plea and Armes) of the House of Lancaster, to which he was Inheritour in his owne Person. The third, the Tide of the Sword or Conquest, for that he came in by victorie of Battaile, and that the King in possession [Richard III] was slaine in the Field.' HVII, B2r–v (SEH, VI, p. 29).
Page 68, l. 7: by the wisedome of the Pylote—Henry VII, who reigned 1485–1509.
ll. 8–10: the Raigne of a King, … with the affaires of Europe—Henry VIII ruled 1509–47.
ll. 11–12: that great alteration in the State Ecclesiasticall—the break with Rome occasioned by the refusal of Pope Clement VII to grant Henry VIII an annulment of his marriage to Catherine of Aragon. The Act of Supremacy (1534) declared the king to be 'the only supreme head on earth of the Church of England'.
l. 13: Raigne of a Minor—Edward VI, son of Henry VIII and Jane Seymour, succeeded in 1547 at the age of 10, reigning until his death in 1553 from tuberculosis. He was controlled first by his uncle, Edward Seymour (later Duke of Somerset), then by Somerset's rival, John Dudley (later Duke of Northumberland).
l. 13: then an offer of an vsurpation—to avoid the feared accession of Catholic Mary Tudor, Northumberland persuaded the dying Edward VI to settle the crown upon Lady Jane Grey, granddaughter of Henry VIII's sister, and wife of Northumberland's son.
l. 14: Febris Ephemera—'day fever'; Bacon terms it 'Diary Ague' in his proposal letter (LL, III, p. 250). Lady Jane Grey was proclaimed on 10 July pg 2701553, ruling only nine days before Mary's adherents prevailed; she was beheaded in 1554.
ll. 14–15: Queene Matched with a Forreyner—Mary Tudor ruled from 1553 to her death in 1558; she married Philip, son of Emperor Charles V. He returned to Spain in 1555 (as Philip II) when the English Parliament blocked his coronation.
l. 16: her gouernment so masculine—despite his spectacularly unsuccessful efforts to win favour and position under Queen Elizabeth (see Ess, OFB, XV, p. xxi, n. 3), Bacon celebrated the skill of her governance; see above, I4v–K1r(p. 43, ll. 4–20), and FME (SEH, VI, pp. 291–303). In the 1621 version of his will he entrusts his unpublished works to his brother-in-law, John Constable, mentioning one by name, 'And in particular I wish the Elogium I wrote In felicem memoriam Reginae Elizabethae may be published' (LL, VII, p. 228); in the event, not until 1658.
l. 19: Brittany deuided from all the world—Wright hears an echo of Virgil, Eclog i. 66: 'Et penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos', 'And the Britons totally separated from the entire world'. Cf. also John of Gaunt's paean in Shakespeare's Richard II (1595), II. i. 46–9.
l. 20: Antiquam exquirite Matrem—'seek out your ancient mother'. Virgil, Aeneid, iii. 96.
l. 22: now reunited in the auncient Mother name of Brittany—i.e. with the accession of a Scottish king to the English throne, a condition James proposed to commemorate by changing his royal style to King of Great Britain. His Accession medal (1603) declared him as Emperor of the Whole Island of Britain; plate I in MWJC. Union prompted lively debate in which Bacon took a prominent part. In the conference of April 1604 to consider the king's request for an Act of Parliament, Bacon is reported to have defended 'Great Brittany' as a name 'honourable for the antiquity; and none known of old but Albion and Britany; but one of these was only poetical, the other true and historical' (LL, III, p. 191). Debate centred on perceptions that the king's request encroached on parliamentary prerogative and on the spectre of legal chaos as Scottish and English rights and laws clashed. Bacon's analysis in CAU recommended that the king 'assume, the Stile by Proclamation, and not by Parliament', 2E3r (LL, III, p. 226) to avoid the perception that laws were being altered. James agreed and on 20 October 1604 issued a proclamation 'concerning the Kings Majesties Stile': 'Wherefore Wee have thought good to discontinue the divided names of England and Scotland out of our Regall Stile, and doe intend and resolve to take and assume unto Us in maner and forme hereafter expressed, The Name and Stile of KING of GREAT BRITTAINE, including therein according to the trueth, the whole Island' (Larkin, No. 45; p. 96). Coins issued thereafter used this style (see Larkin, Nos. 47, 122, 128). In Jonson's The Masque of Blacknesse, presented by Queen Anne and her ladies on 6 January 1604/5, Niger's daughters arrive at court to dance and acknowledge 'that great name BRITANIA, this blest pg 271Isle | Hath wonne her ancient dignitie, and stile' (Works, vii. 177, lines 246–7). Bacon uses the name ('Brittany') herein on 2D1r (p. 68, ll. 19, 22) and 3G3r (p. 190, l. 11).
ll. 24–5: certaine trepidations … settle—cf. Ess, I2v (OFB, XV, p. 36, ll. 101–2): 'And as in Nature, Things move violently to their Place, and calmely in their Place'. Also see HDR, D1r–v, for the internal tumult that goes on in cannon balls after they have landed.
Page 68, ll. 34–5: Inuention of one of the late Poets—Ludovico Ariosto (1474–1533), in Orlando Furioso, xxiv–xxv, xxxiv. 88–91, xxxv. 10–22; trans. J. Harington (London, 1591), 2B3r, 3B5r–v (Singer in Wright).
l. 35: auncient fiction—of the Fates: Clotho spun the thread of life; Lachesis measured its length; Atropos cut it at death.
l. 39: Lethe—river of forgetfulness from which the dead drank upon arriving in Hades.
Page 69, l. 7: Animi … egentes—'souls caring nothing for high praise'. Virgil, Aeneid, v. 751.
Page 69, ll. 8–9: Non prius … desivimus—'we do not scorn praises until we cease to do what is praiseworthy'. Paraphrase of Pliny, Epist. iii. 21 ('Nam postquam desimus facere laudanda, laudari quoque ineptum putamus').
l. 10: Memoria Iusti … putrescet—'The memory of the just [shall live] in praises, but the name of the wicked shall putrify'. Prov. 10: 7 ('nomen impiorum', Vulgate).
l. 13: Fælicis memoriæ, … bonæ memoriæ—'of happy memory, of pious memory, of good memory'.
l. 15: Bona Fama … defunctorum—'A good reputation is the sole possession of the dead.' Paraphrase of Cicero, Philipp, ix. 5. 10 ('vita enim mortuorum in memoria est vivorum posita').
Page 69, l. 33–4: Cum ex dignitate … mandare—'Although, in accordance with the dignity of the Roman people, it has been held fitting to record great events in annals and details such as these [construction of an amphitheatre] to the journals of the city'. Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 31.
ll. 34–5: a kinde of contemplatiue Heraldry—i.e. ranking categories of History according to the importance of the actions recorded, 2D2v (p. 70, ll. 1–3).
l. 7: Ahassuerus—Esther 6: 1; Hebrew form of Xerxes ('Ahashuerosh', pg 272Geneva); king of Persia (486–465 bc), he brought Egypt under Persian control in 484 bc.
l. 9: the IOVRNALL of Alexanders house—Plutarch, Morals, 3I4r, notes 'certeine scroles, papers, and day-books of the said kings house' were used by Philinus to settle the question of Alexander's drinking.
Page 70, ll. 15–17: scattered History … with politique … conclusions thereupon—Machiavelli's Discorsi sopra la prima deca di Tito Livio (1531); see 3A3r (p. 162, ll. 27–9).
ll. 30–1: Mathematiques in respect of the Climats, and configurations towards the Heauens—Trinity College's 1560 statutes stipulate that the mathematics lecturer teach 'geometriam, tum cognitionem sphaerae et cosmographiam, deinde astronomiam'. Mullinger, The University of Cambridge, II, p. 599.
l. 34: through lights—see Glossary; cf. Ess, 2L3v (OFB, XV, p. 137, l. 97).
l. 35: knowledge of the Antipodes—cf. VT, p. 36 (SEH, III, p. 225): 'for at that tyme the world was altogether home-bred every nation looked little beyonde their owne Confynes or Territories: and the world had noe through lightes then as it hath had since by Commerce and navigation, wherby there could neither be that Contribucion of wittes one to helpe another, nor that variety of particulers for the correcting of Customary Concerto.' See C2v (p. 12, ll. 32–3) and cmt thereon (p. 213 above).
Page 70, l. 36–p. 71, l. 1: Nosque … vesper—'When the rising sun first breathes upon us with panting horses, there glowing Vesper is kindling evening lights'. Virgil, Georg. i. 250–1.
Page 71, ll. 2–4: circle the Earth, … till these later times—Ferdinand Magellan led the way (1519), sailing from Spain south through the straits at the tip of South America, north-west across the Pacific Ocean to the Philippines, where he was killed by natives (1521). Sir Francis Drake was the first Englishman to circumnavigate (1577–9). The title-page of Richard Hakluyt's The principall navigations, volages and discoueries of the English nation (London, 1589), features circumnavigation, 'Whereunto is added the last most renowmed English Nauigation, round about the whole Globe of the Earth'; an account of Sir Thomas Cavendish's recent feat (1586) appears on 4D2v–4D4v, and Drake's inaugural trip on 3M4r–3M8v.
l. 5: Non vltrà—'no further'.
l. 6: Non imitabile fulmen—'unlike a thunderbolt'.
l. 7: Demens … fulmen, &c. 'Madman, who mimicked the storm-clouds and the inimitable thunderbolt with brass and the hoof-beat of horn-footed horses'. Paraphrase of Virgil, Aeneid, vi. 590–1 ('fulmen, | aere et cornipedum pulsu simularet equorum').
l. 8: Imitabile Cælum—'like to the heavens'.
Page 71, ll. 25–6: fluctuant, as the Arke of Noah—Gen. 6–8.
l. 26: moueable, as the Arke in the Wildernes—Exod. 25–40 (Moses).
ll. 26–7: at rest, … Temple—2 Sam. 7: 2–29 (David).
l. 30: in hand with—occupied with.
ll. 31–2: [marginal note] Historia Prophetica—'History of Prophecy'.
Page 72, l. 2: a thousande yeares … one day—Ps. 90: 4; 2 Pet. 3: 8 (Wright).
Page 72, ll. 10–11: not legible to the Naturall Man—1 Cor. 2: 14: 'But the natural man perceiveth not the things of the Spirit of God: for they are foolishnes unto him: nether can he know them, because they are spiritually discerned.' Geneva glosses '[one] whose knowledge and judgement is not cleared by Gods Spirit'; Vulgate, 'animalis homo'.
ll. 13–14: those which are as without God in the world—Eph. 2: 12.
l. 15: He that runneth by, may read it—Hab. 2:2: 'And the Lord answered me, & said, Write the vision, and make it plaine vpon tables, that he may runne that readeth it' (Geneva). Wright points to the Coverdale version (1535): 'that who so commeth by, may rede it', but it is more likely to be Bacon's translation of the Vulgate, 'ut percurrat qui legerit eum'.
Page 72, ll. 37–8: Letters of Affaires from such as Manage them—Bacon makes special provision to preserve his own letters and speeches: 'I have made up two register books, the one of my orations or speeches, the other of my epistles or letters, … yet because they touch upon business of state, they are not fit to be put into the hands but of some councillor, I do devise and bequeath them to … my very good lord the lord bishop of Lincoln and the chancellor of his majesty's duchy of Lancaster' (1625 will; LL, VII, p. 540). John Williams (1582–1650) succeeded Bacon as Lord Keeper in 1621; Sir Humphrey May (1573–1630) was named Lancaster chancellor in 1618. In an undated letter to Williams, Bacon elaborates: 'I find that the ancients (as Cicero, Demosthenes, Plinius Secundus, and others), have preserved both their orations and their epistles. In imitation of whom I have done the like to my own; which nevertheless I will not publish pg 274while I live. … My speeches (perhaps) you will think fit to publish. The letters, many of them, touch too much upon late matters of state, to be published; yet I was willing they should not be lost' (LL, VII, p. 546). See analysis of the extant MSS of speeches and letters in IELM (pp. 20–2). Ess, published after his removal from office, was another means by which Bacon sought to share his 'best instructions for History' 2E1 (p. 73, l. 1); Ess (OFB, XV, pp. xix–xxxi). Page 73, l. 2: APOTHEGMES—Plutarch compiled several collections for Moralia: 'Notable Sayings of Kings, Princes and great Captaines' (2L3v–2O6r); '… of Lacedæmonians' (206v–2R4r), and '… of Lacedæmonian Dames' (2R6r– 2S1v). Erasmus published Apophthegmatum libri octo in 1535. Camden included 'Grave Speeches, and wittie Apothegmes of woorthie Personages of this Realme in former times' in Remaines (1605), 2A1r–2H2r: 'leaving to other to gather the pregnant Apothegmes of our time, which I knowe wil finde farre more fauour' (2A1v). Bacon's dissatisfaction with earlier collections (lines 6–7) no doubt prompted the publication of his Apophthegmes new and old (1625; SEH, VII, pp. 123–65), comprising classical and English anecdotes, as well as recent items from personal experience and oral tradition. Bacon's interest in the genre early on may be seen in the dozen items recorded on an autograph leaf, 'Elegancies miscellany Apr. 22. 1601' (IELM, BcF 85). Bacon suggests criteria for the culling of apophthegms in his unpublished fragment, DRH: 'The apte & sentencious speeches & answeres comonly called Apothegemata but with especiall choise, refuseing those thinges which are reported by the writters of histories, without iudgement most of them being could and without grace, the best sorte of them are either sharpe or wittie replies', illustrating with several anecdotes from North's translation of Plutarch's 'Life of Alexander the Great' (MS 4A: I, Spencer Library, University of Kansas; IELM, BcF 197); ed. David M. Bergeron, PBSA, 84 (1990), 402.
Page 73, ll. 11–12: Celles, Domiciles, or offices of the Mind of Man—sites of the faculties of the brain (memory, imagination, reason) associated on 2B3r (p. 62, ll. 5–8) and cmt thereon (p. 263 above) with specific divisions of learning, thence the organizing principle and foundation for this survey and analysis.
ll. 15–18: not tyed to the Lawes of Matter; … and so make vnlawfull Matches & diuorses of things—Sidney, Defence of poetry, revels in this freedom: 'Only the poet, disdaining to be tied to any such subjection, lifted up with the vigour of his own invention, doth grow in effect another nature, in making things either better than nature bringeth forth, or, quite anew, forms such as never were in nature, as the Heroes, Demigods, Cyclops, Chimeras, Furies, and such like: so as he goeth hand in hand with nature, not enclosed within the narrow warrant of her gifts, but freely ranging only within the zodiac of his own wit' (p. 78).
l. 18: Pictoribus atque Poetis &c.—'to painters and poets, etc.', Horace, De arte pg 275poetica (Epist. ad Pisones), 9–10 ('pictoribus atque poetis quidlibet audendi semper fuit aequa potestas', 'painters and poets have always had equal right to dare anything').
ll. 22–3: stiled as well in Prose as in Verse—i.e. both are 'FAINED HISTORY'; Sidney, Defence of poetry, pp. 81–2, declares: 'it is not rhyming and versing that maketh a poet—no more than a long gown maketh an advocate, who though he pleaded in armour should be an advocate and no soldier. But it is that feigning notable images of virtues, vices, or what else, with that delightful teaching, which must be the right describing note to know a poet by.'
Page 73, ll. 32–3: true Historie … not so agreable to the merits of Vertue and Vice—cf. Sidney, Defence of poetry, p. 88: 'If the poet, do his part aright, he will show you in Tantalus, Atreus, and such like, nothing that is not to be shunned; in Cyrus, Aeneas, Ulysses, each thing to be followed; where the historian, bound to tell things as things were, cannot be liberal (without he will be poetical) of a perfect pattern.'
Page 74, l. 21: briefe sentences of the seuen—the sayings of the seven wise men from sixth-century BC Greece: Bias, Chilon, Cleobulus, Periander, Pittacus, Solon, and Thales. Bias was a semi-legendary sage; the Spartan Chilon strengthened the role of magistrates; Cleobulus, tyrant of Lindus, was a poet and composer of riddles; Periander (d. 585 bc), tyrant of Corinth, was a patron of the arts; Pittacus (c.650–c.570 bc), statesman and military leader, overthrew the tyrant of Mytilene and ruled a republican city for ten years as lawgiver; Solon (fl. 560 bc), Athenian statesman and poet, replaced the Draconian code with humane laws; Thales of Miletus was both statesman and scientist. Plutarch collects their 'sentences' in 'THE BANQVET OF THE SEVEN SAGES', Morals, 2E1r–2F5v, which was Bacon's likely prompt, given the following note; also Diogenes Laertius, book I. Bacon draws upon several of the seven in Apo.
ll. 21–2: vse of Hieroglyphikes—Plutarch, Morals 'Of Isis and Osiris', 5Q4r(Wright).
ll. 23–4: to expresse any point of reason, which was more sharpe or subtile then the vulgar—cf. Sidney, Defence of poetry, p. 74: 'the first of that country that made pens deliverers of their knowledge to the posterity, … as causes to draw with their charming sweetness the wild untamed wits to an admiration of knowledge'. Sidney observes Greek philosophers 'durst not a long time appear to the world but under the masks of poets', instancing Thales, Empedocles, and Parmenides (p. 75).
Page 74, ll. 32–3: when the Secrets and Misteries of Religion, Pollicy, or Philosophy, are inuolued in Fables or Parables—Bacon produces his own pg 276arcane interpretations of 31 fables on such topics in DSV (SEH, VI, pp. 625–86). Bacon inserted revised versions of three of these fables into DAS, P4r–S2v(SEH, I, pp. 520–38). Fables of Fame and Briareus were introduced into the Harleian manuscript of the Essaies prepared for Prince Henry (c.1610–12), 'Of Seditions and Troubles', Ess, L3r, M3r–v (OFB, XV, p. 43, ll. 17–26; p. 48, ll. 170–5), and the fable of Metis into 'Of Counsell', Ess, Q2v–Q3r (OFB, XV, pp. 64–5, ll. 25–49, 60 ff.)—the latter passage being deleted as too impolitic for the 1612 edition; see Ess (OFB, XV, p. 65, l. 60, tn).
Page 74, ll. 33–4: in diuine Poesie, … the vse is authorised—William Tyndale, The Obedience of a Christen man (London, 1532) distinguishes 'The iiii. [traditional] senses of the scripture', 'They deuide the scripture in to iiij. senses, the literall, tropologicall [re: morals, conduct], allegoricall, anagogicall [spiritual]' (R1r).
Page 75, ll. 1–3: Illam … Progenuit—'Mother Earth (as they relate), irritated by anger against the gods, brought her [Rumour] last as sister to Cæus and Enceladus.' Virgil, Aeneid, iv. 178–80. See DSV, 2C1v (SEH, VI, p. 645). In the second fable, Thetis (not Pallas) summons Briareus; see Homer, Iliad, i. 396–406. Also cf. HVII, T1r (SEH, VI, p. 153): 'Hereupon presently came forth Swarmes and Volies of Libels (which are the Gusts of Libertie of Speach restrayned, and the Females of Sedition,) contayning bitter Inuectiues, and Slanders against the King, and some of the Councell.'
ll. 12–14: the fable, … Expounded Ingeniously, but corruptly by Machiauell—in Ilprincipe, xviii (Gilbert trans., i. 64–5), which instances Emperor Severus (xix; i. 73).
Page 75, l. 20: Chrisippus—Chrysippus, Stoic philosopher (c.280–207 bc) in Cicero, De natura deorum, I. xv. 39–41 (Wright).
ll. 24–7: euen Homer … no such inwardnesse in his owne meaning—Wright suggests Bacon may be recalling Rabelais's prologue to Gargantua, Paris, 1532: 'Do you beleeve upon your conscience, that Homer whilst he was a couching his Iliads and Odysses, had any thought upon those Allegories, which Plutarch, Heraclides, Ponticus, Fristatius, Cornutus squeesed out of him, … as little dreamed of by Homer, as the Gospel-sacraments were by Ovid In his Metamorphosis' (trans. T. Urquhart, 1653, B3r). Bacon also drew on this prologue on E1r (p. 19, l. 37) and cmt thereon (p. 219). For English examples, see Arthur Golding's comments on the 'darke Philosophie of turned shapes' in The xv bookes of P. Ovidus Naso, entytuled Metamorphosis, London, 1567, a2r, and Sir John Harington's apologia for his translation of Ariosto: 'For the weaker capacities will feede themselues with the pleasantnes of the historie and sweetnes of the verse, some that have stronger stomackes will as it were take a further taste of the Morall sence, a third sort more high conceited then they, will digest the Allegorie', Orlando Furioso in English heroical verse, London, 1591, *4v.
l. 29: this third part—i.e. the second.
l. 39: this Philosophy—i.e. philosophia prima.
Page 77, ll. 2–19: Quantitie, … description by Negatiue—see ANN, fos. 35v–36r(OFB, XIII).
ll. 3–4: as Philosophers, and in Nature—i.e. using the phenomena of nature as a 'control' for evaluating philosophical speculation.
Page 77, l. 4: of force—necessarily.
l. 23: Si inæqualibus … inæqualia—'If you add equals to unequals, the wholes will be unequal.' Euclid, Elem. book i, axiom 4.
Page 77, ll. 25–6: true coincidence betweene commutatiue and distributiue Iustice, and Arithmeticall and Geometricall proportion—Sir Thomas Elyot, The boke named the gouernour (1531), III. 1, X7v–X8r (citing Aristotle), distinguishes them as follows: 'iustyce distributiue / which is in distribution of honour / money / benefite / or other thing semblable: the other is called commutatiue or by exchaunge, … in englyss correctiue. … Iustice distributiue hathe regarde to the persone: iustice commutatiue hath no regarde to the persone / but onely considerynge the inequalitie / wherby the one thynge excedeth the other / indeauoureth to brynge them bothe to an equalitie'; distributive justice adjudicates according to merit, commutative (or corrective) justice, according to equity'. Both the kinds of justice and the mathematical analogy appear in Nicom. eth. v. 3–5.
ll. 26–7: Quæ … se conveniunt—'Things which are equal to the same, are equal to each other'. Euclid, Elem. book i, axiom 1.
l. 28: Omnia mutantur, nil interit—'Everything changes, nothing perishes'. Ovid, Met. xv. 165 ('nihil').
l. 30: Quantum—the total quantity of matter; see HDR, A2v (OFB, XIII).
l. 31: requireth the same Omnipotencie—amplified in SS, E4r (SEH, II, p. 383): 'There is nothing more Certaine in Nature, than that it is impossible for any Body to be vtterly Annihilated; But that as, it was the worke of the Omnipotency of God to make Somewhat of Nothing, So it requireth the like Omnipotency, to turne Somewhat into Nothing.'
ll. 33–4: Didici … auferre—'I know that all the works which God made, shall pg 278exist forever; we cannot add nor take away anything'. Eccles. 3:14 ('quidquam', Vulgate).
ll. 35–7: Machiauill … Ciuill administration—Machiavelli, Discorsi, ii. 1; (Gilbert trans., i. 419 ff).
ll. 36–7: ad Principia—'to origins'.
Page 78, l. 1: the Persian Magicke—Bacon's source is Giovanni Battista Porta, Magiae naturalis libri viginti, Frankfurt, 1597, A2r.
ll. 3–8: precept of a Musitian, … water—cf. SS, F2v (SEH, II, pp. 388, 389).
ll. 6–7: the Trope of Rhetoricke of deceyuing expectation—cf. VT, p. 45 (SEH, III, p. 230): 'The figure that Cicero & the rest commend as one of the best points of elegancy which is the fyne Checkquinge of expectacion is noe lesse well knowne to the Musitions when they haue a speciall grace in flyinge the Cloze or cadence'. Wright cites Quintilian, De instit. orat. VI. iii. 24, and Cicero, De oratore, II. lxiii. 255: 'notissimum ridiculi genus, cum aliud expectamus, aliud dicitur', 'the most familiar of these is exemplified when we are expecting to hear a particular phrase, and something different is offered'; Vickers identifies the figure as aprosdoketon.
Page 78, l. 9: Splendet … Pontus—'The sea gutters under her [Luna's] dancing beams'. Virgil, Aeneid, vii. 9.
l. 12: Neither are these onely similitudes—'Instantijs Conformibus & Proportionatis', 'Similitudines Physicas', 'conformable instances' and 'physical resemblances' in NO, 2E1v (SEH, I, p. 279).
ll. 15–18: [marginal note] Philosophia prima … Scientiarum—'First philosophy or concerning the fountains of knowledge.'
Page 78, ll. 21–2: as a common parent, … Berecinthia—Cybele, Magna Mater of the gods.
ll. 22–3: Omnes … tenentes—'All dwellers in the heavens, all denizens of the upper heights'. Virgil, Aeneid, vi. 787.
l. 25: NATVRALL THEOLOGIE—study of God and his relations with man and the universe based upon reasoning from natural facts apart from revelation.
Page 78, l. 31: neuer Miracle … to conuert an Atheist—cf. Ess, N1v (OFB, XV, p. 51, ll. 5–20).
Page 79, l. 3: the world to bee the Image of God—Wright cites Macrobius, Somn. Scip. ii. 12.
ll. 3–4: Man … compendious Image of the world—the ancient microcosm-macrocosm correspondence; cf. Plato, Philebus, 29; Timaeus, 3. 43; Bacon mocks the concept as the work of 'Intellectuallists' on G2r (p. 30, l. 18) and notes its pg 279distortion by Paracelsus and the alchemists on 2K3r (p. 96, ll, 27–8) and cmt thereon (p. 292).
l. 6: The worke of his hands—Gen. 1: 26–30; Ps. 8: 6; Ps. 102: 25.
l. 10: handled by diuerse—see Jean Calvin, The Institution of christian religion (1536; trans. 1561), I. 5.
Page 79, ll. 11–13: to induce any veritie, … concerning the points of Faith, … not safe—cf. The institution of christian religion (1561), B4r: 'I speake not yet of the proper doctrine of faith, wherwith they wer enlightened into the hope of eternal life. … For that kinde of knowledge wherby was geuen to understande who is the God by whom the worlde was made and is gouerned, in order came before the other: and then was that other inwarde knowledge adioined, which onely quickeneth dead soules, wherby God is knowen not onely to be the maker of the worlde and the onely authour and judge of all thinges that are done, but also to be the redemer in the person of that mediatour.'
l. 13: Da fidei, quæ fidei sunt—'Give to faith the things which are faith's'. Paraphrase of Matt. 22: 21, 'Reditte ergo quae sunt Cæsaris, Cæsari: et quae sunt Dei, Deo' (Vulgate).
l. 25: Otherwise it is—it is otherwise.
ll. 27–9: Lette … knoweth not, &c.—Col. 2: 4, 18.
Page 79, l. 40–p. 80, l. 1: Wee … Stratagems—2 Cor. 2: 11.
Page 80, l. 4: many haue occupyed themselues in it—cf. the tradition of angelology including the angelic hierarchies distinguished by Dionysius the Areopagite (above, G4v–H1r, p. 33, ll. 28–9 and cmt) and the Neoplatonic association (especially Ficino, De vita cælitus comparando) of the nine celestial spheres with celestial dæmons transmitting their influences upon mankind. See also Reginald Scot, 'A Discourse upon diuels and spirits, and the first of philosophers opinions, also the maner of their reasoning herevpon; and the same confuted', in The discoverie of witchcraft (1584), 2N5r–2R8v, with the response of King James to Scot's 'damnable opinions' in Dæmonologie in forme of a dialogue (Edinburgh, 1597), A2v: [who is] 'not ashamed in publike print to deny, that ther can be such a thing as Witch-craft'.
Page 80, l. 12: truthe of Nature … Mynes and Caues—Cicero, Academica, I. xii. 44; Diogenes Laertius, ix. 72 (Wright).
l. 13: Alchymists … Vulcan is a second Nature—Vulcan was god of fire and pg 280metal-working; hence, the alchemical furnace. Bacon is derisive above on G2v(p. 30. l. 33). Wright (after Wats) cites Paracelsus, De meteoribus (1569), iv. Paracelsus is discussed on 2I3v (p. 92, l. 38) and cmt thereon (p. 288 below).
ll. 22–3: SPECVLATIVE, and OPERATIVE—i.e. theoretical and applied.
Page 80, l. 39–p. 81, l. 1: vse the word METAPHISICKE, in a differing sense— OED gives the traditional meaning as the inquiry into the first principles of things. Bacon retains the term but positions metaphysic as a subdivision of natural science concerned with general and fixed causes whereas physic examines causes dependent upon matter and hence, variable and particular. Bacon spells out his 'differing sense' on 2G1v–2G2r (p. 81, 38–p. 82, l. 31), where he further distinguishes philosophia prima (or 'SVMMARIE PHILOSOPHIE') from 'METAPHSICKE'. For an account of the structure of Baconian natural philosophy see Introduction to OFB, XIII.
Page 81, l. 8: stand with—be consistent with (Wright).
Page 81, ll. 17–18: Veni … recipietis—'I am come in my Fathers Name, and ye receiue me not: if another shal come in his own name, him wil ye receiue.' Paraphrase of John 5: 43.
Page 81, ll. 22–3: Eum recipietis—'you will receive him'.
ll. 28–30: Fœlix … exemplum &—'Fortunate plunderer of nations … having taught a bad (not useful) lesson to the world'. Bacon radically condenses Lucan, Bellum civile (Pharsalia), x. 21–8.
l. 30: Fœlix doctrinæ Prædo—'Fortunate plunderer of learning'.
l. 33: vsque ad aras—'as far as the altar', i.e. consistent with one's principles. Bacon used the phrase (Plutarch, Morals, O5v, to delimit his friendship with the volatile Earl of Essex in ACI, A4r–v (LL, X, pp. 141–2).
Page 81, l. 37: Eadem Magistratuum vocabula—'the names of the officials [remained] the same'. Tacitus, Ann. i. 3.
Page 82, ll. 29–30: MATERIALL & EFFICIENT … FORMAL and FINAL CAVSES—Bacon again recasts Aristotelian distinctions (see Metaphysics, i. 3) as he does for his concept of 'form' on 2G3r (p. 83, ll. 26–7). He eventually banished final causes from natural philosophy altogether in DAS, Z2v (SEH, VII, p. 571): 'Nam Caussarum Finalium Inquisitio sterilis est, & tanquam Virgo Deo consecratà, nihil parit'.
ll. 32–3: PHISICKE, … according to the deriuation, & not according to our Idiome, for MEDICINE—i.e. 'physica', 'knowledge of nature'; both meanings pg 281('natural science' and 'knowledge of the body and its diseases') occur in middle English and were prevalent in Bacon's day.
Page 83, ll. 1–2: Limus … igni—'As this clay hardens and as this wax melts in one and the same fire.' Virgil, Eclog. viii. 80.
ll. 6 ff: PHSICKE hath three parts—this is developed more fully and systematically in DAS, V3r, X4r–Y1r. (SEH, VII, pp. 551–2, 560–1).
ll. 10–11: De Mundo, … Rerum—'of the world, of the universe of things'.
l. 25: finde out essentiall formes, or true differences—Bacon again recharges a term of scholastic philosophy ('the essential determinant principle of a thing; that which makes anything a determinate species or kind of being', OED, 4a), a theoretical concept considered unknowable directly, to make it denote a knowable law of matter: 'the real or objective conditions on which a sensible quality or body depends for its existence, and the knowledge of which enables it to be freely produced' (OED, 4c, citing lemma as earliest occurrence). The discovery of such laws is a primary agenda for his science. See NO, k2r–v (SEH, I, p. 184). Antonio Pérez-Ramos provides definitive scrutiny of this central term in Francis Bacon's idea of science and the maker's knowledge tradition, Clarendon Press: Oxford, 1988, pp. 65–132, and in chapter 4 of CCB.
l. 30: Plato … Ideas—Plato, Repub. x. 1. i. 3–4 (Markby).
l. 30: wit of eleuation—'perceptive intelligence' (Vickers).
Page 84, l. 6: Formavit … vitæ—'He formed man from the mud of the earth, and breathed into his face the breath of life'. Gen. 2: 7. ('Dominus Deus', Vulgate.)
Page 84, l. 7: Producant aquæ, producat terra—'Let the waters bring forth, let the earth bring forth'. Gen. 1: 20, 24.
ll. 10–11: seeke … Soundes which make wordes—Plato, Philebus, 17b (Wright).
l. 25: For example, … whitenesse—cf. VT, p. 20 (SEH, III, p. 236); developed in NO, 2C2r–v (SEH, I, pp. 269–70).
Page 84, l. 28: vehiculum formæ—'the carrier of form'.
ll. 29–33: [marginal note] Metaphisica … Rerum—'Metaphysics or concerning the forms and ends of things.'
Page 85, l. 3: vita brevis, ars longa—'life is short, art is long'. Hippocrates, Aphor. i, Opera omnia, Frankfurt, 1595, 4F3r.
ll. 4–5: knowledges are as PYRAMIDES—defining a controlled ascent from particular to general principles.
ll. 8–9: Opus … finem—'the work which God works from beginning to end'. Eccles. 3: 11. ('He hathe made euerie thing beautiful in his time: also he hathe set pg 282the worlde in their heart, yet can not man finde out the worke that God hathe wroght from the beginning euen to the end', Geneva.
l. 12: the Gyants Hilles—Wright proposes 'three' for 'the' citing DAS, Y4r (SEH, I, p. 567), 'tres Moles Giganteæ'.
Page 85, ll. 13–14: Ter … Olympum—'Thrice did they try to pitch Ossa on Pelion and over Ossa to roll leafy Olympus'. Virgil, Georg i. 281–2.
l. 16: Sancte, Sancte, Sancte—'Holy, holy, holy'. Rev. 4: 8.
l. 19: Parmenides and Plato, … by scale did ascend to vnitie—cf. Plato, Parmenides, 165–6 (Wats). Wright suggests Ficino's Argumentum as Bacon's immediate source. Parmenides of Elea (born c. 514 bc) formulated a method to test assertion.
l. 30: Latæ vndique sunt sapientibus viæ—'Broad are the ways on all sides to the wise'. Attributed to 'the poet' (Solomon) in VT, p. 20 (SEH, III, p. 235); cf. Prov. 4: 11–12.
l. 31: Rerum diuinarum, & humanarum scientia—'knowledge of things divine and human'. Cf. Cicero, Tusc. disput. IV. xxvi.. 57.
Page 85, l. 32: Simili materia—'similar material'.
Page 86, ll. 2–3: Non arctabuntur … offendiculum—'Your steps will not be curtailed, and running you will have no obstacle'. Prov. 4: 12 (Vulgate).
l. 6: misplaced— i.e. when it is sought in physics rather than metaphysics.
l. 15: Plato—Timaeus, 44–5 (Wright).
ll. 16–17: discoursing causes—merely observing a function rather than thoroughly investigating the phenomena.
Page 86, ll. 17–18: haires of the Eye-liddes … fence about the Sight—Xenophon, Memorabilia, i. 4. 4–6, De factis et dictis Socratis, Geneva, 1596, 2C5v.
Page 86, l. 21: leaues of trees are for protecting of the Fruite—Aristotle, Phys. ii. 8.
l. 25: Remoraes—'the sucking-fish (Echeneis remora)', said to slow any ship to which it attached. Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxii. 1 (trans. P. Holland, 1601, 2O3v), calls it the 'stay-ship'; see LL, II, p. 104.
l. 28: Natural Philosophie of Democritus, and some others—a student of Leucippus, Democritus (c.460–c.370 bc) posited a mechanistic universe of atoms (hence, 'infinite essaies or proofes of Nature', l. 30); also, Epicurus (341–271 BC); see Diogenes Laertius, ix. 44–5; x. 40–4 (Antwerp, 1566, a4r–a6r); Lucretius, De rerum natura; Cicero, Tusc. disput. I. xi.
ll. 34–6: one as a part of Theologie, and the other as a part of Logicke, … respectiuely—Bacon's sequence (lines 34–5) reverses their predilections.
Page 87, l. 7: Muscosi fontes &c.—'mossy springs, etc.' Virgil, Eclog. vii. 45, 'Muscosi fontes et somno mollior herba' ('mossy springs, and grass softer than sleep').
Page 87, ll. 21–2: later part … confined to his proper place—i.e. final causes, treated both in physics and metaphysics, belong with the latter only.
l. 27: place it as a Branch of Metaphisicke—for the significance of Bacon's placing of mathematics within his classification of knowledge, see Graham Rees, 'Mathematics and Francis Bacon's natural philosophy', Revue internationale de philosophie, 40 (1986), 402–7.
l. 29: (as hath beene said,)—see above, 2E4v–2F1r (pp. 76–7).
l. 33: one did ascribe Figure to the first seedes of things—'first seedes', 'atoms'; i.e. Democritus; see cmt on p. 282 above.
l. 34: suppose numbers to bee the Principles and originalls of things—Pythagoras (c. 582-c.507 bc) believed all relationships could be represented numerically. His notion that numbers set a limit to the unlimited anticipated philosophers' distinction between form and matter. Bacon draws upon Aristotle's critique in Metaphysics, i. 5.
Page 88, ll. 3–4: the MATHEMATICKS of all other knowledge were the goodliest fieldes to satisfie that appetite—Graham Rees, 'Mathematics and Francis Bacon's natural philosophy', pp. 408–18, counters traditional condemnations regarding Bacon's myopia (Euclid the sole ancient cited, no mention of recent mathematical developments, a reluctance to grant mathematics a research role), by evaluating Bacon's remarks in the larger context of his philosophical writing. He points out that in AL Bacon came not to praise (nor to name names) but to identify areas of deficiency (p. 410) and that his expanded critique in DAS, while it demonstrates a greater awareness of the relationships between mathematics and the natural sciences, also reflects his 'antifictionalist' anxieties regarding its role in the speculations of astronomy, Bacon decidedly preferring a physical account of the universe (pp. 414–15). l. 8: MIXT—applied.
pg 284 2H4r
Page 89, l. 8: Premendo littus iniquum—'pressing the dangerous shore'. Horace, Od. II. x. 3 (Wright).
ll. 12–16: [marginal note] Naturalis … Maior—'Natural magic or the major operative physics.'
ll. 15–17: certaine credulous and superstitious conceits and obseruations of sympathies, and Antipathies and hidden Proprieties—cf. Giovanni Baptista della Porta, Magiae naturalis libri viginti (1589), I. 7: 'Ex proprietatibus quoque occultis, animalibus, vegetabilibus et speciebus omnibus inest (ut ita dicam) compassio quaedam quam … sympatheian, et antipatheian, nos tritius consensum, disseniumque dicimus' (Frankfurt, 1597, A7r), 'By reason of the hidden properties of things, there is in all kinds of animals, plants, and species a certain compassion, as I may call it, which the Greeks call sympathy and antipathy'. The following is a typical example of the sort of 'friuolous experiments' Bacon cites (l. 17) when these principles are applied, 'Simia testudinem supra modum horret, quae ebrietati obnoxia est, quum vino in ebriata capiatur: ex testudine abluta sit remedium contra temulentiam' (1597 edn., A8r), 'The ape beyond measure is frightened by a snail. The ape, which is subject to drunkenness, may be seized by making him drunk; and a washed snail may be a remedy against drunkenness.' See above, F3r (p. 27, l. 12) and cmt thereon (p. 228). De sympathia et antipathia rervm (1546) by Fracastoro (see cmt, pp. 289–90 below) would be another work Bacon had in mind.
Page 89, ll. 19–20: King Arthur … Hughe of Burdeaux—available in Malory's Morte Darthur (1485) and The ancient historie of Huon of Bourdeaux (1601). Montaigne (trans. Florio, 1603) deems romances an 'idle time-consuming, and witbesotting trash of bookes' (I1r). Bacon contrasts the exploits of Alexander and Caesar with those of romance to distinguish true from false science in CV, fo. 253v (SEH, III, p. 600). Championing Irish plantation over Virginian, Bacon declares the latter: 'an enterprise in my opinion differing as much from this, as Amadis de Gaul differs from Cæsar's Commentaries' (1606; LL, IV, p. 123), an implicit distinction as well between real and feigned history.
l. 26: Centaures, and Chymeraes—i.e. phantasms, creations of imagination; Bacon associates two mythic monsters: Centaur (human/horse), the issue from Ixion's rape of Juno, and Chimera (lion/goat/dragon); the latter, by the time of the sixteenth century connoted wild fancies (OED, 2b).
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Page 90, ll. 14–16: [marginal note] Inuentarium Opum humanarum—'Inventory of human works.'
l. 15: an Inuentorie of the estate of man—designed to be ch. x of VT, but as Bacon states, p. 32 (SEH, III, p. 234), only 'this a small fragraent thereof' exists 'being the preface to the Inuentorye'.
l. 27: Inuention of the Mariners Needle—Le Roy, Of the variety of things (1594), book X, celebrates 'The Sea-mans compas, … By means hereof al the Ocean hath bin sailed ouer, innumerable Isles found out, and a great part of the continent or maine land discouered towards the west, and the south; vnknowen before of the Ancients; and hath therefore bin called the new world' (V3r); see AL, F4r (p. 28, l. 3) and cmt thereon (p. 299 above).
l. 34: Non … syluæ—'We do not sing to the deaf, the woods echo all'. Virgil, Eclog. x. 8.
l. 36: Alexander Borgia—Rodrigo de Borja (Roderigo Borgia). An unscrupulous and morally lax figure, he reigned as Pope Alexander VI, 1492–1503. Charles VIII (king of France, 1483–98) invaded Italy in 1494. Machiavelli alludes to the incident in Il principe, xii (trans. Gilbert, i. 47), but Bacon here draws upon The historie of Philip de Commines, trans. Thomas Danett (1596), 2C4r: 'Pope Alexander now liuing saide, that the French men came thither with wooden spurs, and chalke in their harbingers hands to make their lodgings without further trouble: … And to confesse the truth, this was so easie a conquest, that our men very seldom armed themselves in all this voiage' (Wright). Bacon uses it again (and the Virgil, l. 34) in a letter to Sir Thomas Bodley in which he tries to cadge a favourable reception for CV, which he has enclosed for Bodley's vetting: 'If you be not of the lodgings chalked up (whereof I speak in my preface) I am but to pass by your door' (1607; LL, III, p. 366). Bodley's unsympathetic response is quoted in the Introduction, p. xxxiii above. See also NO, F2v (SEH, I, p. 162); HVII, T3v (SEH, VI, p. 158). The poet George Herbert, dedicatee of Bacon's The translation of the certaine psalmes (see E1v, 70. 20, ll. 23–4, and cmt thereon, p. 220 above), makes the chalk-mark a symbol of spiritual election in 'The Forerunners', ll. 35–6 (Works, ed. F. E. Hutchinson, Oxford, 1941).
Page 91, l. 9: Non Liquets—'it doth not appear', Roman legal formula whereby the judge declared guilt or innocence could not be determined.
l. 11: Aristotles Problemes—collection attributed to Aristotle in Renaissance editions (see Opera, Basle, 1538). 'Aristotelis problemata' was a set text for Cambridge lectures (Mullinger, The University of Cambridge, ii. 457). Sixteenth-century editions swelled with contemporary additions, e.g. Problemata Aristotelis ac philosophorum medicorumque complurium ('… and other philosophers and pg 286physicians') (Lyons, 1579); the title-page of one translation (London, 1597) promised 'diuers questions, with their answers, touching the estate of mans bodie'; to wit: 'Why do men become balde, and trees fall their leaves in winter?' (AGv), 'Why haue not women beards?' (A5r), and 'Why is mans head round?'; the last answered, 'Bicause that this figure is most fit to receiue any thing into it' (A7r).
ll. 11–12: deserued to have had a better continuance—illustrated in the previous note.
ll. 15–16: collected into assertion—declared a truth.
Page 91, ll. 28–30: [marginal note] Continuatio … Natura—'Continuation of the Problems in Nature.
ll. 32–5: [marginal note] Catalogus … Naturæ—'Catalogue of false proceedings in natural history.'
l. 35: Kalender of popular Errors—Sir Thomas Browne gathered and exposed them in Pseudodoxia epidemica: or enquiries into very many received tenents, and commonly presumed truths (London, 1646); in his edition, Robin Robbins (Clarendon Press: Oxford, 1981), vol. 1, p. xxxi, demonstrates that Browne derived both the concept and structure of his work from Wats's translation of DAS (Oxford, 1640).
l. 38: Non liquets—see cmt on p. 285 above.
Page 92, l. 3: Empedocles—influential pre-Socratic philosopher (c.493–c.433 bc) who set out his theories of matter in two hexameter poems, On nature and Purifications, of which only fragments remain. Bacon briefly considers Empedocles' contrary principles of strife and love in DPAO, L12v (OFB, VI, p. 248). See Aristotle, Metaphysics, i. 4.
l. 3: Pythagoras—see cmt on p. 283 above.
l. 3: Democritus—see cmt on p. 282 above.
l. 3: Parmenides—see cmt on p. 282 above.
l. 4: of the race of the Ottomans—Richard Knolles, The Generall historie of the Turkes (London, 1603), notes, 4I4r: 'And immediatly to rid himselfe of all competitours, he [Amurath III; 1574] after the vnnaturall manner of the Turkish policie, caused his fiue brethren, Mustapha, Solyman, Abdulla, Osman, and TZihanger, to be all strangled in his owne presence'; Mahomet III  similarly dispatched his brothers and had ten of his father's wives and concubines drowned (1595), 4V6v (Wright). Shakespeare's Henry V reassures his brothers: 'This is the English, not the Turkish court, | Not Amurath an Amurath succeeds, | But Harry Harry'. 2 Henry IV (1598), V. ii. 47–9.
Page 92, ll. 10–12: receiued Astronomie of the diurnall Motion … Theorie of Copernicus—in the geocentric theory of the Ptolemaic system, the planets moved in circular orbits which did not have the Earth precisely at their centres (hence, 'Eccentriques', l. 11); the additional independent movement of each planet was pg 287 explained by placing the planet on a smaller circle ('Epicicles', l. 11) upon the circumference of the orbit. In Ess, O1r (OFB, XV, p. 55, ll. 27–31), Bacon uses the terms to ridicule the contrivances of scholastic theologians at the Council of Trent: 'like Astronomers, which did faigne Eccentricks and Epicycles, and such Engines of Orbs, to save the Phenomena; though they knew, there were no such Things'. Nicholas Copernicus (1473–1543) formulated a heliocentric universe in De revolutionibus orbium coelestium (1543), positing annual motion of the Earth round the Sun and the diurnal motion of the Earth on its axis. Thomas Digges provided sturdy defence in England in A perfit description of the coelestial orbes … latelye reuiued by Copernicus and by geometricall demonstrations approued (1576; reprinted seven times, 1576–1605), including a diagram and translation of part of book 1. Thomas Harriot (1560–1621) was also an enthusiastic believer. As early as Tr (OFB, I), Bacon is critical of the constructs of contemporary astronomers: 'theise new car men which drive the earth about' (Alnwick MS). Reviewing the claims of various theories in his proposal for a 'Historia Coelestium', chapters 5–6 of DGI, he concludes in TC, H3r: 'Quod vero ad hypotheses Astronomorum attinet, inutilis fere est earum redargutio, quæ nec ipsæ pro veris asseruntur, & possint esse variæ & inter se contrarias, ut tamen phaenomena æque salvent & concinnent', 'As for the hypotheses of astronomers, their refutation is more or less useless because no one claims that they are true in themselves and because they can be different and contradict one another just so long as they save and sort out the phenomena equally' (OFB, VI, pp. 188–91; see also Introduction therein). On 2I4r (p. 93, l. 29), Bacon asserts that 'Naturall Philosophy may correct' the 'opinion' of Copernicus. His antipathy to theories that the Earth moves is increasingly clear in his later work; see NO, 2N3v: 'hoc commentus est concessio non concessibili' (SEH, I, p. 327). Indeed, Graham Rees speaks flatly of Bacon's 'uncompromisingly geostatic and geocentric conception of the universe' ('Francis Bacon on verticity and the bowels of the earth', Ambix, 26 (1979), p. 203). Bacon was not unusual in resisting Copernican theory: by 1600 few thinkers adopted its main points; not until after Galileo's telescopic discoveries did it begin to gain ground. See R. S. Westman, 'The astronomer's role in the sixteenth century: a preliminary study', History of science, 23 (1980), p. 108; Feingold, The mathematicians' apprenticeship, pp. 8, 15. Robert Burton sums up an entertaining survey of the ferment created by competing astronomical theories, in The anatomy of melancholy, II. ii. 3 (Oxford, 1621): 'In the mean time the world is tossed in a blanket amongst them, they tosse the Earth up and down like a ball, make her stand and goe at their pleasures; one saith the Sun stands, another he moves' (X6r). By 1623 Bacon felt the need to qualify his reference to Copernicus on 2I4r (p. 93, ll. 27–9): 'Sententiam Copernici de Rotatione Terræ (quæ nunc quoque inualuit)', 'which now also prevails', DAS, 2A4r (SEH, I, p. 580). See also Antonio Pérez-Ramos, 'Francis Bacon and astronomical inquiry', BJHS, 23 (1990), 197–205.
ll. 16–17: children … euery woman mother—Aristotle, Phys. i. 1 (Ellis).
Page 92, ll. 20–1: [marginal note] De Antiquis Philosophiis—'Of ancient philosophies.'
Page 92, l. 31: Nero, or Claudius—Claudius I (Tiberius Claudius Drusus Nero Germanicus), emperor ad 41–54, was succeeded by his stepson, the notorious (Nero Claudius Cæsar), who ruled ad 54–68.
l. 33: Suetonius Tranquillus—Roman biographer (c. ad 69-c.140) who composed biographies of literary figures, De grammaticis et rhetoribus, and a major study of the emperors, De vita Caesarum. Notwithstanding these strictures regarding his narrative methods, Bacon mined the latter work for examples cited in Ess (OFB, XV).
l. 38: Paracelsus—'surpassing Celsus' (the Roman physician). Theophrastus Bombastus von Hohenheim (1493–1541) was a Swiss physician and iatrochemist who virulently attacked Aristotelian and Galenic medicine for its attempts to calibrate health by means of the body's humours, substituting instead a regime of chemical medicines for specific complaints. His empirical researches produced significant medical insights (including diagnoses of miners' diseases and congenital syphilis) and useful chemical analyses. But his work was encumbered by its intricate, semi-mystical framework including a theory that invisible, spiritual forces interacted between microcosm and macrocosm with distinctive 'signatures' linking all creation. The chemical cosmology constructed by Paracelsus upon three principles (salt, sulphur, and mercury) influenced a stage of Bacon's thinking, according to Graham Rees, 'Francis Bacon's semi-Paracelsian cosmology', Ambix, 22 (1975), 81–101; 161–73. Rees restates his case for a 'speculative philosophy' for Bacon, opening his recent edition of tracts (c.1611–17) which he feels show its greatest influence, with this observation: 'Francis Bacon's natural philosophy may be viewed as a single philosophy with two aspects or as two philosophies each with its peculiar character', OFB, VI, p. xxxvi; see also chapter 5 in CCB. Pérez-Ramos, reviewing in BJHS, 23 (1990), p. 201, finds Bacon's version of Paracelsus in Joseph Duchesne's Ad veritatem hermeticae medicinae (Paris, 1602).
Page 92, l. 38–p. 93, l. 1: eloquently reduced into an harmonie, by the Penne of Seuerinus the Dane—Petrus Severinus (Pedor Sørenson, ?1542–1602), compiled a highly influential synthesis of his iatrochemical writings, Idea medicinae philosophicae fundamenta continens totius doctrinae Paracelsicae, Hippocraticae, et Galenicae (1571), with particular discussion of his theory of the elements, as well as Epistola scripta Theophrasto Paracelso (1572), a panegyric. See Jole Shackelford's appraisal in Patronage and institutions: science, technology, and medicine at the European court 1500–1700, ed. Bruce T. Moran, Boydell Press: Rochester, New York, 1991, pp. 85–109. In TPM, V6r, Bacon asserts that the recent death (1602) of Severinus was brought on by the task (as he puts it in the acerbic style of that piece), of 'rendering brayings' ('Asinorum adoptive') into harmonies, falsehoods into pg 289diverting fables ('mendaciorum odia in fabellae oblectamenta': SEH, III, p. 533); in fact, Severinus died of the plague. In the same polemic Bacon ridicules Paracelsus and Severinus for reliance upon anecdotal evidence and flawed methodology: TPM, V10v (SEH, III, p. 538).
Page 93, l. 1: Tylesius—Bernardino Telesio (1509–88), Italian philosophical naturalist, attacked the a priori speculations of Aristotelian metaphysics and emphasized sense experience in De rerum natura iuxta propria principia (1565; 1586), positing two active and opposing principles, heat and cold. Despite Bacon's sneers at Telesio's philosophizing (see p. 93, ll. 1–2 cmt), he came to appreciate his work, praising him in DPAO, M6r, as 'amantem veritatis' and 'novorum hominum primum', 'a lover of truth' and 'first of the new philosophers' (OFB, VI, p. 259); in SS, D3r (SEH, II, p. 370), he is 'the best of the Nouellists', i.e. 'innovators'; see also Bacon's letter to Baranzano, below, cmt on p. 290. Bacon adapts several of his theories, including his view of the stability of the Earth's interior and of the lower soul (see following note). He rejects his views on the vacuum in DPAO, M7v–M8r (OFB, VI, pp. 260, 262). See Graham Rees, 'Francis Bacon on verticity and the bowels of the earth', Ambix, 26 (1979), 205–6, and Jean-Marie Pousseur, 'Bacon, a critic of Telesio' in FBLT, pp. 105–17.
ll. 1–2: and his Scholier Donius—Agostino Doni wrote De natura hominis libri duo (1581). His views therein on the soul (more extreme than his mentor's) were deemed heretical and led to his imprisonment. For comparison of Telesian and Baconian conceptions of this lower soul, see Graham Rees, 'Matter theory: a unifying factor in Bacon's natural philosophy?', Ambix, 24 (1977), 112–13, and, D. P. Walker, 'Francis Bacon and spiritus', Science, medicine and society in the Renaissance, ed. Allen G. Debus, 2 vols., Heinemann: London, 1972, II, pp. 121–30, who considers Telesio and Doni sources for Bacon (p. 124).
l. 2: as a Pastorall Philosophy—in DPAO, M2r, the phrase is glossed 'quæ Mundum contemplatur placide, & tanquam per otium', 'which contemplates the world calmly and as if in idleness' (OFB, VI, p. 250). Cf. the philosophical dialogues encountered in such pastoral romances as Sidney's Arcadia (1590; 1593). In CV, fo. 256v, Bacon's put-down of Telesio is theatrical: 'Telesium nostrâ memoriâ scœnam conscendisse, et nouam fabulam egisse, magis argumento probabilem, quam plausu celebrem', 'In our memory Telesio appeared on the stage and presented a new play, more plausible in plot than celebrated with applause' (SEH, III, p. 603); see also, TPM, V8v (SEH, III, p. 536); RPh, fo. 15r (SEH, III, p. 571).
l. 3: Fracastorius—Girolamo Fracastoro (1483–1553), Italian physician and meticulous researcher into epidemic disease in De contagione et contagiosis et eorum curatione (1546), Syphilis, sive morbus gallicus (1530), a poem providing not only medical insight but nomenclature. Bacon praises his independence of thought, 'tamen libertate iudicij et inquistionis, honestissimè vsum esse', in CV, fo. 256v(SEH, III, p. 603), records his remedy for apoplectic fits in HDR, C7r (SEH, II, pg 290 p. 268), and plague remedy in AL, 2L3r,l. 20 and cmt (p. 299). In his 1622 letter to the Italian philosopher, Redemptus Baranzano, Bacon calls him and Francesco Patrizi (1529–97), the Neoplatonist author of Discussiones peripateticæ (1571;1581) and Nova de vniversis philosophia (1591), 'Nouatores', 'innovators' (LL, VII, pp. 376–8).
ll. 6–7: reuiued, … the opinions of Xenophanes—pre-Socratic philosophic theologian (c.570–c.480 bc). Only fragments of his works survive; he rejected myth and anthropomorphism for a deity ruling the universe through thought. Fragments of peri phusios survive though their authenticity is in question. Bacon links Gilbert's view of the Earth as a movable planet (De magnete, vi. 3) with Philolaus and other Greeks in DGI, E2r (OFB, VI, pp. 118–19).
ll. 8–11: Radius … Reflexus—'direct beam', 'refracted beam', reflected beam'.
Page 93, ll. 13–14: ancient Oracle … knowledge of our selues—the injunction 'know thyself' adorned the entrance to Apollo's temple at Delphi. Plato, Alcib. Prim. ii. 124; Protag. i. 343. See Erasmus, Adagia, 'Nosce teipsum', I. vi. 95 (1559 edn., i3r); PFE (OFB, I), fo. 126r, records it as a colloquial rebuke: 'A nosce teipsum (chiding or disgrace)'.
Page 93, ll. 19–21: all partitions … entirenes of knowledge be preserued—cf. Seneca, Epist. lxxxix. 1. 2 (Wright).
ll. 24–5: Socrates … separated Philosophy, and Rhetoricke—Cicero, De oratore, iii. 16. See VT, p. 41 (SEH, III, p. 228): 'before his tyme the same professors of wysedome in Greece did pretend to teache an vniversall Sapience and knowledg both of matter & words'.
l. 29: may correct—'doth correct' in VT, p. 43 (SEH, III, p. 229). Also see notes above.
Page 94, l. 13: enquirie of Aristotle—i.e. the Physiognomica (Wright), a spurious work found in Renaissance editions. The data for psychosomatic knowledge are described therein as follows: 'ex motibus … & ex figuris, & coloribus, & ex moribus apparentibus in facie, & ex leuitate, & ex voce, & ex carne, et ex partibus, & ex figura totius corporis' (Opera, Basle, 1538, vol. ii, 2G4v), 'from movements, and from the shapes and colours, and from habits apparent in the face, and from the smoothness of skin, and from the voice, and from the flesh, and from parts of the body, and from the form of the whole body'. The treatise illustrates this method with characteristics of various types: 'Signa timidi', 'Signa auari', etc. (2G5r).
l. 13: Hippocrates—Praenotionum liber, in Opera omnia, Frankfurt, 1595, 2A2r–2B1r (Markby).
l. 14: of later time—cf. Giovanni Battista della Porta, De humana physiognomia (1586) and Thomas Hill's popularizations, The contemplation of mankinde, contayning a singular discourse of phisiognomie (1571) and The most pleasaunt art of the interpretation of dreames (1571; 1591).
Page 94, ll. 19–21: EXPOSITION OF NATVRALL DREAMES, … deficience—Bacon touches on dreams in 'Of Prophecies', Ess, 2E3r–2E4r(OFB, XV, pp. 112–14).
ll. 21–4: [marginal note] Pars Physiognomiæ, de gestu siue motu corporis—'The parts of Physiognomy, of gesture or motion of the body.'
l. 22: not the gestures—Aristode focuses upon the disposition of the parts of the body making only general reference to its movements.
ll. 28–9: As the Tongue … Eye—cf. Basilikon doron, K1v–K2r: 'for as the tongue speaketh to the eares, so doth the gesture speake to the eies of the auditour. In both your speaking and your gesture, vse a naturall and plaine forme, not fairded [painted] with artifice: … but eschewe all affectate formes in both.'
ll. 29–33: subtile persons, … direction in Businesse—cf. 'Of Cunning', Ess, R4v (OFB, XV, p. 70, ll. 20–5): 'It is a point of Cunning; to wait upon him, with whom you speake, with your eye; As the Jesuites give it in precept: For there be many Wise Men, that have Secret Hearts, and Transparant Countenances. Yet this would be done, with a demure Abasing of your Eye sometimes, as the Jesuites also doe use.'
Page 94, l. 37–p. 95, l. 2: HOVV FARRE THE HVMOVRS … VPON THE MIND—the humours comprised the four chief fluids of the body (blood, phlegm, choler, black choler) and were considered by their various combinations to impact physical and mental health. Cf. Bacon's clinical account in the simile that opens 'Of Ambition', Ess, 2F1v (OFB, XV, p. 115, ll. 3–5): 'Ambition is like Choler; Which is an Humour, that maketh Men Active, Earnest, Full of Alacritie, and Stirring, if it be not stopped. But if it be stopped, and cannot have his Way, it becommeth Adust, and thereby Maligne and Venomous.' Bacon meticulously records, under 'Memoriae Valetudinis', the vagaries of his own humours (including mental disposition) in CS, fos. 26r–27v (LL, IV, pp. 78–9).
ll. 10–11: scruples and superstitions of Diet, … Pythagoreans—purification rites and dietary restrictions observed as an aid to a higher spiritual existence. See Plutarch, Morals, B2r.
ll. 11–12: Heresy of the Manicheas—i.e. Manicheans, a sect founded by the Persian Mani (c. ad 216–c.276), it mixed Zoroastrianism and Christianity, espousing a stark dualism between the worlds of God (light/spiritual) and Satan (darkness/material). Elect members were expected to lead austere lives. St Augustine describes his conversion from the sect in Confessions.
l. 12: Lawe of Mahumet—the teachings of Muhammad (ad 570?–632), prophet of Islam, are recorded in the Koran, including a strict dietary regime.
l. 13: ordinances in the Ceremoniall Lawe—see Lev. 3: 17, Lev. 11, Deut. 12.
l. 15: the faith itself—Christianity.
Page 95, l. 30: Accidentia animi—'the dispositions, or states, of the mind'.
Page 96, ll. 1–2: as Socrates sayd, A Delian diuer—cf. Apo, S1v–S2r (SEH, VII, p. 158); Diogenes Laertius, ii. 22.
l. 3: DE COMMVNI VINCVLO—'of the common bond'.
Page 96, l. 8: the opinion of Ptato—in Cicero's paraphrase, Tusc. disput, i. 10 (Wright).
l. 20: Eruditus Luxus—'educated luxury'. Tacitus, Ann. xvi. 18, applies it to Petronius, author of the Satyricon.
Page 96, ll. 27–8: fantastically streyned by Paracelsus—in TPM, V5v (SEH, III, p. 532), Bacon is scornful: 'quas correspondentias? quæ parallela somnias, … Nam hominem scilicet pantomimum effecisti', 'what correspondences? you have dreamt up parallelisms, … for certainly you have made man into a pantomime!' As Brian Vickers observes in 'Analogy versus identity: the rejection of occult symbolism, 1580–1680': for Paracelsus, 'Man does not merely resemble the macrocosm, he is the microcosm.' Occult and scientific mentalities in the renaissance, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1984, p. 126. In DSV, 2D4v (SEH, VI, p. 671), though Bacon chides the alchemists for interpreting the concept of microcosm too literally, 'nimis putidè, & ad literam', and for insisting that every mineral and vegetable resides in the body of man, he concedes, none the less, that body is the most mixed and the most organic of all: 'Corpus Hominis omnium Entium & maximè mistum, & maximè organicum reperiri.'
Page 97, ll. 6–7: Purumque … ignem—'And leaves untainted the ethereal sense and the simple fire of spirit.' Virgil, Aeneid vi. 746–7 (Anchises describing Elysium).
l. 9: Motus … loco—'The motion of things is violent outside of their place, peaceful in their place' (a commonplace, after Aristotle). Bacon records a version in PFE (OFB, I), fo. 90v' 'Augustus rapide ad locum leniter in loco'; he applies the principle in AntR 7 (SEH, I, p. 691), and in Ess, I2v (OFB, XV, p. 36, ll. 101–2): 'And as in Nature, Things move violently to their Place, and calmely in their Place: So Vertue in Ambition is violent, in Authoritie setled and calme.'
pg 293 2K3r–v
Page 97, l. 11–12: Poets … conioyne MVSICKE and MEDICINE in Apollo— Ovid, Met. i. 518–22.
Page 97, ll. 17–18: Master peeces, as I may terme them—OED cites Volpone (1605) as earliest occurrence, but Samuel Daniel uses the word in A defence of ryme (1603, H3v: 'a Poeme of that excellentie as should haue put downe all, and beene the maister-peece of these times'.
ll. 27–8: preferre a Montabanke or Witch, before a learned Phisitian—the statute creating the London College of Physicians (15 Henry VIII, c. 5) restricted practitioners to 'only those persons that be profound, sad, discreet, groundly learned, and deeply studied in physic'. Conflicting claims to practise medicine arose from the status conferred by university medical degrees and episcopal certification, by the expertise and professional aims of the barber-surgeons, the apothecaries, and by other lay practitioners. See R. S. Roberts, 'The personnel and practice of medicine in Tudor and Stuart England', Medical history, 6 (1962), 363–82; 8 (1964), 217–34, and AL, C1r(p. 10, ll. 35–6) and cmt thereon (pp. 211–12 above). The Learned Physicians, as they styled themselves, restricted membership in the College to 20–30 and set stiff qualifications: a doctorate in medicine, four years' practicum, and a series of comprehensive exams on Galen's works (in Latin). See Clark, A history of the royal college of physicians, I, pp. 385–7. The College spent much professional energy protecting its turf, prosecuting 100 cases of 'illicit practice' between 1572 and 1603 (Clark, I, p. 145). Bacon played a small role in one such case in which a Leonard Po (or Poe) notwithstanding instances of fatal malpractice and an inability to read Latin, had ignored College injunctions. The case was referred to a commission of seven in 1598–9 (three royal physicians, two clerks of the Privy Council, and two lawyers, including Bacon as Queen's Counsel), which found against Po. His political clout, however, deriving, among other things, from his successful treatment of Salisbury (Bacon's cousin, Robert Cecil) and the extraordinary support of the Earls of Essex, Suffolk, Southampton, and Northampton triumphed eventually. In 1606 Chamberlain remarks of Po: 'there is order for his grace in both the universities, to passe out doctor presently' (Letters, I, p. 232). The College of Physicians went on to admit him fellow in 1609 and he became royal physician in the same year. For the patronage implications of the Po case see Frances Dawbarn, 'Patronage and power: the College of Physicians and the Jacobean court', BJHS, 31 (1998), 1–19; also see Clark, I, pp. 146–8, 196. Bacon came to view Po's medical radicalism as useful to both his own scientific and political agendas: 'Acquainting my self with Poe as for my health and by him learnyng the experiments which he hath of phisike and gayning entrance into the Inner of some great persons', CS, fo. 14r (LL, IV, p. 63). He also evaluates therein various learned physicians as potential resources for his instauration: 'Qu. of phisicions pg 294to be gayned. The lykest is Paddy [Sir William Paddy (1554–1634), four-time president of the College], D. Hamond [John Hammond (d. 1617), physician to King James and Prince Henry]', CS, fo. 14v (LL, IV, p. 63).
l. 29: Æsculapius—Greek physician, son of Apollo and Coronis; Zeus threatened to kill him for healing skills that could revive the dead, then reneged and anointed him god of medicine; see 2K4v (p. 98, l. 38–p. 99, l. 2).
l. 29: Circe—enchantress, who transformed Ulysses' men to swine.
ll. 31–2: Ipse … vndas—'[Jupiter] himself with his lightning-bolt hurled down to the Stygian waves the one begotten of Apollo [Æsculapius], the discoverer of medicine and art'. Virgil, Aeneid, vii. 772–3.
Page 97, l. 34: Diues … Lucos, &c—'Where the rich daughter of the sun, makes her inaccessible groves resound with endless song'. Virgil, Aeneid vii. 11 ff. (introducing the narrative of Circe and her victims, vii. 10–21).
Page 98, ll. 4–5: If … wise?—Eccles.; 2: 15.
l. 33: Auenues—though it is a recent loan-word, Wright's assertion that 05's italics indicate that Bacon considered it a foreign word is undermined by the erratic use of italics therein. OED's earliest citation is Philemon Holland's Livy (1600), 4I1r, followed by Holland's translation of Plutarch's Morals, O2v; Bacon draws upon both works.
ll. 35–6: Et quoniam … erunt—'And since illnesses vary, we will vary the arts; for a thousand types of illness, there shall be a thousand types of cure.' Recasting of Ovid, Rem. Amor. 525–6 ('Nam quoniam variant animi, … ', 'For since souls vary …').
Page 99, ll. 5–6: that one for giuing Tribute to Cæsar—Wright cites Matt. 17: 25–7 wherein Christ first criticizes the poll tax, then directs Peter to obtain the tribute-coin from the next fish hooked from the sea. This passage refers not to Caesar, however, but to 'the Kings of the earth' (Geneva); Bacon conflates another taxation incident (Matt. 22: 21), 'Giue therefore to Cesar, the things which are Cesars, and giue vnto God, those which are Gods'.
ll. 8–9: (as wee haue sayd) more professed, than labored—complacent in traditional routines and remedies, rather than investigating new ones; with pun (professed/professions); see Bacon's reactions to 'professory' learning, above, 2A3r–v (p. 57, ll. 33–4) and cmt thereon (p. 253).
ll. 16–17: diligence of Hippocrates—in De epidemiis (Wright).
ll. 16–17: [marginal note] Narrationes Medicinales—'Medical narratives', case histories.
ll. 22–3: continuance of Medicinall History, I find deficient—Bacon's call for systematic data collection using case histories to aid prognosis and contribute to medical knowledge resembles his programme in the 1620s to compile comprehensive 'natural histories' as the basis of further generalization and pg 295research. See Introduction, pp. l–liii above. Bacon anticipates Theodore Turquet de Mayerne (1593–1655), physician to King James (1611) and fellow of the College of Physicians (1616), whose voluminous case histories are extant in the BL Sloane MSS, including those regarding Prince Henry's death from typhus in 1612 and Isaac Casaubon's fatal disease in 1614 (Clark, A history of the royal college of physicians, I, p. 197). John Donne transmutes his own case history to meditation in Deuotions vpon emergent occasions and seuerall steps in my sickness (1624); see Kate Frost, Medical history, 22 (1978), 408–16.
Page 99, l. 28: the inquirie which is made by Anatomie, I finde much deficience— details of actual dissections in England in this period are sparse. As noted 2A4r(p. 58, l. 36) and cmt thereon (p. 255), cadavers were provided to professional groups and the universities, but there are only scattered references to the actual dissections. The act (32 Henry VIII, c. 42) incorporating the Barber-Surgeons Company (1540) characterized anatomies as being for the 'further and better knowledge, instruction, insight, lerning, and experience, in the sayd science'. Once a year members attended a dissection performed by a surgeon which was supplemented by a three-day course of lectures delivered by a physician, concluding with a formal dinner. Master surgeons periodically also performed private anatomies to train apprentices. See Andrew Cunningham, 'The kinds of anatomy', Medical history, 19 (1975), p. 11. Nicholas Udall's edition of Geminus's Compendiosa totius anatomie delineatio (see 2L1v–2L2r, p. 100, ll. 10–11, cmt, pp. 297–8, below) may have been the training text. John Lumley endowed (1581) a course at the College of Physicians comprising twice-weekly lectures (¾ hour in Latin, ¼ in Engish) in a six-year cycle, providing for an anatomy theatre: 'with a cathedra' for the lecturer (Clark, A history of the royal college of physicians, I, p. 150). The course began with a complete anatomy: 'At the end of the yeare in winter to dissect openlie in the reading place all the bodie of man especiallie the inward parts for fiue daies togither, as well before as after dinner; if the bodies may so last without annoie'. Holinshed, Chronicles (1587), iii, 6O1v. Particular parts of the body were studied in subsequent years: trunk and muscles, second year; head, third; leg and arm, fourth; skeleton, fifth; no anatomy was specified for the sixth year. Holinshed (loc. cit.) also mentions a course text, Tabulæ universam chirurgiam mire ordine complectentes by Horatius Morus (1584; translated into English by the Lumleian lecturer in 1585). Bacon may have witnessed dissections as a visiting 'stranger' after his adjudication of a College dispute in 1598–9 (discussed above, cmt, p. 293). Dissections also may have taken place at Gresham College in London (1597) as part of the lecture in physic, though no provision for cadavers exists nor, indeed, reference to anatomies there before the 1630s. See Cunningham, 'Kinds of anatomy', p. 13; Clark, I, pp. 122, 150–1; F. W. Steer, 'Lord Lumley's benefaction to the College of Physicians', Medical history, 2 (1958), 298–305. Details of anatomies at the universities are more problematical still;. The pg 296Oxford statutes of 1549 introduced attendance at anatomies into the medical curriculum, but the requirement does not appear in the 1564 statutes (McConica, The history of the University of Oxford, pp. 244–7); Cambridge retained the requirement. John Caius (1510–73), principal lecturer on anatomy at Barber-Surgeons Hall for twenty years and future president of the College of Physicians, obtained royal licence (1564) for two cadavers annually for dissections at recently refounded (1558) Gonville and Caius College. See Frances Valadez, 'Anatomical studies at Oxford and Cambridge', Medicine in seventeenth century England, ed. Allen G. Debus, University of California Press: Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1974, pp. 393–7. Anecdotal evidence of actual procedures includes an autopsy performed at Gonville and Caius in 1599 and those of a suicide and a victim of smoke inhalation witnessed by William Harvey while he was an undergraduate at Cambridge about the same time. See Geoffrey Keynes, The life of William Harvey, Oxford University Press: Oxford, 1966, p. 11 n. 1; p. 17. The Regius professor of physic at Cambridge made notes of his dissections at Magdalene College (March 1564/5) and the Schools (March 1566/7), undertaken to satisfy degree requirements for the 'auditores' present, including William Gilbert (see G2v, p. 30, l. 34 above) and Thomas Preston (1537–98), author of A lamentable tragedy of … Cambises, king of Percia (1569). See P. M. Jones, 'Thomas Lorkyn's Dissections', TCBS, 9 (1988), 209–29. Lorkyn read his lecture from a text while parts of the cadaver, dissected in advance by a surgeon, were held up. Again, the aim was demonstration, not investigation or research. Bacon's characterization herein succinctly catches the limitations of such procedures: 'they enquire of the Parts, and their Substances, Figures, and Collocations' (l. 29), i.e. they are mere demonstrations for lectures on (Galenic) home truths. For his part, Bacon calls for dissections more properly scientific: investigations open to discovery ('comparatiue and casuall') that both explore pathologies and increase knowledge of the human body ('from the view of many', ll. 34–5). If Bacon's views of what should be explored remain influenced by the old ways (particularly the importance he grants to the humours (ll. 30–1; 2L2r, p. 100, ll. 12–17), his belief that comparative anatomy would increase medical knowledge through the study of 'footesteps of diseases' (p. 100, ll. 16–27) is enlightened. Even at the end of the century, one of its most prominent physicians, Thomas Sydenham (1624–89), was still dubious about anatomical study (Cunningham, 'Kinds of anatomy', p. 2). Bacon calls for co-ordinated research below (2L2r, p. 100, ll. 21–2). Some anatomical research, of course, went on despite professional conservatism. Harvey's discovery of the circulation of the blood (1628), drew upon years of anatomies, including animal vivisection (ll. 11–12). A graduate of Gonville and Caius (BA, 1597), with MD from Padua, where he studied with the anatomist Fabricius, Harvey (1578–1657) became fellow of the College of Physicians (1607) and Lumleian lecturer in 1616 (and for the next 40 years). His lecture notes, Prelectiones anatomiae universalis (unpublished until 1886; trans. C. D. O'Malley et al., University of California pg 297Press: Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1961), contain much original observation, including that upon the heart movements of a live animal with opened thoracic cavity (1618 lecture) anticipating his revolutionary theory about the circulation of the blood published in Exercitatio anatomica de motu cordis et sanguinis in animalibus (Frankfurt, 1628). Harvey was conducting research in London by 1602, though his public lectures were too late for any impact on AL. Indeed, Bacon does not mention Harvey's work in DAS (1623)—or anywhere else. This silence is all the more curious if we accept John Aubrey's statement that Harvey served as Bacon's personal physician while Bacon was Lord Chancellor (1619–21). That Bacon and Harvey did not see eye to eye (literally—to Harvey, Bacon's was 'like the eie of a viper'), is manifest in another of Harvey's remarks as reported by Aubrey: '"He writes philosophy like a Lord Chancelor," said he to me, speaking in derision; "I have cured him"' (i. 72, 299). (DNB is sceptical.) For evidence that Harvey was the beneficiary of a legal finding in Chancery argued by Bacon in 1608 and (more tenuously), that his sneer at the quality of Bacon's philosophy dated from that period, Aubrey's much later 'Lord Chancellor' is perhaps a mistake for 'Chancery lawyer'; see Kenneth Cardwell, 'Francis Bacon, Inquisitor', in FBLT, p. 287 n. 17.
ll. 29–30: [marginal note] Anatomia comparata—'Comparative anatomy'.
l. 37: Cause Continent—i.e. continual cause; the phrase (first used in English here) is taken from Celsus, De medicina, proemium, 13 (Ellis). Aulus Cornelius Celsus, writing in the reign of Tiberius (ad 14–37), compiled an encyclopaedia of which only the medical books survive. His work was little noticed until publication of De medicina in Florence in 1478. His style earned him the sobriquet 'Cicero medicorum'. Bacon cites him with approval in 'Of Regiment of Health', Ess, 2B2v (OFB, XV, p. 101, ll. 46–7).
Page 100, l. 4: aunciently noted—Celsus, proemium, 24–5.
l. 7: Anatomia viuorum—'dissection of living creatures'.
ll. 7–8:iustly reproued—Celsus, proemium, 24–5. Stow's Annales of England (1601), 4M5r, records an instance in February 1587 in which an anatomical demonstration at Barber-Surgeons Hall nearly joined the category of 'anatomia vivorum' when the corpse, trundled across London from the site of execution in the frigid air, revived just as the coffin was opened to begin the procedure.
Page 100, ll. 10–11: well diuerted vpon the dissection of beastes aliue—Galen's De anatomicis administrationibus contains experiments on the breathing, vocal apparatus, and spinal cord of live animals; the tide-page of his Opera (Venice, 1541–2) depicts him about to cut into a live pig. Andreas Vesalius, whose De humani corporis fabrica (Basle, 1543) exposed the limitations of an anatomy based too exclusively upon animal study and established the need for comparative dissection of human cadavers, utilized animal vivisection to test his theories about the cardiac systole. Woodblocks in Compediosa totius anatomiæ delineatio pg 298(1553), a textbook published for the Barber-Surgeons Company, depict a trussed pig on a 'borde which is meete for the office and worke of cuttinge in liuelye worke' and 'Diuerse and sundrye hooles into the whiche hooles we doe put cordes and siringes to tye or holde the sayde lyuinge beastes' (1559 edn., K3r). Harvey's discoveries, as noted, derive in part from vivisection. See Prelectiones, ed. C. D. O'Malley et al., p. 185. Bacon's interest in animal vivisection is directed toward gaining insight into the 'animal spirits' found in living human bodies ('passages and pores', ll. 3–4).
Page 100, ll. 25–7: wheras now vpon opening of bodies, they are passed ouer sleightly, and in silence—Harvey pioneered morbid anatomy citing observations based upon his autopsies of friends and relatives in his lectures.
ll. 28–31: [marginal note] Inquisitio vlterior de Morbis insanabilibus—'Further investigation of incurable diseases.'
l. 30: Sylla and the Triumvirs neuer proscribed so many men to die—Lucius Cornelius Sulla (138–78 bc) initiated bloody proscription lists after wresting power from the Cinnan regime. Octavius, Lepidus, and Mark Antony were similarly bloodthirsty once Caesar was dead.
Page 101, ll. 1–3: [marginal note] De Euthanasii exteriore—'Of outward euthanasia', i.e. easeful death for the body.
ll. 2–3: Augustus Cæsar was wont to wish … Euthanasia—Suetonius, Life of Augustus, 99; his dying words quoted in Ess, B4v (OFB, XV, p. 10, ll. 39–40).
l. 4: Antoninus Pius—Emperor ad 138–61. Julius Capitolinus, 'Antoninus Pius', 12, Scriptores Historae Augustae.
l. 6: Epicurus—Greek philosopher (341–270 bc), who held avoidance of pain to be the highest good, confirmed such avoidance in his manner of death; his metaphysic was also kinder and gentler (cf. Lucretius), admitting chance to an atomistic universe.
l. 8: Hinc stygias Ebrius hausit aquas—'This drunkard swallowed the Stygian waters'. Diogenes Laertius, x. 15 (Antwerp, 1566, c6r).
ll. 14–15: [marginal note] Medicina experimentales—'Experimental medicines'; those based upon experience.
l. 15: Receiptes of proprietie—prescriptions for specific diseases.
Page 101, ll. 16–19: the Phisitians haue frustrated the fruite of tradition … medicine cannot command ouer the disease—Bacon echoes Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxix. 1: 'And yet the very Artists themselves are not ywis so skilfull, as to know that where of they make profession. For I myself have seene these that goe for Physicians, put commonly into their medicines and receits quid pro quo' (trans. P. Holland, 1601, vol. II, 2G6v).
pg 299 2L3r
Page 101, l. 17: Quid pro quo—'one equal thing for another'.
ll. 19–20: Treacle and Mythridatum—originally antidotes for poison (the latter named for the king of Pontus who innoculated himself by taking portions over time (Pliny, Nat. Hist. xx. 24; xxv. 2)), they had became panaceas by the Renaissance. In England rival recipes provoked fierce controversy (Grocers Company vs. College of Physicians) and foreign competition ('straungers doe dayly send into England a false and naughty kind of Mithridatum and Threacle in great barrelles'). See L. G. Matthews, 'Royal apothecaries of the Tudor period', Medical history, 8 (1964), p. 177. In A booke of the natures and vertues of triacles (1568), William Turner rages against those who 'boldlye become murtherers of themselues, … not vsing them by the aduise of almightie Gods servauntes and officers the learned Phisitions, but out of time, and out of measure take them in, without al discretion, folowing onelye their owne aduise or els the counsell of some doting olde Gooddame, or some craking Cremer [huckster] or prating runnagate Pedlar' (F11). The official Pharmacopoeia Londinensis (1618), see cmt, pp. 299–300 below, contains three recipes for treacle, one for mithridatum. A list of nostrums among Bacon's papers includes two concoctions from mithridatum (SEH, III, pp. 832, 834). PFE (OFB, I), fo. 92r, enters the observation 'Old treacle new losanges'.
l. 20: of late Diascordium—Fracastorius, 2I3v(p. 93, l. 3) and cmt thereon (pp. 289–90 above), provides a formula for 'Diascordium nostrum' against the plague in De contagione et contagiosis et eorum curatione (1546); Opera, Venice, 1584, N8v (Ellis).
l. 22: confections of sale—generic prescriptions.
ll. 25–7: Emperiques, and ould women … more religious—Rawley reports Bacon's tart narrative regarding his own medical treatment: 'The physician that came to my Lord after his recovery, before he was perfectly well. The first time, he told him his pulse was broken-paced; the next time, it tripped; the third day, it jarred a little. My Lord said, he had nothing but good words for his money' (SEH, VII, p. 184). Self-described as 'ever puddering in physic all my life' (1624; LL, VII, p. 515), Bacon offered guidelines for choosing a physician in 'Of Regiment of Health', Ess, 2B3v (OFB, XV, pp. 101–2, ll. 51–9) and cmt thereon (p. 236). See 'Memoriae Valetudinis', in CS, fos. 26r–27v (LL, IV, pp. 78–9) for 'puddering' details. Bacon objects to the 'indiscretion of Emperiques, which minister the same medicines to all patients' on 2X4r (p. 149, ll. 21–2).
ll. 28–31: Phisitians haue not … set downe and deliuered ouer, certaine Experimentall Medicines, for the Cure of particular Diseases—Bacon may have known of the College's plan to compile such a collection, described in the 1589 minutes as 'vnum aliquod publicum ac uniforme Dispensatorium sive Receptorem Magistralium formula', 'one definite and uniform dispensatory or formulary of medical prescriptions' (Clark, A history of the Royal College of Physicians, I, p. 161). Fellows were asked to investigate various drugs and report back. Thomas D'Oylie (?1548–1603), assigned to study the 'Olea', was pg 300well known to Bacon for he had written to him in 1580 while D'Oylie was travelling abroad with Anthony Bacon (LL, I, pp. 10–11); D'Oylie's brother married Bacon's half-sister, Elizabeth. The College project remained moribund for decades until the publication of Pharmacopoeia Londinensis (1618), a royal proclamation directing apothecaries to follow its recipes. (Larkin, No. 171, 26 April 1618; No. 206, 4 August 1620). The full title announces a collection of old and new nostrums, confirmed by practice, 'medicamenta antiqua et nova vsitatissima, sedulò collecta, accurtasme examinata quotidiana experientia confirmata'. Each entry details ingredients, often with a 'misce … secundum artem', 'mix according to art', but with no effort to prescribe for specific complaints. Even this effort at standardization was resisted; a second edition was rushed into print within the year, its extensive revisions reflecting continuing factional disputes. See introduction to the facsimile edition edited by George Urdang, State Historical Society: Madison, 1944.
l. 29: probations reported in bookes—'in old MS. books of receipts it is common to find probatum est ['it is proved'] written against such as have been tried and found effectual' (Wright).
Page 102, l. 1: mineral Medicines … extolled—i.e. by Paracelsus and his followers; see cmt, p. 288 above.
ll. 2–5: [marginal note] Imitatio Naturæ in Balneis, & Aquis Medicinalibus—'Imitation of nature in baths and medicinal waters.'
ll. 2–3: make an Imitation by Art of Naturall Bathes, and Medicinable fountaines—see William Turner, A Booke of the natures and properties as well of the bathes in England as of other bathes in Germany and Italy very necessary for all sick persones that can not be healed without the helpe of natural bathes (1562), and Walter Bayley, A Briefe discourse of certain bathes or medicinall waters in the counties of Warwicke (1587).
ll. 10–14: [marginal note] Filum Medicinale, siue de vicibus Medicinarum— 'Physician's thread, or of the successions of remedies.' DAS (SEH, IV, p. 390) translates 'Physician's Clue'. Bacon uses a thread leading man through nature's labyrinth as a metaphor for his scientific method. Cf. title, 'Scala Intellectus siue Filum labyrinthi', FL (SEH, II, pp. 687–9).
Page 102, ll. 24–5: their prescripts and ministrations, … but inconstancies, and euery dayes devises—cf. PFE (OFB, I), fo. 84r: 'Omnis medecina Innouatio'.
ll. 31–2: artificiall decoration, it is well worthy of the deficiences—Giovanni Battista Porta, Magiae naturalis (1558; 1589), devotes a chapter to 'De Mulierum Cosmetica'. A frequent satiric target in the period; cf. Shakespeare's Hamlet (1600–1), 'I have heard of your paintings, well enough. God hath given you one face, and you make yourselves another' (III. i. 142–4), or (to Yorick's skull), 'let her paint an inch thick, to this favour she must come' (V. i. 193–4); see also John Marston's The Malcontent (1604), passim.
ll. 32–3: nor handsome to vse, nor wholesome to please—Spedding conjectures the phrases have been transposed from 'handsome to please, nor wholesome to use', but 'handsome' here denotes 'convenient' (OED, 2); no emendation is necessary.
Page 103, l. 1: those that suffer punishment—Bacon knew this at first hand in his role as a legal representative for the Privy Council. He was present in 1597 when the Jesuit John Gerard was interrogated while being stretched in the torment of the manacles (Autobiography of a hunted priest, trans. P. Caraman, New York, 1955, pp. 134–43), and again in 1614 when Edmond Peacham, a Puritan minister accused of sedition, was 'put to the manacles'. The examining committee's report, which Bacon signed, describes the sort of 'Indurance' remarked upon here: 'Upon these interrogatories Peacham this day was examined before torture, in torture, between tortures, and after torture. Notwithstanding, nothing could be drawn from him, he still persisting in his obstinate and insensible denials, and former answers' (LL, V, p. 94). Also see L. Jardine and A. Stewart, Hostage to Fortune, pp. 356–7. Clifford Hall provides useful historical context for Bacon's role in these proceedings in 'Some perspectives on the use of torture in Bacon's time and the question of his "virtue"', Anglo-American Law Review, 18 (1989), 289–321.
Page 103, ll. 9–10: Olympian Games are downe long since—created in 776 bc to honour Zeus every four summers; abolished by Theodosius I at the end of the fourth century ad; the modern Olympiad dates from 1896.
l. 13: Arts of pleasure sensuall—DAS, 2E2r–v (SEH, I, p. 603), adds a paragraph which clarifies this point categorizing arts according to sense— pleasure of the eyes: painting and arts relating to magnificience ('quæ ad Magnificentiam spectant'), buildings, gardens, clothing, vases, cups, gems; pleasure of the ears: music. For extended reflections on the first two, see Ess, 2L1r–2N4r(OFB, XV, pp. 135–45). The other senses and their arts are deemed more proper to luxury than magnificence.
ll. 13–14: Lawes to represse them—most prominent during Elizabeth's reign, sumptuary legislation sought to restrict extravagant dress primarily to maintain social distinctions (hose, trimmings, linings, 1566; caps and bonnets, 1572; excessive ruffs, 1580). In 1604 Parliament repealed most apparel legislation (I James I, c. 25). By 1620, however, Chamberlain (Letters, II, p. 286) is reporting the king's command that bishops 'vehemently and bitterly' preach against 'the insolencie of our women' for wearing broad-brimmed hats, pointed doublets, short hair, stilettos or poinards. No additional legislation followed. Bacon's target here is not clear; in 1623 he seeks laws against perfumes, exotic foods, and (unspecified) 'Incitamenta Libidinis', 'stimulants of lust', DAS, 2E2v (SEH, I, p. 603).
ll. 14–15: hath beene well obserued, that the Arts which florish in times, while pg 302vertue is in growth, are Militarie: … in declination, are voluptuarie—cf. Ess, 2X2r(OFB, XV, p. 176, ll. 177–80).
l. 16: in State— stable.
ll. 18–19: practises Iocularie; for the deceiuing of the sences—OED, citing lemma as the earliest occurrence, deems 'joculary' to be a variant spelling of the adjective 'jocular'. The context quoted here suggests Bacon is thinking of sleight of hand practices such as magic tricks and juggling. OED does cite a single occurrence (1500) of a substantive form, 'joculary', 'the art or practice of jesters or jugglers'. PFE (OFB, I), fo. 110r, notes in its cryptic manner, under 'Games of Actiuity & passetyme': 'sleight of Act. of strength quicknes; quick. of ey hand; legg, the whole mocion; … Of Activity of sleight'.
ll. 19–20: As for Games of recreation, … to belong to Ciuile life, and education—in Basilikon doron, F3r–v, King James defended 'publicke spectacles of all honest games' (as well as 'honest feasting and merinesse'): 'this forme of contenting the peoples mindes, hath beene vsed in all well gouerned Republicks', and again, officially, in The King's Maiesties declaration to his subjects, concerning lawfull sports to be used (1618), the so-called Book of sports.
Page 103, ll. 31–2: haue ben rather in a Maze, than in a way—random, not investigated systematically.
l. 37: Producat—'let it bring forth'; cf. Gen. 1: 20, 24, 'Producant aquae … producat terra' (Vulgate); cf. 2G3v (p. 84, l. 7 above).
Page 104, l. 4: DIVINATION—see 'Of Prophecies', Ess, 2E2v–2F1r (OFB, XV, pp. 112–14).
Page 104, ll. 13–14: Heathen obseruations, … Bees—Cicero mentions all but bees in De divinatione, I. i. 1–2.
l. 14: Chaldean Astrologie—a Semitic people so skilled in astrology their name was synonymous with it. Dan. 2: 2. Bacon no doubt knew the highly sceptical review in Aulus Gellius, Noct. Attic. xiv. 1.
ll. 19–20: O vrbem vænalem, … inuenerit—'O venal city, and doomed to perish if a buyer may be found'. Sallust, Bell. Jug. xxxv. 10.
l. 21: Sylla first, and after in Cæsar—in the event, both Lucius Cornelius Sulla ('Felix') and Julius Caesar were assassinated. See Caesar's criticism of Sylla on L1v (p. 48, ll. 11–14 above).
ll. 27–8: prenotion; … in sleepe—Bacon relates a dream anticipating his father's death: 'I my Selfe remember, that being in Paris, and my Father dying in London [20 February 1578/9], two or three dayes before my Fathers death, I had a Dreame, which I told to diuers English Gentlemen; that my Fathers House in the Countrey, was Plastered all ouer with Blocke Mortar', SS, 2L2v (SEH, II, pp. 666–7). Bacon seeks to know whether 'Secret Passages of Sympathy, betweene Persons of neare Bloud', 2L2r–v (SEH, II, p. 666) explain such phenomena.
l. 28: nere death—thus, John of Gaunt in Shakespeare's Richard II (1595), II. i. 31–2: 'Methinks I am a prophet new inspir'd, | And thus expiring do foretell of him'.
Page 104, ll. 31–2: mind, … illumination from the fore-knowledge of God and spirits—Wright cites Plato, Timaeus, 71e.
Page 105, l. 1: furie—cf. Ovid, Met. ii. 640: 'ubi vaticinos concepit mente furores', 'when she felt in her soul the prophetic madness' (Wright).
ll. 3–4: Fascination is the power and act of Imagination, … Imaginant— Reginald Scot, The discoverie of witchcraft (1584), 2N3r, associates it with the casting of spells: 'an extermination or expulsion of the spirits through the eies, approaching to the hart of the bewitched, and infecting the same'; 'fascination' was the subject of an Oxford disputation in 1600.
ll. 4–5: of that we spake in the proper place—see 2H4v (p. 89, ll. 29–30 above).
l. 7: exalted the power of the imagination—Paracelsus, De vermibus (1603), ch. x, p. 243 (Wright). Bacon discusses the 'Transmission, and Influx, of Immateriate Vertues' in SS, 2H4r (SEH, II, pp. 640–2). Though he rejects the views of Paracelsus as extreme and likens to cleaning the Augean stables the task of separating 'from Superstitious, and Magicall Arts, and Obseruations, any thing that is cleane and pure Naturall' (641), he devotes several substantial passages therein to the 'Transmission of Spirits, and the Force of Imagination', 2H4r–2I2v (SEH, II, pp. 641–2).
l. 7: one with—equivalent to.
ll. 7–8: power of Miracle-working faith—Matt. 17: 20.
l. 14: the force of confidence—he is more sceptical of fascination in Ess, F4v(OFB, XV, p. 27, ll. 8–9), 'if any such Thing there be'.
Page 105, l. 18: Ceremoniall Magicke—using ritual and spell to summon the spirits. Marlowe powerfully recreates an instance in the calling up of Mephistopheles in The tragicall history of Doctor Faustus (1604), sc. iii. Also see D. P. Walker, Spiritual and demonic magic: from Ficino to Campanella, London University, Warburg Institute Studies, 22: London, 1958; repr. University of Notre Dame Press, 1975, pp. 42 ff. for Ficino's defence of astrological practices and talismans.
l. 21: as Images are said by the Romane Church—the Council of Trent (25 th session, 1563) reaffirmed, as aids to prayer and worship, the veneration of images of Christ, Mary, and the saints (honouring the person, not its portrayal). 'Romish' images were a major source of controversy throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, begining with Henry VIII's replacing of crucifixes in churches with the royal arms and (except for a brief, not very effective reversal under Mary Tudor) resulted in the mutilation, destruction, or removal of most religious art from the churches. See John Philips, The reformation of images: pg 304destruction of art in England 1535–1660, University of California Press: Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1973.
l. 27: In sudore … tuum—'In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread.' Gen. 3 19.
Page 106, l. 5: Voluntary Motion—deliberate action, directed by the will. Vickers emphasizes the pivotal role for the imagination that Bacon delineates in this paragraph, adding that he 'not only individualizes imagination as an autonomous faculty preceding action, he attributes to it from the outset a beneficent capacity' (CCB, p. 215).
l. 6: Ianus–Roman god of gates and portals, depicted with faces looking in opposite directions.
l. 9: Quales decet esse sororum—'It is fitting that they be as sisters'. Ovid, Met. ii. 14.
l. 12: well sayd by Aristotle—Polit. i. 3.
l. 20: paint and disguise the true appearance of thinges—cf. CGE, E7r (SEH, VII, pp. 77): 'the perswaders labor is to make things appeare good or euill, … which as it may be perfourmed by true and solide reasons, so it may be represented also by coulers, popularities and circumstances, which are of such force, as they sway the ordinarie iudgement either of a weake man, or a wise man, not fully and considerately attending and pondering the matter'.
Page 106, l. 23: the former diuision—into memory, imagination, and reason.
ll. 31–2: wee haue mentioned it—see 2M2v (p. 105, ll. 15 ff).
l. 32: De Anima—'of the mind', with a deliberate echo of the title of Aristotle's treatise (Rees).
Page 107, l. 6: Pabulum animi—'food for the mind'. Cicero, Academica, ii. 41 (Markby).
l. 8: Ad ollas carnium—'to the flesh-pots [of Egypt]'. Exod. 16: 3 (Vulgate).
Page 107, l. 10: tast well—are pleased by.
ll. 16–17: hand is the Instrument … minde … Fourmes—Aristotle, De anima, iii. 8.
l. 19: a neerer shoote—a more accurate shot.
l. 28: INVENTION is of two kindes much differing—i.e. discovery of the unknown vs. rhetorical recovery of the known for use in discourse.
Page 108, ll. 5–6: Cuique in sua arte credendum—'He must be believed in his own art'. Aristotle, Prior Anal. i. 30 (Wright).
ll. 7–9: Medicines and Cures, … Cures discouered—De medicina, i. 1; Bacon revises the context (Johnston).
l. 10: in his Theœtetus—i.e. Philebus 16c–17a.
l. 12: Arts-man—a scholar of the liberal arts. OED cites lemma as sole occurrence, but Don Armado (as he would surely insist), says it first in Shakespeare's Love's Labour's Lost (1598), V. i. 85.
Page 108, ll. 17–20: Dictamnum … sagittæ—'With a mother's care she [Venus] plucks from Cretan Ida a dittany stalk, clothed with downy leaves and purple flower; not unknown is that herb to wild goats, when winged arrows have lodged in their flank' (Loeb). Virgil, Aeneid, xii. 412–15.
ll. 24–5: Omnigenumque … Mineruam &c.—'Monstrous gods of every form and barking Anubis wield weapons against Neptune and Venus and against Minerva, Virgil, Aeneid, viii. 698–700 ('Minervam tela tenent').
ll. 27–9: Prometheus … sparke—Hesiod, Theog. 562 ff. Bacon allegorizes as 'PROMETHEVS siue Status hominis', in DSV, E9r–F6v (SEH, VI, pp. 668–76).
ll. 29–30: West Indian Prometheus—Bacon's immediate source is Acosta, Naturall and morall historie of the East and West Indies (Seville, 1590; trans. 1604): 'I see no speciall matter at the Indies which is not in other regions, vnlesse some will say, that the manner to strike fire in rubbing two stones, one against another, as some Indians vse' (I3v–I4r) (Wright). Spedding compares CV, fos. 265r–v(SEH, III, p. 614).
ll. 32–3: wilde Goat for Surgerie—see Virgil, 2N1r (p. 108, ll. 17–20); Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxviii. 10; trans. P. Holland, 1601, vol. II, 2E5v, 2F1r.
l. 33: Nightingale for Musique—Pliny, Nat. Hist. x. 29, analyses its song at length, concluding 'there is not a pipe or instrument againe in the world' (trans. P. Holland, 1601, vol. I, 2B5v).
ll. 33–4: Ibis for some part of Phisicke—Pliny, Nat. Hist. viii. 27: 'Ibis (or the Blacke Storke. This bird having a crooked and hooked bill, useth it in steed of a syringe or pipe, to squirt water into that part, whereby it is most kind and holsome to void the doung and excrements of meat, and so purgeth and cleanseth her bodie' (trans. P. Holland, 1601, vol I, T3v).
l. 34: the Pot-lidde, that flew open for Artillerie—Polydore Vergil, De rerum inventoribus libri octo, Basle, 1521, ii. 7: 'it chaunced that he [German monk] had in a morter pouder of brimstone that he had beaten for a medicine, and couered it with a stone, and as he stroke fyre it fortuned a sparke to fall into the pouder: by and by there roase a great flame oute of the morter, and lyfte vp the stoone wherewith it was couered, a greate heyght: And after he perceiued that, he made a pipe of yron, & tempered the pouder, and so finished this deadly engyn'. An abridgement of the notable worke of Polidore Vergile conteinyng the deuisers and first finders out …, trans., London, 1551, f7v–f8r. A statue of 'Your monke that was the pg 306Inventour of Ordnance and of Gunpowder' is in the gallery of inventors in Salomon's House, NA, g1v (SEH, III, p. 166). The Chinese invented gunpowder for fireworks (ninth century), introduced to Europe by the Arabs in the fourteenth century.
Page 109, ll. 3–4: Vt varias … Paulatim—'So that practice by meditating, might little-by-little hammer out divers arts'. Virgil, Georg. i. 133–4.
Page 109, ll. 8–9: Vsus … vincit—'Practice given over to one thing will often subdue both nature and art'. Paraphrase of Cicero, Pro Balbo, 20 ('Assiduus usus uni rei deditus et ingenium et artem saepe vincit').
ll. 10–11: Labor … egestas—'Persistent labour and need, driving in hard times, overcame all '. Virgil, Georg. i. 145–6 ('vicit').
l. 12: Quis Psittaco docuit suum Χαιρε—'Who taught the parrot his greeting?' Perseus, Sat., Prol 8 ('expedivit') (Wright).
ll. 12–13: who taught the Rauen—Pliny, Nat. Hist. x. 43, trans. P. Holland, 1601, vol. I, 2C3v.
ll. 16–17: the Ant to bite euerie graine of Corne—Pliny, Nat. Hist. xi. 30; trans. P. Holland, 1601, vol. I, 2F2v.
l. 18: Extundere—'hammer out'; in Virgil passage, on 2N1r (p. 109, l.3 above).
l. 19: Paulatim—'little-by-little'; on 2N1r (p. 109, l. 4 above).
l. 24: seemeth familiar with Plato—Cicero, Top. x. 42 (Le Dœuff in Vickers).
Page 109, l. 31: Aerei mellis cælestia dona—'the celestial gift of honey from the skies'. Virgil, Georg. iv. 1.
ll. 35–6: without instance contradictorie—i.e. the exception. Cf. 'in omni Axiomate vero constituendo, maior est vis instantiæ negatiuæ', 'in the establishment of any true axiom, the negative instance is the more forcible of the two', NO, G1r(SEH, I, p. 166). But note the anecdote and discussion concerning the mind's tendency to discount negative examples: 'a fewe times hitting, or presence, counteruayles oft times fayling, or absence', AL, 2O4r (p. 116, ll. 15–21). Page 109, l. 37–p. 110, l. 1: of a side—on the one side.
Page 110, ll. 1–2: As if Samuell … Sonnes—1 Sam. 16: 5–13. He rejected all of Jesse's sons before anointing the youngest, David, who had been tending sheep. David became one of the greatest of Hebrew kings, author of psalms, founder of the royal house of the Messiah.
l. 2: Issay—Jesse; the spelling of Bishops' Bible ('Isai'); Geneva reads ';Ishai'.
l. 8: Lictores and Viatores for Sargeants and Wifflers—lictors, carrying a ceremonial axe within a bundle of rods, protected the Roman magistrate; in England attendants with a similar role were called whifflers after the 'wifle' ('javelin, axe') they carried to clear the way for a procession or spectacle (cf. Shakespeare's Henry V (1599), V, chorus, 12–13: 'like a mighty whiffler 'fore the pg 307King | Seems to prepare his way'); viators summoned persons before the magistrate, thus, 'Sargeants'.
ll. 8–9: Ad summouendam turbam—'for driving away the mob'.
Page 110, l. 3: Man … as a Child—cf. Matt. 18: 3; VT, pp. 26–7 (SEH, III, p. 224), stresses intellectual humility.
l. 23: Quæ … Effœta est—'which brings forth assent, but is barren of work'.
Page 110, l. 35: Scientiam dissimulando simulauit—'He simulated knowledge by dissimulating'; paraphrase of Cicero, Academica, ii. 5. 15.
ll. 36–7: like the Humor of Tiberius … so much—Tacitus, Ann. i. 7. 11.
Page 111, l. 1: the later Academy— in the third and second centuries BC Arcesilaus and Carneades directed the New Academy as a centre of sceptical thought holding the doctrine of Acatalepsia ('incomprehensibility'), the belief that absolute truth was impossible. See Cicero, Academica, ii. 6. 8. Also see NO, I2r(SEH, I, pp. 178–9). Wats's translation of DAS (1640) is the earliest citation in OED for 'acatalepsy'.
ll. 5–6: rather like Progresses of pleasure, than Iourneyes to an end—royal junkets from great house to great house, marked by lavish feasting and entertainments; thus, 'indirect'. Details of Queen Elizabeth's 1572 progress to his father's estate at Gorhambury appear in the cmt to 'Of Building', Ess (OFB, XV, p. 281).
l. 6: both Academyes—Cicero, Opera (Lyons, 1588) uses the running headlines, 'Pro Academia nova adversus veterem.'
ll. 9–10: sufficient to certifie and report truth—cf. VT, p. 55: 'That the informacion of the sences is sufficient, not because they erre not, but because the vse of the sence in discoueringe of knowledge is for the most parte not imediate. So that it is the worke effecte 'or instance' that trieth the Axiome and the sence doth but trye the worke done, or not done, 'being or not being'' [interlineations in Bacon's hand] (SEH, III, p. 244).
Page 111, ll. 20–3: [marginal note] Experientia literata, & interpretatio Naturæ— 'Learned experience and the interpretation of nature.' The former is the rule of thumb application of empirical data collected, the latter the application of Bacon's new method of induction; DAS, 2H2v (SEH, I, p. 623) adds 'siue Nouum Organum', which had been published in 1620. See Jardine, Francis Bacon, pp. 144–9, also her 'Experientia literarata or Novum Organum: The dilemma of Bacon's pg 308scientific method', FBLT, pp. 47–67, and Michel Malherbe, 'Bacon's method of science', CCB, pp. 89–90: 'the true method, in the interval between mere ignorance and perfect knowledge, disposes definite degrees of certainty to relieve the effort of the mind and obtain some practical advantages, before reaching the full understanding of causes' (p. 90).
Page 112: ll. 4–30: The former … paire of Sheares—the germ of this section appears in HIP, fo. 249r (SEH, VII, p. 102): 'Collections Preparatiue. Aristotles Similitude of a shoomakers shopp; full of shoes of all sorts; Demosthenes Exordia Concionum. Tullies Precept of Theses of all sorts preparative.'
l. 6: artificiall erudition—'systematic learning' (Vickers).
ll. 6–7: Aristotle … doth deride the Sophists—Soph. Elen. 34.
ll. 12–13: Kingdome of Heauen, is like a good Housholder—Matt. 13: 52.
l. 15: Pleaders should haue the Places—i.e. commonplaces, topics, as Bacon records them in his various notebooks.
Page 112, l. 22: Thesi—propositions for debate; see Cicero, Orator, xiv. 45–6.
ll. 25–8: Demosthenes, … Prefaces for Orations and Speeches—'Eius 65 [i.e. 56] Exordia, si eius' (Wats); named in HIP in cmt, p. 112, ll. 3–30 above; Cicero demonstrates the dangers of the system when he has to account for a mismatched preface in Epist. ad Att. xvi. 6. 4.
ll. 28–9: Aristotles opinion—Rhet. ii. 22, 26, 17.
1. 35: which I terme SVGGESTION—process of association by which one idea prompts another; OED agrees that this is Bacon's coinage.
Page 113, l. 6: as Plato saith—in Menon, 80d–e, ridiculing Socrates' assertion that he could examine the nature of virtue while claiming he had 'no idea what virtue is'.
l. 23: Ars … Inuentis—'The art of discovery advances with discoveries' (untraced).
Page 113, l. 29: ARTES OF IVDGEMENT—logical proof and demonstration.
l. 32: all one—the same.
l. 32: in the sence—in the experience of the senses.
Page 114, l. 6: in all Motion, … pointe quiescent—cf. Aristotle, De motu animalium, ii–iii.
l. 7: Fable of Atlas—Homer, Od. i. 52–4; Virgil, Aeneid, iv. 481–2; Hesiod, Theog. 517.
l. 14: Reduction of Propositions—recasting or restatement for logical clarity and simplicity; cf. Thomas Wilson, The rule of reason contayning the arte of logicke (1567), H3v: 'to make a thing otherwise then it was before, to reduce it, or to bring it to more plaine vnderstanding in the shape and forme of the first figure'.
l. 19: Probation ostensiue—a manifest, direct proof setting forth a general principle, including the proposition to be proved.
l. 21: Per Incommodum—'because of insuitability'. Bacon's gloss, 'pressing an absurditie', indicates reductio ad absurdam ('reduction to absurdity'), the indirect ('Inuerted', l. 18) proof of a proposition by showing its opposite to be foolish or impossible.
Page 114, l. 31: the Analytiques—Aristotle's treatises upon logical proof, Prior Analytics, Posterior Analytics.
Page 114, l. 36–p. 115, l. 3: as in iugling feates, … abuse his Iudgment—Seneca, Epist. xlv. 8.
ll. 4–5: handled by Aristotle in Precept—in De Sophisticis elenchis, an examination of the sophistical syllogism. Trinity College Cambridge statutes (1560) stipulated lectures on Rudolph Agricola's De inventione or 'librum de Elenchis Aristotelis, vel libros qui Analytici dicuntur'(Mullinger, The University of Cambridge, II, 595).
l. 6: euen in Socrates himselfe—Plato, Theætetus beginning (Markby).
Page 115, l. 22: Common adiuncts of Essences—an objection to arcane debates among Aristotle's scholastic followers regarding various 'essences'. Bacon discusses these common adjuncts or 'conditiones entium' in ANN, fos. 35v– 36r (OFB, XIII).
Page 115, l. 30: Categories or Predicaments—the ten most extensive classes into which all things can be distributed: substance, quantity, quality, relation, action, passion, time, place, position, and habit.
Page 116, ll. 11 ff.: false appearances—in Bacon's more familiar formulation: the 'idols' of the tribe, 2O3v (p. 116, l. 11–p. 117, l. 9), cave, 2O4v- 2P1r (p. 117, ll. 10–18), and marketplace, 2P1r (p. 117, ll. 21–33). DAS, 2L2v (SEH, I, pp. 643–6) amplifies the entire section, 2P1r (p. 117, l. 18–p. 118, l. 4), employing the idola metaphor and adding a fourth category: 'Idola Theatri', 'idols of the theatre' (i.e. philosophical systems). Bacon names, but does not discuss, three idols in TPM, V9r (SEH, III, p. 536), theatre (called 'scenæ', 'of the stage'), marketplace ('fori'), and cave ('specus'). In VT, p. 34 (SEH, III, p. 242), four idols also are mentioned: 'Nation or Tribe', 'Palace', 'Caue', and 'Theater'. Rossi (1968), p. 161, pg 310suggests 'Palace' as a scribal error for 'place' (i.e. marketplace). The four idols are developed at length in NO, F3r–I2r (SEH, I, pp. 163–79).
Page 116, l. 17: well answered by Diagoras—Cicero, De natura deorum, iii. 37 (Markby). Diagoras of Melos (ft. late fifth century bc), lyric poet and professed atheist.
ll. 25–6: reduce the Motions … to perfect Circles—circular orbits (the perfect figure) were required philosophically in the realm of the heavens. See Bacon's trenchant critique in cmt on pp. 286–7 above. Johannes Kepler (1571–1630), using empirical data for Mars gathered by Tycho Brahe, would establish in 1609 that planetary orbits were elliptical.
l. 26: reiecting spirall lynes—Bacon records a devise to demontrate spirals to account for planetary motion in NO, 2H2v (SEH, I, p. 298): 'Si paulisper pro Plebeijs nos geramus, … talem esse Motum istum ad Sensum, qualem diximus; Cuius imaginem per fila ferrea (veluti in Machina) aliquando repræsentari fecimus'. In PFE (OFB, I), fo. 90v, he enters the phrase 'spire lynes', without comment or context. For the theoretical context of the notion of spiral lines see OFB, VI, pp. xxxviii–xlii, 425.
l. 28: Monodica—i.e. monadica, 'unique'; lemma is Bacon's preferred spelling; cf. NO, F4r (SEH, I, p. 165).
l. 28: sui Iuris—'in its own right'.
ll. 30–1: fayned an Element of Fire to keepe square—i.e. to make up a 'four', with earth, air, and water, the four essential 'roots' (Empedocles).
l. 34: Communis Mensura—'common measure'. Aristotle, Metaphysics, x. 6.
l. 35: Heresie of the Anthropomorphites—fourteenth-century sects which ascribed human characteristics and body parts to God from a literal parsing of Gen. 1: 26–7.
Page 116, l. 36: opinion of Epicurus—in Cicero, De natura deorum, ii. 17. 46. Cf. VT, p. 33 (SEH, III, p. 241): 'rather iustly derided then seriously confuted by the other sectes, demaundinge whether every kinde of sensible creatures did not thinke their owne figure fayrest, as the horse, the bull, and the like, which found no beauty but in theire owne formes'.
l. 38: Velleius the Epicurean—in De natura deorum, i. 9. 22.
Page 117, ll. 1–2: as if he had beene an Aedilis—'an officer, whose charge was to see to the mainteyning of temples and priuate houses: and to make prouision for solemne playes' (Cooper, Thesaurus, 1584).
l. 3: that great Worke-master—God as creator and ruler (OED); cf. Edward Halle, The union of the two noble and illustrate families … (1548), p. 188, 'the most high workemaster God.'
l. 10: false appearances—DAS reads 'Idôla Specûs', 'Idols of the Cave', 2L2v(SEH, I, p. 645).
ll. 11–12: fayned supposition, that Plato maketh of the Caue—Plato, Repub. vii (Markby).
Page 117, ll. 19–20: peccant humours, … in our first Booke—above, F4v (p. 28, ll. 23 ff.).
l. 21: false appearances—DAS, 2L2v (SEH, I, p. 645) reads 'Idôla Fôri', 'Idols of the Marketplace'; distortions from the nature of language itself; see NO, F3v–F4r (SEH, I, p. 164).
ll. 24–5: Loquendum vt Vulgus, sentiendum vt sapientes—'you must speak as common people, think as wise men'. Aristotle, Top. ii. 21. Cf. Ascham, Toxophilvs, the schole of shootinge (1545): 'He that wyll wryte well in any tongue, muste folowe thys councel of Aristotle, to speake as the common people do, to thinke as wise men do: and so shoulde every man vnderstande hym, and the iudgement of wyse men alowe hym' (a1r); Tilley, W 530.
l. 25: as a Tartars Bowe—described in Giles Fletcher the elder, Of the Russe Common Wealth (1591), K3r: 'They are very expert horsemen, & vse to shoot as readily backward, as forward' (Wright). Bacon used the expression in a parliamentary speech (1597) to characterize a raid against the Spanish: 'besides the success in amusing him and putting him to infinite charge, sure I am it was like a Tartar's or Parthian's bow, which shooteth backward, and had a most strong and violent effect and operation both in France and Flanders' (LL, II, p. 89).
Page 118, ll. 1–7: [marginal note] Elenchi magni, … aduentitijs—'Important refutations, or concerning the idols of the human mind, innate and acquired.'
l. 1: as was saide—see 2O3r (p. 115, l. 28).
Page 118, l. 10: by Congruitie—by analogy.
l. 11: Demonstration in Orbe, or Circle—Aristotle, Prior Anal. ii. 5 (Wright).
l. 11: a Notioribus—'from things better known'.
ll. 17–19: [marginal note] De Analogia Demonstrationum—'Of the analogy of proofs.'
ll. 33–5: Methodes of Commonplaces, … not of a World—an undated advice (c.1 595–6) to Fulke Greville, probably by Bacon, illustrates 'collections under heads and commonplaces' using insights gleaned from the life of Alexander the Great under such topics as 'war', 'conquest', and 'revolutions of states' (LL, II, pp. 23–5). See Vernon. E. Snow, HLQ, 23 (1960), 369–78; Vickers (1996) edits Snow's transcript with extensive notes. Bacon's extant notebooks are rather pg 312scrappy: Promus of formularies and elegancies (OFB, I) (dated 5 December 1594 and 27 January 1595; BL MS Additional 7017, fos. 83r–129v), contains more than 1, 600 expressions, maxims, debating and conversational gambits (e.g. 'Hear me owt … you were neuer in', fo. 87r)—mostly in Latin and English, but some in Italian, Spanish, French—jotted down for the most part without headings and in no particular order; the notebook CS is decidedly 'of a World', comprising personal stock-taking, frank appraisal of the court scene, strategies for the advancement of self and new philosophy, observations on the phenomena of motion. Bacon describes therein a system of notebooks in which notes are transcribed, organized 'vnder fitt Titles', made ready for particular uses, CS, fo. 14r (LL, IV, p. 62). Brian Vickers analyses Bacon's comments on notebooks in 'The Authenticity of Bacon's earliest writings', Studies in Philology, 94 (1997), 289–93. See also Bacon's discussion of AntR (AL, 2R4v–2S1r, p. 130, ll. 18–28) for a sophistication of the commonplace book developed by him to stimulate and hone thinking. Bacon experienced an unusual commonplace collection in his ancestral home: maxims (mostly from Seneca and Cicero) arranged under headings and painted above the portals and wainscotting of the long gallery at Gorhambury. See Elizabeth McCutcheon, 'Sir Nicholas Bacon's great house sententiae', ELR supplement, 3 (1977).
Page 119, l. 3: An Art there is extant of it—system of mnemonic techniques to retain complex arguments utilizing salient images (imagines) imprinted upon a sequence of memorized places (loci). Main points of the argument were prompted by the striking images, their sequence by the position of these images on a memorized grid (usually the architectural features of a familiar building). Sidney, Defence of poetry, p. 101, describes the art of memory as 'a certain room divided into many places well and thoroughly known'. Cicero, De oratore, II. lxxxvi. 351–4, who recounts Simonides' invention of the art using a banquet seating-chart as his grid, considers these places as wax for the images' letters; Quintilian, De instit. orat. XI. ii. 17–22, demonstrates the use of a building to imprint a series of places in memory; the most substantial text and the principal conduit of the Art to the Renaissance, was pseudo-Cicero, Ad Herennium, III. xvi–xxiv. Less sophisticated versions were available in such English works as The castel of memorie (1562), F5v–G4v. See Frances A. Yates, The art of memory, University of Chicago Press: Chicago, 1966. For a competing Renaissance scheme, see Giovanni Battista della Porta, Ars reminiscendi, Naples, 1602. Bacon criticizes the classical Art on 2P2v (p. 119, ll. 6–9); see following note).
Page 119, ll. 6–7: barrein, not burdensome, nor dangerous to Naturall Memorie, as is imagined—Bacon seems to be recalling Cornelius Agrippa's attack in De incertitudine et vanitate scientiarum (Cologne, 1531; trans. 1569), H1r: '[it] causeth madnesse, and frensie in steede of profounde and sure Memorie, to wite, whilest pg 313that it burdeninge the natural Memorie with the Images of infinite thinges, and woordes, causeth them to become madde with Arte, that abide not contente with the limittes of nature' ('Of the Art of Memorie').
l. 16: Baladynes—theatrical dancers; OED cites as earliest occurrence (1599), Basilikon doron: 'suche tumbling trickes as onely serue for Comedians & Balladines' (1603 edn., K4v).
l. 20: Embleme—vivid picture symbolically expressing a word or concept (see line 23). Emblematic poetry (comprising word or motto, woodblock depiction, and explanatory verses), was all the rage for more than a century after its introduction in Andrea Alciati's Emblematum liber (1531); popularized in England by Geoffrey Whitney's A choice of emblemes and other deuises (Leyden, 1586). Henry Peacham's Minerua Britanna, or a garden of heroical deuises [?1612] would dedicate an emblem of 'Ex malis moribus bonæ leges' to 'the most judicious, and learned, Sir FRANCIS BACON, Knight', G1r. 'Bonae leges ex malis moribus' appears in PFE (OFB, I), fo. 104r. See 'Hierogliphickes',AL, 2P3v (p. 120, ll. 18–20). Also see William B. Ashworth, Jr., 'Emblematic natural history of the Renaissance', in Cultures of natural history, ed. N. Jardine, J. A. S. Secord, and E. C. Sparg, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1996, pp. 17–37.
l. 24: strike the Memorie more—Aubrey, i. 82, suggests the painted glass at Gorhambury (see 'Of Building', Ess, 2L3v (OFB, XV, p. 137, ll. 91–4) and cmts thereon (pp. 281–2)) functioned as prompts for a personal art of memory: 'every pane with severall; figures of beast, bird, or flower: perhaps his lordship might use them as topiques for locall memory'. McCutcheon's recent eyewitness account of the surviving glass ('Sir Nicholas Bacon's great house sententiae', p. 17), briefly entertains Aubrey's theory, but its description of fragments of a turkey-cock and tobacco plant, survivors of a scheme depicting the continents (Europe, Asia, Africa, the Americas), point to a more prosaic, decorative purpose.
l. 27: distinguish—i.e. decide. See 2B2v(p. 61, ll. 14–16 above): 'my purpose is at this time, to note onely omissions and deficiences; and not to make any redargution of Errors, or incomplete prosecutions'.
Page 119, l. 37–p. 120, l. 1: Wordes are the Images of Cogitations, … Wordes— Aristotle, De interp. i. 1.
Page 120, ll. 1–2: not of necessitie, that Cogitations bee expressed by the Medium of Wordes—Bacon's distrust of the verbal, particularly in the context of learning, stems, in part, from uneasiness over its vulgar origins. See above: 'Wordes are but the Current Tokens or Markes of popular Notions of thinges', 2N2v (p. 110, ll. 25–6), and, calling for linguistic research, his conclusion that 'Words, and Writings by letters' as 'Moneys may bee of another kind, than gold and siluer', 2P4r (p. 120, l. 35–p. 121, l. 1).
ll. 8–9: vse of Chyna, … High Leuant, to write in Characters reall—i.e. signs pg 314which represent things ('res'), not sounds; a Baconian coinage; the next occurrence in OED is John Wilkins, Essay towards a real character, and a philosophical language (1668), a work inspired by this section of AL, which glosses, 'a Real vniversal Character, that should not signifie words, but things and notions' (C3r). Bacon's mistaken notion of Chinese ideographs derives from Acosta's recension of Jesuit missionary reports in Naturall and morall historie of the East and West Indies (Seville, 1590; trans. 1604): 'they have no Alphabet, neither write they any letters, but all their writing is nothing else but painting and ciphering: and their letters signifie no partes or distinctions, as ours do, but are figures and representations of things, as of the Sunne, of fire, of a man, of the sea, and of other things … So as things being of themselues innumerable, the letters likewise or figures which the Chinois vse to signifie them by, are in a maner infinite' (2F5v) (Ellis). See also Gonzalez de Mendoza, The Historie of the great and mightie kingdome of China, and the situation thereof (1588), F6v–F7r. Wright suggests Bacon means the Japanese when he refers to the 'Kingdomes of the High Leuant' (Fr., levant, 'the point where the sun rises'; the Far East, OED). Acosta comments: 'they of Jappon & the Chinois, do reade and vnderstand well the writings one of another, although they be diuers Nations, and different in tongue and language' (2F6r), and 'the greatest part of their writings, be by the characters and figures, as hath bin saide of the Chinois' (2F7r).
Page 120, ll. 11–13: neuerthelesse read one anothers Writings, because the Characters are accepted more generally, than the Languages doe extend—cf. Acosta, 2F6r: 'all that is written in it, is vnderstood in all tongues: and although all the Provinces doe not vnderstand one another by speaking, yet by writing they doe: for there is but one sort of figures and characters for them all, which signifie one thing, but not the same word and prolation [utterance]: seeing (as I haue said,) they are onely to denote the things, and not the worde'. Bacon's enthusiasm for Chinese ideographs is not in Acosta, who concludes with jingoistic celebration of the occidental alphabet (2F7v).
Page 120, l. 15: Notes of Cogitations—termed 'Notes of thinges, and Cogitations in generall' on ll. 33–4, 'Notis Rerum' in the marginal note.
l. 16: Ad Placitum—'as it pleases'; arbitrarily.
l. 18: Hierogliphickes—'sacred carvings'. Bacon shares the misconception, not fully dispelled until Jean Francois Champollion deciphered the Rosetta stone in Précis de systeme hieroglyphique (1824), that Egyptian picture-writing had 'an affinitie with the thinges signified' (l. 23). It is this direct relationship to the thing signified that recommends hieroglyphics to Bacon. His caustic comments on ll. 29–33 make clear, however, that he does not accept the tradition that language, owing to a divine origin, is itself 'hieroglyphic', i.e. that its signs distil the essence of what they represent, in effect, being the keys to an analogical creation. Indeed, pg 315Bacon takes the 'hiero' out of hieroglyphics, demystifying their enigma and emphasizing their primitive nature: 'men in those times wanted both varietie of examples, and subtiltie of conceit: And as Hierogliphikes were before Letters, so parables were before arguments', 2E2v (p. 74, ll. 24–6). See Thomas C. Singer, 'Hieroglyphs, real characters, and the idea of a natural language in English seventeenth-century thought', JHI, 50 (1989), 49–70, and Martin Elsky, Authorizing words: speech, writing and print in the English Renaissance, Cornell University Press: Ithaca, 1989.
l. 20: as continued Impreases and Emblemes–Camden, Remaines (1605), X3v, distinguishes them as follows: 'An Imprese (as the Italians call it) is a deuise in picture with his Motte, or Word, borne by noble and learned personages, to notifie some particular conceit of their owne: as Emblemes (that we may omitte other differences) doe propound some generall instruction to all'. He provides an historical survey of impreses (X3v–Z4v) and 'a few Impreses born by noble, and gentlemen of our nation, in our age … when I observed them at Tiltes and else where' (Y2v). Examples appear in 'Of Masques and Triumphes', Ess, 2G1v (OFB, XV, p. 118, l. 56) and cmt thereon (p. 262) and above, 2P2v cmt (p. 313).
l. 21: Gestures, … Transitorie Hierogliphickes—detailed analysis of gesture appears in classical accounts of rhetorical delivery under actio. See especially Quintilian, De instit. orat. XI. iii. 1–184, and Bacon's wry tribute to its primacy in 'Of Boldnesse', Ess, I3v (OFB, XV, p. 37, ll. 3–12). Brian Vickers, In defence of rhetoric, Oxford University Press: Oxford, 1988, pp. 268–9, notes the increasing sophistication of Renaissance rhetoric manuals regarding gesture. For gesture's contribution to universal language schemes in the seventeenth century, see J. R. Knowlson, JHI, 26 (1965), 495–508.
l. 24: Periander—(d. 585 bc), tyrant of Corinth, one of the seven wise men of Greece; see 2E2v (p. 74, l. 21) and cmt thereon (p. 275). Bacon adapts the letter sent to Periander by Thrasybulus (Diogenes Laertius, i. 8; Antwerp, 1566, D1r) wherein this encounter takes place in a cornfield, not a royal garden. Cf. the gardener's analysis of the king's fall in Shakespeare's Richard II (1595), III. iv. 55–66.
Page 120, ll. 29–33: by Curious Enquirie, or rather by apt fayning, to have deriued imposition of Names, from Reason and Intendment: … of small fruite—Singer, 'Hieroglyphs', p. 54, notes that Bacon's critique of efforts to rationalize the origins of language ('searcheth into Antiquitie', line 32) hits not only at such discussions as the lawgiver's in Plato's Cratylus and theories of Plotinus and Iamblichus as refurbished by Renaissance Neoplatonists, but the Christian doctrine of Adamic naming. The latter asserted that Adam's divinely inspired names for all creatures (Gen. 2:19–20) distilled the essence of the things they named. This intrinsic relationship between word and thing was lost after the Flood, with language being disrupted further as a consequence of the pg 316building of the tower of Babel. Two recent Renaissance recapitulations of these views, including the notion that an Adamic vestige persisted in the Hebrew language and alphabet, were Du Bartas, Devine weekes and workes, trans. Joshua Sylvester, 1605 ('Babilon', 2.2.2: 185–512), and Alexander Top, The oliue leafe: or, universall abce (1603); see Elsky, Authorizing words, pp. 140–6. Bacon's attitude toward Adamic naming was complicated. He seems to accept it as a prelapsarian linguistics (see H1v, p. 34, ll. 10–12; H2r, p. 34, ll. 33–5), but not for current languages. Rather, as Elsky observes (p. 177), it serves him as powerful metaphor for the correspondence of word and thing, a harmony that once existed between man and created nature, and an equilibrium that Baconian science strives to restore. Cf. VT, p. 12 (SEH, III, p. 222): 'a restitucion & reinvestinge (in great parte) of man to the sovereigntie and power (for whensoeuer he shalbe able to call the creatures by theire true names he shall againe commande them) which he had in his first state of creacion'. Note Bacon's characterization of the art of grammar as man's attempt to survive the second general curse, 2P4r (p. 121, ll. 7–9).
l. 31: by reason—because.
Page 120, ll. 33–4: knowledge, touching the Notes of thinges, and Cogitations in generall, I finde not enquired, but deficient—Bacon's terse remarks above supplied the linguistic agenda for the seventeenth century, especially discussions regarding the origins of language, the relationship between words and things epitomized in Bishop Sprat's familiar strictures regarding a proper prose style for the Royal Society (see cmt, p. 222 above), and the search for a universal language, e.g. Francis Lodowick, A common writing (1647) and, especially, John Wilkins, An essay towards a real character and a philosophical language (1668), who credits 'our Learned Verulam'. See Margreta de Grazia, 'The secularization of language in the seventeenth century', JHI, 41 (1980), 319–29; James Knowlson, Universal language schemes in England and France 1600–1800, University of Toronto Press: Toronto, 1975; and Brian Vickers, 'The Royal Society and English prose style: a reassessment', in Rhetoric and the pursuit of truth, University of California Press: Los Angeles, 1985.
ll. 33–4: [marginal note] De Notis Rerum—'Of the signs of things.'
Page 121, ll. 6–7: the first generall Curse—Gen. 3:19, 'In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread, til thou returne to the earth'.
l. 8: seconde generall Curse—Gen. 11: 6–8; linguistic chaos followed the blasphemy of the tower of Babel; see H2r (p. 34, ll. 33–4 above).
Page 121, l. 17: Sparsim—'here and there'.
ll. 25–6: doe tye themselues to the Ancient Measures—Bacon is responding to a recently resuscitated quarrel over which prosody was appropriate for English versification. Thomas Campion's refinement of humanist efforts to pg 317introduce classical measures into English verse (i.e. observing principles of timevalue or duration instead of accent) in Obseruations in the art of english poesie (1602) had been countered decisively by Samuel Daniel in A defence of ryme (1603). The quantitative initiative in England had been sparked by Ascham's account of discussions with Sir John Cheke and Thomas Watson at Cambridge University in the 1540s in a section of The scholemaster (1570), entitled 'Imitatio', featuring experimental verses by Watson and Ascham's scorn for native rhymes, 'surelie, to follow rather the Gothes in Ryming, than the Greekes in trew versiffyng, were euen to eate ackornes with swyne, when we may freely eate wheate bread emonges men' (R4r). Gabriel Harvey and Edmund Spenser published (1580) a lively exchange of letters (with verses and critiques) regarding 'our English refourmed versifying', in response to the experiments and rules for classical measures proposed by Sidney and his coterie (Thomas Drant and Edward Dyer). Sidney distinguishes 'ancient' and 'modern' versifying in Defence of poetry (composed, c. 1579–80; published, 1595), declaring English 'before any vulgar language I know, ….. fit for both sorts' (p. 120). Thirteen of his poems experiment with quantitative measures. See The poems of Sir Philip Sidney, ed. W. A. Ringler, Clarendon Press: Oxford, 1962, especially, pp. 389–94. Others during the movement's heyday in the 1580s include Richard Stanyhurst's hexameters of the first four books of the Aeneid (1582), Abraham Fraunce's translation, The lamentations of Amyntas (1587), and Puttenham's commentary in The arte of english poesie (1589), book II, chs. 3, 6, 8. See G. D. Willcock, 'Passing pitefull hexameters', MLR, 29 (1934), 1–19, and Derek Attridge, Well-weighed syllables: Elizabethan verse in classical metres, Cambridge University Press: London, 1974.
ll. 26–7: free to make newe Measures of Verses—the title-page to the Earl of Surrey's translation of book IV of the Aeneid (1554) prepares readers for its innovating blank verse stating it is 'drawne into a strange metre'. Ascham, missing the accentual point of Surrey's new verse, hoots: 'they obserue iust number, and euen feete: but here is the fault, that their feete: be feete without ioyntes, that is to say, not distinct by trew quantitie of sillabes: And so, soch feete, be but numme feete: and be, euen as vnfitte for a verse to turne and runne roundly withall, as feete of brasse or wood be vnweeldie to go well withall' (S1v).
ll. 28–9: the Sence is better Iudge, than the Art—a principal humanistic claim was that the rigour of quantitative measures was a learned art producing genuinely 'artificiall' verses, unlike the mere syllable-counting of native rhymers. Thus Ascham berates 'rash ignorant heads, which now can easely recken vp fourten sillabes, and easelie stumble on euery Ryme, … for lacke of such learnyng' (R4v) and Campion, Observations (1602), attacks 'the vulgar and unarteficiall custome of riming' (B3v). An exchange in the Harvey-Spenser letters, Three proper, and wittie, familiar letters: lately passed betwene two vniversitie men (1580), reflects Bacon's concerns about a rigid art. Gabriel Harvey, a willing participant in the quantitative enterprise, recoils in mock horror at Spenser's manipulation of pronunciation to fit his paradigm: 'In good sooth, and by the pg 318faith I beare to the Muses, you shal never have my subscription or consent (though you should charge me wyth the authoritie of five hundreth Maister DRANTS) to make your Carpenter, our Carpenter, an inche longer or bigger than God and his Englishe people have made him' (F3r). In Strange newes, of the intercepting certaine letters (1592), Thomas Nashe smirks that hexameter verse must find English 'too craggy': 'hee goes twitching and hopping … like a man running upon quagmiers, vp the hill in one Syllable, and down the dale in another, retaining no part of that stately smooth gate, which he vaunts himselfe with amongst the Greeks and Latins' (G3r).
ll. 30–1: Cœnœ … Cocis—'I prefer that the dishes of our dinner please the guests rather than the cook'. Martial, Epig. ix. 83.
ll. 33–4: Quod … nouum—'Nothing newer than an old thing no longer fitted' (untraced).
Page 121, ll. 35–6: CYPHARS; … in Letters or Alphabets, but may bee in Wordes—Bacon drew upon several Renaissance treatises of cryptography: Johann Trithemius, Polygraphia libri sex (1518; repr. Strassburg, 1600); Giovanni Battista della Porta, De furtiuis litterarum notis (1563), and Blaise de Vigenère, Traicté des chiffres, ou secrètes manières d'escrire (Paris, 1587). A London reprint of Porta appeared in 1591, with a dedication to the 9th earl of Northumberland (Henry Percy), 1564–1634. Ellis evaluates them in 'Appendix', SEH, I, pp. 841–4.
Page 121, ll. 36–7–p. 122, l. 1: SIMPLE CYPHARS with Changes, … NVLLES, and NONSIGNIFICANTS—those substituting one alphabetic sequence for another, undisclosed one; and, the same complicated by the addition of 'empty' characters; cf. Giovanni Battista della Porta, De furtiuis, II. 5, 6. OED cites lemma for earliest occurrence of 'null' and 'nonsignificant' used as substantives. In A declaration of egregious popish impostures (1603), Samuel Harsnet speaks of argot using the latter term 'a confederation between our wandring Exorcists, and these walking deuils [Jesuits] and they are agreed of certain vncouth non-significant names, which goe currant amongst themselues, as the Gipsies are of gibridge, which none but themselves can spell without a paire of spectacles' (G3v). Page 122, l. 2: WHEELE-CYPHARS—created by manipulating alphabets inscribed on edges of concentric circles; described in Porta, II. 7–9, with woodblock (K4r).
l. 2: KAY-CYPHARS—key-ciphers ('Ciphræ Clavis'), using different alphabets, positioned by keyword or number; cf. Porta, II. 16.
l. 2: DOVBLES—DAS, N3r (SEH, I, p. 658), defines them as 'Duplices Literas vno Charactere complexaœ', 'containing two different letters in one character'.
l. 6: highest Degree whereof, is to write OMNIA PER OMNIA—'all for all', i.e. any letter may represent any other. Bacon's biliteral cipher transmutes the alphabet to 32 combinations of only two letters (a = aaaaa; b = aaaab, c= aaaba, pg 319etc.). Ellis notes (SEH, I, p. 842) there is a kind of biliteral cipher in Porta, though it differs from Bacon's which he claims 'cum Adolescentuli essemus Parisijs excogitauimus', 'I devised myself in Paris as a young man', DAS, 2N4r (SEH, I, p. 659), i.e. during his two and a half years (1576–9) at the French court with Sir Amias Paulet. Bacon's interest in cipher may have been stimulated by observing its use in diplomatic correspondence then and, later, by Essex's agents, including his brother Anthony. For judicious evaluation by professional cryptographers of the vexatious application of Baconian cipher to the Shakespeare authorship question, see William F. and Elizabeth S. Friedman, The Shakespearean ciphers examined, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1958.
ll. 13–14: the greatest Matters, are many times carryed in the weakest Cyphars—his learned mother, Anne Cooke Bacon (1528–1610), employed a weak cypher of sorts in a letter to her son Anthony, when she switched to Greek characters to conceal from a messenger her impolitic remarks regarding Archbishop Whitgift's role on the Privy Council (LL, I, p. 112); with similar intent Bacon set down in Greek characters his private notes for a crucial court interview in 1622 (LL, VII, p. 389).
Page 122, ll. 27–8: METHODE … mooued a Controuersie in our time—Peter Ramus (Pierre de la Ramée, 1515–72) countered the scholastic system of logic and rhetoric taught in the universities with a simplified dialectic based upon the careful formulation of propositions (see 2R1r, p. 126, ll. 14–15 and cmt thereon, p. 322) and a method that proceeded from general (the 'better known') to specific, often via dichotomies (division by twos). The starkness of his method and the fervour of its exposition (e.g. Quod sit unica doctrina instituendae methodus, Paris, 1557) attracted controversy from its first publication in 1543–7, stimulating hundreds of publications over the century. See Walter J. Ong, Ramus and Talon inventory, Harvard University Press: Cambridge, Mass., 1958, and Ramus: method and the decay of dialogue, Harvard University Press: Cambridge, Mass., 1958.
In one early response, Jacques Charpentier's attacks in Animadversationes in libros tres dialecticarum institutionum Petri Rami (Paris, 1554) and Disputatio de methodo, quod unica non sit (Paris, 1564) were refuted by Arnaud d'Ossat's Expositio in disputationem Iacobi Carpentarii de methodo (Paris, 1564). The controversy 'in our time' alludes, however, to a more recent dispute over Ramus between two Cambridge University academics, Everard Digby (c. 1550–92) and William Temple (1555–1627). Digby's attack on Ramus's self-styled 'one and only' method in De duplici methodo libri, unicam P. Rami methodum refutantes (London, 1580) was answered the same year by Temple in Ad Everardum Digbeium Anglum admonitio de unica P. Rami methodo rejectis ceteris retinendis. The battle verbal raged for years, Temple giving final devastating response in his annotated edition of Ramus, Dialecticae libri duo (Cambridge, 1584). Bacon's characterization of pg 320controversies where 'men fall at Wordes' (l. 29) fits this quarrel branded 'scurrilous' by Ong (Ramus and Talon inventory, p. 506). See Jardine, Francis Bacon, pp. 59–65, for detailed anaylsis. Another Cantabrigian, Christopher Marlowe, portrays the duke of Guise in Massacre at Paris (?1594) as indicting Ramus before executing him:
- Was it not thou that scoftes the Organon
- And said it was a heape of vanities?
- He that will be a flat decotamest [dichotomist],
- And seen in nothing but Epetomies:
- Is in your iudgment thought a learned man. (B3r)
For further discussion and such episodes as the clash between Thomas Nashe (anti) and Gabriel Harvey (pro) and the satire on this issue in Pilgrimage to Parnassus (1599), a play at St John's College Cambridge, see W. S. Howell, Logic and rhetoric in England, 1500–1700, Princeton University Press: Princeton, 1956, pp. 194–6, 242–5. Jardine, 'The place of dialectic teaching in sixteenth-century Cambridge', Studies in the Renaissance, 21 (1974), 31–60, uses evidence from booksellers' inventories and probated student book-lists to demonstrate that Ramus's dialectic (particularly in Temple's commented edition), was among the manuals popular at Cambridge University a decade after Bacon left the university. Bacon's tutor (1573–5), John Whitgift, however, had been firmly anti-Ramus, providing his students with the dialectic manuals of Seton and Caesarius (Jardine, Francis Bacon, p. 9; Martin, Francis Bacon, the state, and the reform of natural philosophy, p. 188 n. 7). Bacon brands Ramus in TPM, V3v–V4r (SEH, III, p. 530), a 'compendiorum Patre', 'begetter of manuals', 'qui cum Methodi suœ & compendii, vindis res torqueat & premat …', 'who tortures and presses facts in the chains of his summary method'. DAS describes the controversy as a temporary aberration ('Nubecula quædam', 'a kind of cloud', 2O3r), and derides 'unicâ Methodo', 'the only method', 2O2v, for its relentless dichotomizing, especially its distorting effects on science (SEH, I, p. 663). Graham Rees (OFB, VI, p. xx, n. 15) believes that the revisions, rearrangements, and omissions that Bacon made as he recast the AL text for DAS were influenced by Ramus: 'Bacon tried imposing a Ramist framework … as he reworked AL so that the argument would proceed smoothly from general to particular through a dichotomous hierarchy of propositions'. Rees has proposed an alternative rationale: 'to establish a contrast with Part II of the IM with the aphoristic method of NO' (note to MK); he will set out his arguments in OFB, IX and X.
ll. 34–5: METHODE … as a part of Iudgement—method here denotes the systematic arrangement or ordering of thought. Rudolph Agricola's De inventione dialectica (recommended in the statutes of both the University of Cambridge (1536) and Trinity College (1540)), follows the lead of Cicero (Top. II. 6; XXI. 79) dividing dialectic (Bacon's 'Logicke') into two stages, inventio and iudicio: the gathering and selection of material and its organization for presentation. Ramus pg 321similarly divides Dialecticae libri dvo Scholiis G. Tempelli into 'De inuentione' and 'De iudicio' (proposition, syllogism, and method; xvii; H2r–I8v, Cambridge, 1584); he goes on to claim that his method approximates natural reason and is universal. See Jardine, Francis Bacon, pp. 31–2, 41–2.
Page 123, l. 11: MAGISTRALL—dogmatic, not to be challenged.
l. 12: PROBATION—trial, to be tested by experience.
l. 13: Via deserta & interclusa—'a way deserted and shut off'. Cicero, Pro Caelio, xviii. 42 (Wright).
l. 18: present satisfaction—immediate certitude.
Page 123, l. 26: Secundum maius & minus—'to a greater or lesser degree'; quoted above on E3v (p. 23, l. 5).
ll. 34–7: [marginal note] De Methodo syncera, siue ad filios Scientiarum—'Of the true method of the sciences or [the method] for posterity.'
Page 124, l. 5: Enigmaticall and Disclosed—Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Alexander the Great', 3M2v, instances Aristotle's instruction of Alexander in 'more secret, hard, and graue doctrine, … things speculatiue, which requireth the maisters teaching to vnderstand'; see K1v (p. 43, ll. 30–1), K2r (p. 44, ll. 3–8). Among the 'Impostures' (l. 3) giving esoteric language a bad name, Bacon makes clear, is alchemy.
Page 124, l. 8: as can pearce the vayle—recalling the veil protecting the Torah scrolls (Heb. 9: 3).
l. 10: deliuerie of knowledge in APHORISMES—Vickers provides both contemporary context and shrewd examination of the 'incentive to action' that defines Bacon's aphorisms in Francis Bacon and Renaissance prose, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1968, pp. 60–95.
l. 18: should—would.
Page 124, ll. 25–6: Tantum … honoris—'Such is the power of order and connection, such the beauty that may crown the commonplace'. Horace, De arte poetica (Epist. ad Pisones), 242–3 (of style).
ll. 36–7: by Questions, and their Determinations—the method of scholastic disputation; see above, F1r (p. 24, ll. 27–32).
Page 125, l. 10: According to the Subiect or Matter—Bacon's varied writings testify to his alert and nuanced response to subject, occasion, audience.
ll. 13–14: contention … touching an vniformitie of Methode—the one and only method of Ramism again; see 2Q1v, cmt, pp. 319–20 above.
ll. 19–20: as I did allow well of particular topiques for Inuention—above, 2O1r (p. 113, ll. 15–28).
l. 26: Aristotle, when he thinkes to taxe Democritus—Ellis (suggesting Bacon meant to say Plato) proposes Nicom. eth. vi. 3; Vickers notes that Wolff cites De anima, i. 2 (which does mention Democritus).
Page 125, ll. 32–3: haue recourse to similitudes, and translations—'translation' = 'transference of meaning, metaphor' (OED 4); Bacon introduces some of his philosophical ideas using classical myth in DSV.
l. 39: For it is a Rule—Plato, Politicus, ii. 277 (Ellis).
Page 126, ll. 2–3: Resolution, or Analysis, of Constitution, or Systasis, of Concealement, or Cryptique, &c.—the first two methods are Renaissance extrapolations from Galen's Ars parva. Bacon's use of the term 'systasis' (for Galen's 'synthesis') suggests he may be drawing on the remarks of Sturmius on Cicero, In partitiones oratorias Ciceronis dialogi quartuor, Strassburg, 1549, p. 3. See W. J. Ong, Ramus: method and the decay of dialogue, Harvard University Press: Cambridge, Mass., 1958, pp. 232–3; Jardine, Francis Bacon, p. 40.
ll. 5–6: [marginal note] De prudentia Traditionis—'Of the wisdom of Transmission.'
Page 126, ll. 14–15: herein Ramus merited … in reuiuing the good Rules of Propositions—Bacon quotes (out of traditional order) two of three criteria set up by Aristotle (Posterior Analytics, i. 4) to test the scientific validity of propositions. Ong notes Ramus (Dialectica, II. 3) took these rules out of their narrow context of syllogistic demonstration and made them 'laws' to be applied to discourse at large. The rule καθόλου πρωτον requires that propositions be true primarily, i.e. be compatible ('vniuersaliter primum'; also called the 'law of wisdom'); the rule κατα παντος requires they be true universally, i.e. in all instances ('de omni'; the law of truth'). DAS, 2P1v (SEH, I, p. 668) inserts the third rule, καθ΄ αὑτό that propositions be true essentially, i.e. be homogeneous ('per se'; the 'law of justice'). Jardine suggests these putative innovations by Ramus appeared in contemporary handbooks (including, the Cambridge set-text, Cæsarius) under demonstratio, 'in the very form in which Bacon uses them'. See Ong, Ramus: method and the decay of dialogue, pp. 258–62; Jardine, Frands Bacon, pp. 8, 52–3. In VT, p. 20 (SEH, III, p. 236), Bacon elaborates: 'This notion Aristotle had in hght though not in vse. ffor the two commended rules by him sett downe wherby the Axiomes of sciences are precepted to be made convertible, and which the latter men haue not without elegancy, surnamed the one the rule of 'trewth' [interlined in Bacon's hand] because it preventeth deceipt, the other the rule of prudence because it freeth election are the same thing in speculacion and affirmation which we now obserue'.
ll. 15–16: than he did in introducing the Canker of Epitomes—a result of his 'one and only' method, producing abstracts of knowledge; cf. Thomas Nashe's lament in the 'Preface' to Greene's Menaphon (1589), πr: 'those yeares which pg 323shoulde bee employed in Aristotle are expired in epitomies' (ed. R. B. McKerrow (Oxford, 1904), III, pp. 317–18); cf. above, 2C3r (p. 66, ll. 9–10) and cmt thereon (pp. 165–6).
ll. 17–18: The most pretious thinges haue the most pernitious Keepers—Wright instances the golden apples of Hesperides and the Golden Fleece guarded by dragons.
Page 126, l. 37: an Ortelius vniuersall Mappe—Abraham Ortehus (1527–98), Flemish geographer to Philip II of Spain. His Theatrum orbis terrarum (1570), with over 50 maps assimilating the work of contemporary cartographers, featured a sumptuous map of the world, 'typus orbis terrarum'—not much use as a road guide in England.
Page 127, ll. 1–3: [marginal note] De Productione Axiomatum—'Of the production of axioms.'
l. 3: howe farre forth—to what extent.
l. 9–11: Raymundus Lullius, in making that Art, … not vnlike to some Bookes of Typocosmy—Ramon Lull of Majorca (c. 1232–1316?), encyclopaedist and orientalist, sought to construct an art of finding truth that would unify knowledge. Ars magna used a symbolic alphabet of nine letters (with up to six sets of meanings) to represent categories or principles; these letters, imposed upon geometrical diagrams (usually concentric circles) were manipulated to discover all possible combinations from which, it was asserted, a unified system of all knowledge would emerge. Lull's works were reprinted throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, including his own abridgement of the method, Ars brevis; see the Strassburg edition (1598) with commentary by Giordano Bruno (1548–1600) and Cornelius Agrippa (1486–1535). Bacon associates Lull's art with 'Bookes of Typocosmy' in notes sent to Henry Savile (c. 1596–1604), calling it 'Lullius Typocosmia', HIP, fo. 249r (SEH, VII, p. 102). In the same paper he mentions Agrippa's De incertitudine et vanitate scientiarum (1531; trans. 1569), and details of Bacon's commentary in this passage may derive from his chapter 'Of Lullius Artes', which attacks 'a certaine artificial and huge heape of Nownes and Verbes, … this Arte auaileth more to the outwarde shewe of the witte, and to the ostentation of Learninge, then to gette knowledge, and hathe mutche more presumptuousnesse, then efficacie' (G4v). Bacon's earlier debt to Agrippa is noted above, 2P2v, with cmt on pp. 312–13. OED cites lemma as earliest occurrence of 'typocosmy'. Camden, Remaines, N4r, shares Bacon's negative view: 'To reduce surnames to a Methode, is matter for a Ramist, who should happly finde it to be a Typocosmie'. Another version of this schematic approach was La tipocosmia di Alessandro Citolini (Venice, 1561), which creates a knowledge system ranged under six 'days' ('il primo giorno de'l mondo suo', etc.). Jonathan Swift mocks Lullist method in Gulliver's travells (1726) with the Laputan contraption manipulating hundreds of inscribed cubes to form pg 324phrases from which learned tomes emerge (III. v). See Martin Gardner, Logic machines and diagrams, 2nd edn., University of Chicago Press: Chicago, 1982, pp. 1–27; Frances A. Yates, 'The art of Ramon Lull', JWCI, 17 (1954), 115–73; Ellis (SEH, I, p. 669 n.).
Page 127, ll. 16–17: ILLVSTRATION OF TRADITION—the illumination and rhetorical enhancement of discourse. Cooper, Thesaurus (1584), citing Quintilian, defines illustratio as 'a beautifying: a making manifest or plaine'.
ll. 21–2: Aaron … to him as God—Exod. 4: 16.
ll. 22–3: Sapiens … reperiet—'The wise in heart shall be called prudent, but he that is sweet in speech shall obtain greater things'. Paraphrase of Prov. 16: 21 (Vulgate).
ll. 26–7: Emulation of Aristotle, … and the experience of Cicero—cf. De oratore, III. xxxv. 141, Tusc. disput. I. iv. 7; Quintilian, De instit. orat. III. i. 14 (Vickers).
Page 128, l. 11: Ex obliquo—'indirectly'.
Page 128, ll. 13–14: Rhetoricke, … resembling it to Cookerie—Plato, Gorgias, i. 465 d–e.
Page 128, l. 19: Thucidides in Cleon—Hist. iii. 42. Cleon (d. 422 bc) was an Athenian political leader who bitterly opposed peace with Sparta.
l. 22: sayd elegantly—Cicero, De officiis, I. v. 14 (quoting Phaedrus, 250e) (Wright).
l. 23: vertue, if shee could be seen, … affection—cf. Cicero, De finibus, ii. 16. 52 (Markby); cf. Rabelais, Pantag. ii. 18 (Wright).
ll. 26–7: derided in Chrysippus—Wright notes DAS, 2P4r (SEH, I, p. 672), corrects, 'derisus est à Cicerone', 'derided by Cicero', citing Cicero, De finibus, iv. 18–19, Tusc. disput. II. xviii. 42.
l. 34: Video … sequor—'I see the better and I approve it; but I follow the worse'. Ovid, Met. vii. 20–1 (Medea of her passion for Jason); cf. Shakespeare's sonnet No. 129, ll. 13–14.
Page 129, ll. 6–7: no more charged, with the colouring of the worse part, than Logicke with Sophistrie—Bacon builds on Aristotle's retort to Plato in Rhet. i. 1; see Vickers's parsing of this entire section in CCB, pp. 214–22.
l. 10: not onely as the fist, from the pawme—Cicero, Definibus, ii. 6. 17, clarifies this distinction: 'rhetoricam palmae, dialecticam pugni similem esse dicebat, quod latius loquerentur rhetores, dialectici autem compressius', 'rhetoric was like the palm of the hand, dialectic like the closed fist; because the rhetoricians employ an expansive style, and dialecticians one that is more compressed'. pg 325Cicero (Orator, xxxii. 113) credits Zeno; Donne plays with the distinction in Meditation 20 of Deuotions upon emergent occasions and seuerall steps in my sickness (1624). Writing to Matthew in 1609, Bacon uses the metaphor to distinguish his IM from AL: 'it is to the other but as palma to pugnus, part of the same thing more large' (LL, IV, p. 137).
Page 129, l. 19: Orpheus … Arion—'An Orpheus in the woods, an Arion among the dolphins'. Virgil, Eclog. viii. 56. (Wright); PFE (OFB, I), fo. 90r.
ll. 25–7: [marginal note] De prudentia sermonis priuati—'Of the wisdom of private speech.'
ll. 29–32: [marginal note] Colores boni … comparati—'Colours of good and evil, simple and comparative', i.e. arguments or proofs having the appearance of truth. Bacon jotted down in the PFE (OFB, I), fo. 128r, a collection (Latin and English) under the heading 'Semblances or popularities of good & evill with their redargutions' (i.e. 'refutations'; not included therein), and his notation of their purpose, 'for Deliberacions' (deliberative speeches). In 1597 he published (in Latin) in the same slim octavo as his earliest Essaies, what he termed 'a fragment' of ten 'colours or appearances of good and evil' with spirited exposures of their fallacies (SEH, VII, pp. 77–92). See Jardine, Francis Bacon, pp. 219–24, for analysis of the colours.
l. 29: Attendances—in the retinue; subordinates; such collections 'as Hand-maydes attend the Art', 2R2r–v (p. 127, l. 32 above).
l. 30: Aristotle … began to make a Collection—Top. i. 6; Rhet. i. 6, 7 (Wright).
l. 32: as I touched before—see 2O2v (p. 114, ll. 33 ff. above).
l. 33: SOPHISMA—'sophism'; false argument.
l. 34: Quod laudatur, … malum—What is praised is good, what is censured, bad.'
l. 35: REDARGVTIO—'refutation'.
l. 36: Laudat … merces—'He praises his wares who wishes to sell them.' Horace, Epist. ii. 2. 11.
Page 130, l. 1: Malum est, … gloriabitur—'It is naught, it is naught, saith the byer: but when he is gone a parte, he boasteth.' Prov. 20: 14 ('dicit omnis emptor; et', Vulgate).
l. 2: defects in the labour of Aristotle—Wright cites Aristotle, Rhet. i. 6. 18. Bacon puts the case more tartly in a letter drafted to Charles Blount (1563–1606), 8th Lord Mountjoy (putative dedicatee of CGE): 'to what cause soever it is to be ascribed, I do not find him to deliver and unwrap himself well of that he seemeth to conceive, nor to be master of his own knowledge' (SEH, VII, p. 70).
Page 130, l. 10: Hoc Ithacus … Atridœ—'This the Ithacan would wish and the sons of Atreus pay a great price for'. Virgil, Aeneid, ii. 104; PFE (OFB, I), fo. 122r.
l. 12: resume also, that which I mentioned before—see 2N4r–v (p. 111, l. 36–p. 112, l. 30 above).
ll. 18–19: [marginal note] Antitheta rerum—'Antitheses of things.' DAS inserts forty-seven 'Exempla Antithetorum', 2S1v–2V4v (SEH, I, pp. 689–706), on such varied topics as 'Nobilitas', 'Diuitiæ', 'Audacia', etc. from his salad days, 'Diligentiæ nostras Iuuenilis Fructum', 'the fruit of our youthful diligence', 2V4v(SEH, I, p. 706). Bacon mines such collections throughout his writing, but see especially the final edition of Ess; many of the new essays are on topics treated in AntR in DAS; several (e.g. Of Delayes', Ess, OFB, XV, R3r–v (pp. 68–9), 'Of Innovations', Ess, OFB, XV, T2r–T3r (pp. 75–6)) remain 'Skaynes or Bottomes' (l. 21), their thread unwound.
Page 130, l. 24: Pro verbis legis—'For the words of the law'.
l. 25: Non est interpretatio, … littera—'It is not interpretation, but divination which departs from the letter'.
l. 26: Cum receditur … legislatorem—'When a judge departs from the letter, he becomes a law-maker' (untraced).
l. 27: Pro sententia Legis—'For the intention of the law.'
l. 28: Ex omnibus … singula—'The sense which is construed from the individual word must be collected from all of the words together'.
l. 29: Formulæ—'formulas'. See Bacon's own Promus of formularies and elegancies (OFB, I), which includes phrases for a variety of situations and purposes. Also, CS, which functioned primarily as his personal and politic journal, includes occasional entries (labelled 'For.' or, 'fo.'), prompted by particular business at hand, that show Bacon trying out a formula, such as this rather sinuous example: 'It is not for me to seek this without your fauor but rather ['it' scored out] to desire your fauor without it' (an instance of 'Excusation'?), CS, fo. 9v (LL, IV, p. 57); see also CS, fos. 23v–24v (LL, IV, pp. 75, 76).
ll. 31–2: as in buildings there is great pleasure and vse—cf. 'Of Building', Ess, 2L1r (OFB, XV, p. 135, ll. 1–6), 'Houses are built to Live in, and not to Looke on: Therefore let Use bee preferred before Uniformitie; Except where both may be had. Leave the Goodly Fabrickes of Houses, for Beautie only, to the Enchanted Pallaces of the Poets. Who build them with small Cost', with detailed commentary on architectural feature and function from his experience with the family estate at Gorhambury.
Page 131, l. 2: So … future—Demosthenes, Phil. i. 2 (Le Dœuff).
ll. 6–7: concerneth chiefly in writing of Bookes—Wright (after Spedding) emends to 'chiefly writing', the reading found in the uncorrected state of some copies of 05.
ll. 12–13: Demissus est per sportam—'He was let down in a basket'. Acts 9: 25. Wright points out that the Vulgate unfortunately for Bacon's textual point, reads 'in sporta', not 'per sportam'. DAS, 2X1r (SEH, I, p. 708) substitutes a textual pg 327emendation from Tacitus (Hist. i. 66) which Ellis notes the humanist editor Justus Lipsius (1547–1606) proposed but did not adopt (Antwerp, 1574), dropping even the note in later editions. Spedding opines Bacon's substitution represents a politic removal of a negative story about a priest in deference to readers abroad, but the muffed biblical quotation may have been reason enough for Bacon to substitute anecdotes.
Page 131, l. 13: Demissus … portam—'He was let out through the gate'.
Page 131, l. 14: out of his reading—beyond his knowledge.
l. 21: concerning the times—i.e. of its composition.
ll. 33–4: begin with the easiest, … more difficult—cf. 'Of Nature in Men', Ess, 2G2r (OFB, XV, p. 119, ll. 9–14).
l. 34: courses—Spedding suggests there is a misprint for 'cases', but no emendation is required.
Page 132, ll. 2–3: no defect … proper Cure … studies—cf. 'Of Studies', Ess, 2P3v–2P4f (OFB, XV, pp. 153–4, ll. 36–51).
ll. 3–5: If a Child be Bird-witted, … the Mathematiques giueth a remedy—cf. Bacon's HIP, BL Sloane MS, fo. 249v (SEH, VII, p. 102): 'as if want of memory grow through lightnes of witt, & want of stayed Attention, then the Mathematiques, or the law helpeth: because they are things, wherein if the mind once rome it cannot recover'.
l. 6: new to begin—must start over.
l. 13: not wel aduised doe exercise their faultes—Cicero, De oratore, i. 33 (Ellis). Developed in 'Of Nature in Men', Ess, 2G2v–2G3r (OFB, XV, p. 119, ll. 28–34).
l. 19: as it was noted—Machiavelli, Discorsi, i. 19 (Wright).
ll. 19–20: first six kings being in trueth as Tutors of the State—Machiavelli names the first four: Romulus, Numa Pompilius (715–673 bc), Tullus Hostilius (673–642 bc), Ancus Marcius (642–617 bc); the next was Tarquinius Priscus (616–579 bc), then, Servius Tullius (578–535 bc).
Page 132, l. 27: notable example in Tacitus of two Stage-plaiers—Ann. i. 16–22. Bacon improves upon the details: Tacitus describes Percennius and Vibulenus as common soldiers ('gregarius miles'), and only the former had theatrical experience.
Page 133, ll. 30–1: Ante omnia … vitœ—'Above all, my son, guard your heart, for thence come the actions of life'. Paraphrase of Prov. 4: 23. ('Omni custodia serva cor tuum, quia ex ipso vita procedit', Vulgate).
l. 32: ff. those which haue written—Bacon responds in this section principally to Aristotle's Nicomachean ethics, according to Wright.
Page 134, ll. 5–6: morall vertues … by habite & not by nature—cf. Aristotle, Nicom. eth. ii. 1. 4.
l. 7: generous spirites are wonne by doctrines and perswasions—Nicom. eth. x. 10.
Page 134, ll. 18–19: Nocet … sui—'Eloquence is harmful to those who love not the subject matter but style itself'. Seneca, Epist. lii. 14. ('si' for 'quibus').
ll. 23–5: Quœ … meliore—'If you do what I advise you will not only praise the orator at the time, but in no long time yourselves also, by reason of the better condition of your affairs'. Demosthenes, Olynthiacae, ii. 31; Opera, trans. H. Wolf (Frankfurt, 1604), C1r.
ll. 31–2: Nec sum … honorem—'And well I know how hard it is to win with words a triumph herein, and thus to crown with glory a lowly theme'. Virgil, Georg. iii. 289–90 ('hunc' for 'his').
Page 135, l. 3: these Georgickes of the mind—Virgil's pastoral treats the detail of rural life and farming (vineyards to bee-keeping) as Bacon would examine quotidian good. Annabel Patterson explores Bacon's nuanced rendering of Virgil throughout this proposal for a 'program of intellectual husbandry' in 'Pastoral versus georgic: the politics of Virgilian quotation', Renaissance genres: essays on theory, history and interpretation, ed. Barbara K. Lewalski, Harvard University Press: Cambridge, Mass., 1986, pp. 241–6.
Page 135, ll. 14–16: infinite disputations, … as the heathen Diuinity—i.e. functioned as its theology. See Nicom. eth. i. 9.
ll. 17–18: Aristotle saith, … by Hope—Rhet. ii. 12. 8.
ll. 23–4: Vere … Dei—'It is truly great to have the frailty of man, the security of a god'; paraphrase of Seneca, Epist. liii. 12 ('Ecce res magna, habere inbecillitatem …'); quoted in Ess, D3v (OFB, XV, p. 18, ll. 11–12).
l. 27: describing the fourmes of Vertue and Duty—Aristotle as cited passim, Plutarch's Morals, and, Cicero's De officiis.
Page 135, l. 34: triplicity of Good—regarding mind, body, estate; Aristotle, Nicom. eth. i. 8. 2.
l. 35: betweene a Contemplatiue and an actiue life—Aristotle formulates the distinction, debated throughout the Renaissance, in Nicom. eth. x. 6. 8; discussed on H1v (p. 34, ll. 22–8 above).
Page 135, l. 36–p. 136, l. 1: encounters … vertue—Rhet. i. 6; Nicom. eth. iii–iv.
Page 136, l. 16: particuler simpathye—'innate attraction' (Vickers).
l. 27: Pompeius Magnus—Gnaeus Pompeius, 106–48 bc ('Magnus' after 81 bc).
l. 28: in commission of purueiance for a famine—i.e. designated to provide food to forestall one.
l. 31: Necesse est vt eam, non ut viuam—'It is necessary that I go, not that I live'. Cf. Plutarch, trans. Xylander (Frankfurt am Main, 1580), 3C1r, 'Nauigandum sibi necessariò, non necessariò viuendum inquiens'; Lives, 'Life of Pompeius', 3K4r: 'it is of necessitie I must go, but not to liue'.
Page 136, l. 37–p. 137, l. 1: elected Saints … Anathematized—Moses (Exod. 33: 32) and St Paul (Rom. 9: 3).
Page 137, l. 6: decideth it against Aristotle—who argued the superiority of the former in Nicom. eth. x. 7–8.
ll. 10–11: that Comparison, which Pythagoras made … Magnifying of Philosophy—noted in Cicero, Tusc. disput. V. iii (Wright).
ll. 16–17: Theater of Mans life, … lookers on—cf. St Augustine, De civitate dei, xiv. 9 (Vickers). Bacon uses the metaphor again in Ess, H4v (OFB, XV, p. 34, ll. 40–2): 'For if a Man, can be Partaker of Gods Theater, he shall likewise be Partaker of Gods Rest'. Cf. Gen. 1: 1–2.
ll. 18–19: Pretiosa … eius—'Precious in the eyes of the Lord is the death of his saints'. Ps. 116: 15 ('in conspectu', Vulgate); Junius Tremellius (Frankfurt am Main, 1579) agrees with lemma in reading 'oculis', but otherwise differs from it substantially; PFE (OFB, I), fo. 89v, agrees with lemma.
Page 137, ll. 24–5: as Moses did, … in the Mount—i.e. forty days and forty nights (Exod. 24: 18).
ll. 25–6: Henoch … the first Contemplatiue—Enoch; Gen. 5: 22, 24, 'And Henoch walked with God'.
l. 27: endow the Church with prophesy—Jude 14: 1.
l. 30: Zeno—of Citium (335–263 bc), founder of Stoicism and a Socratic, who taught virtue makes life harmonious and hence, happy. Diogenes Laertius, 'Zeno', vii. 89.
l. 32: simply or attended—individual or applied.
ll. 33–4: Cirenaiques & Epicureans—Cooper, Thesaurus (1584) declares the former 'affirmed the chiefe felicitie to be in carnall delectation, of whome Aristippus [fl. c.400–365 bc] was chiefe'; the latter 'esteemed the chiefe felicitie and ende of all perfitnesse to consist in pleasure, not of the bodie as Aristippus did but of the soule and minde'. See Diogenes Laertius, ii and x.
l. 35: comedyes of Errors—Bacon is thinking of Terence and Plautus, not Shakespeare.
Page 138, ll. 4–6: the first age, … one ayre and season—the eternal spring of the Golden Age; Ovid, Met. i. 89–112, esp. 107–8. Bacon makes it a goal of his year-round plantings in 'Of Gardens', Ess, 2M3r (OFB, XV, p. 140, ll. 47–50): 'Thus, if pg 330you will, you may have the Golden Age againe, and a Spring all the yeare long'. His correction of the passage in the midst of the press-run tones down its rhetoric, but retains the Ovidian ideal: 'These Particulars are for the Climate of London; But my meaning is Perceived, that you may have Ver Perpetuum, as the Place affords'.
l. 6: Herillus—of Carthage, an eclectic student of Zeno's discussed by Cicero, De finibus, iv. 15. 40 (Wright).
Page 138, l. 9: reuiued in the heresy of the Anabaptists—radical wing of sixteenth-century reformers (chiefly in Switzerland, Germany, and Moravia), persecuted by Catholic and Protestant alike for their belief in the baptism of believers only (ana = 're-baptizers'), in strict separation from the world, and (Bacon's emphasis), especially, in the primacy of individual conscience and private inspiration. He condemns their political views in 'Of Unity in Religion', Ess, D1v (OFB, XV, p. 15, ll. 134–5). Also see Bacon's overall critique of religious extremism in ACE.
l. 13: Epictetus—Stoic philosopher (c. ad; 55–c. 135).
l. 14: felicity must bee placed in those things which are in our power—i.e. in one's self and control of one's will; see Enchiridion, i–vii; Basle, 1565, a3r.
l. 18: Consaluo—Gonsalo Fernández de Córdoba (1453–1515), Spanish general, 'The Great Captain'. He aided in the conquest of Granada, fought the Moriscos and Turks, and twice drove the French from Naples, which he governed briefly. See The Historie of Guicciardin (trans. 1579), 2D5v (Wright).
ll. 21–2: A good Conscience is a continuall Feaste—Prov. 15: 15.
ll. 25–6: abuse of Philosophy, … conuerting it into an occupation—see Aulus Gellius, Noct. Attic, ix. 2 (Ellis).
l. 30: of which Aristotle speaketh of Herodicus—Rhet. i. 5. 10.
Page 138, l. 35: Diogenes opinion—i.e. Aristippus (Ellis); Diogenes Laertius, 'Aristippus', ii. 75; Antwerp, 1566, F4v.
Page 139, l. 2: in Precipitio—'at a precipice'.
l. 9: E tela Crassiore—'of a stouter web'; quoted in CD (LL, IV, pp. 406–7) (applied to 'a gentleman's honour'); in Ess, 2T4r (OFB, XV, p. 171, l. 42); Apo, O4r–v (SEH, VII, p. 150), in English; and PFE (OFB, I), fo. 90v, 'Tela honoris tenerior'.
l. 14: Promus, and Condus—the butler who dispensed the household stores and the steward who collected them (Wright). Note Bacon's title for his 1594 notebook, Promus of formularies and elegancies and his entry therein (OFB, I), fo. 100v, 'Promus magis quam Condus'.
Page 139, ll. 20–1: Beatius … accipere—'It is more blessed to give than receive'. Acts 20: 35.
ll. 26–7: Magni astimamus Mori tardius—'We think it a great matter to die a little later'. Seneca, Nat. Quœst, ii. 59. 7 (Ellis).
l. 27: Ne glorieris … diei—'Boast not of tomorrow. You know not what a day will bring forth'. Prov. 27: 1.
ll. 29–30: Opera eorum sequuntur eos—'Their works follow them'. Rev. 14: 13.
ll. 33–5: Cogita … potest—'Reflect how long you have been doing the same thing: food, sleep, play, it runs through this circuit; not only the brave or unhappy or prudent man, but even the surfeited may wish to die'. Paraphrase of Seneca, Epist. lxxvii. 6. ('iam idem facias' for 'eadem feceris', 'libido' for 'ludus', 'prudens aut fortis aut miser' for 'fortis …. prudens'). Bacon quotes a version in 'Of Death', Ess, B4v (OFB, XV, p. 12, ll. 32–3).
Page 139, l. 38–p. 140, l. 1: Vita … vaga est—'Life without purpose is languid and uncertain.' Seneca, Epist. xcv. 46 ('Vita sine proposito vaga est').
ll. 6–8: Lucius Sylla … as they were their friends or Enimies—Lucius Cornelius Sulla (138–78 bc), Roman dictator. Cf. Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Sylla', 2T4v: '… they say that he himselfe made his owne Epitaph that is written vpon it, which was: that no man did ever passe him, neither in doing good to his frindes, nor in doing mischiefe to his enemies'.
l. 10: Actiue good—i.e. for the individual.
Page 140, l. 27: Igneus … origo—'Fiery is the vigour and divine the origin of the seeds.' Virgil, Aeneid, vi. 730.
Page 141, l. 13: debated between Socrates, and a Sophist—Callicles in Plato, Gorgias, 491b–e (Wats).
l. 20: Epicures—Epicureans.
ll. 31–2: Non vti, … diffidentis—'Use not that you desire not, desire not lest you fear, are [actions] of a petty and anxious mind'. Paraphrase of Plutarch: Verum enim vero ineptus sit, abiectique ingenii homo, qui metu amittendi a parandis rebus necessariis abstineat' (1580), F4v.
Page 141, l. 34: encreased the feare of death—cf. 'Of Death', Ess, B4v (OFB, XV, p. 10, ll. 46–8): 'Certainly, the Stoikes bestowed too much cost upon Death, and by their great preparations, made it appeare more fearefull'. Bacon drew upon this paragraph when composing the essay, first published in 1612.
Page 142, ll. 3–4: Qui … Naturœ—'He who deems the end of life among the gifts of nature'. Juvenal, Sat. x. 358–9 ('spatium vitae'); quoted in 'Of Death', Ess, C1r (OFB, XV, p. 10 ll. 48–9).
ll. 9–11: a Ground, … as a Set song, or Voluntary—a ground is a repetitive phrase or base line contrasting the variations of the upper parts. Cf. 'For on that ground I'll make a holy descant', Shakespeare's Richard III (1592–3), III. vii. 49. Both set song (completed composition) and voluntary (quasi-improvisatory) demand intricate fingering and plucking on the lute ('strange and hard stoppes and passages', ll. 10–11). The analogy calls upon Bacon's interest in instrumental music dating to Trinity days when Whitgift (p. 446) paid out for 'stringes for a lute'. Aubrey, i. 70, states music was played in an adjacent room while Bacon meditated. A more technical interest in the acoustics of stringed instruments appears in SS, G2v, G3v, G4v–H1r (SEH, II, pp. 399, 402, 406); see Penelope M. Gouk, 'Music in Francis Bacon's natural philosophy', in Francis Bacon, terminologia e fortuna nel XVII secolo, ed. Marta Fattori, Edizioni dell' Ateneo: Rome, 1984, pp. 139–54.
Page 142, l. 14: graine, … ise—imperfections in a precious stone.
Page 142, l. 32: setting it on woorke—starting it awork.
ll. 34–5: Coniugation of men in Socyety, differeth from that of their conformity thereunto—social relationship is not social behaviour.
Page 143, ll. 7–9: sometimes a Looker on … hill—both quoted in Ess, 2O4r (OFB, XV, p. 149, ll. 51–2); PFE (OFB, I), fo. 86r, records the second.
l. 13: Phormioes Argument—Cicero, De oratore, ii. 18. 75–6 (Wats). Phormio (247–? 182 bc), a Peripatetic philosopher, presumed to lecture the Carthaginian general on military tactics.
l. 17: that Actiue men woold or could become writers—Bacon's conception of his essays; see 'The Essayes as Counsels', Ess, OFB, XV, pp. xix–xxxi.
l. 18: Honoris causa—'for honour's sake'.
l. 19: book touching the duty of a king—i.e. Basilikon doron (Edinburgh, 1599); a revised edition, Basilikon doron, or his majesties instructions to his dearest sonne, Henry the prince (1594–1612), appeared in Edinburgh and London in 1603. Book I treats 'Diuinity' ('OF A KINGS CHRISTIAN DVETIE TOWARDS GOD'); book II, 'Policy' ('OF A KINGS DVETIE IN HIS OFFICE'); and book III, 'Morality' ('OF A KINGS BEHAVIOVR IN INDIFFERENT THINGS'). Bacon looks back at its impact as England anticipated the accession: 'Which Booke, falling into every Mans Hand, filled the whole Realm, as with a good Perfume, or Incense, before the Kings comming in: For being excellently written, and having nothing of Affectation, it did not only satisfy better, then particular Reports, touching the Kings Disposition; But far exceeded, any formall, or curious Edict, or Declaration, which could have been devised of that Nature', HGB, 2F4v (SEH, VI, pp. 278–9). See the publication history of Basilikon doron by Peter Blayney, pg 333cited in Jenny Wormald, 'James VI and I, Basilikon doron and The trew law of free monarchies: the Scottish context and the English translation', in MWJC, pp. 36–54, esp. 51–2. Bacon is in frequent dialogue herein with the king's book: see 2B2r(p. 61, l. 5), 2C4v (p. 67, ll. 30–1), zK1r (p. 94, ll. 28–9).
l. 23: Dusinesse—i.e. dizziness. OED records 'dusie' as a seventeenthcentury variant; the reading 'vertigine' in DAS, 2Z4v (SEH, I, p. 728) supports the c–t reading.
Page 143, ll. 31–2: a Moses, or a Dauid, Pastors of their people—in The True lawe of free monarchies (Edinburgh, 1598; 1603), James derives his argument first 'out of the Scriptures, since Monarchie is the true patterne of Diuinitie' (1603 edn., B2v), often citing David, e.g.: 'Kings are called Gods by the Propheticall King David, because they sit vpon God his throne in the earth, and have the count of their administration to giue vnto him. Their office is, To minister iustice and iudgement to their people, as the same David saith'; (B3r), concluding: 'As a good Pastour, to go out and in before his people, as is saide in the first of Samuel' (B3v).
ll. 33–4: heard your Maiesty, … in a great cause of Iudicature—Spedding suggests an allusion to a jurisdictional quarrel in 1604 between Commons and Chancery regarding the disputed election of Sir Francis Goodwin. Bacon was spokesman for the Commons committee that met with the king. See LL, III, pp. 163 ff, especially the reporter's notes of Bacon's speech to the House (pp. 169–71). The king uses similar imagery in 'A Speech in the Starre-chamber' (1616) to warn off questions regarding his prerogative. Workes (1616), 3A3r.
Page 144, l. 3: your book of a free Monarchy—quoted above, p. 143, l. 34–p. 144, l. 2, and cmt in prevoius note.
ll. 13–14: pro Marcello, … Table of Cœsars vertue—iv. 11–12, on the occasion of Caesar's pardoning of M. Claudius Marcellus despite his uncompromising opposition during the civil wars.
Page 144, ll. 25–7: He that cometh … obuiam—'To the scorner seeking knowledge it obscures itself, but to the zealous it comes in the way'. Paraphrase of Prov. 14: 6 ('Quaeret derisor sapientiam, et non invenit; doctrina prudentium facilis', Vulgate; 'A scorner seketh wisdome, and findeth it not: but knowledge is easie to him that wil understand, Geneva).
ll. 27–9: [marginal note] De cautelis & malis artibus—'Of the deceitful and evil arts.'
ll. 30–1: as the fable goeth of the Basilisk—Pliny, Nat. Hist. viii. 21, describes the mythical serpent-like creature with its fatal eye, but does not mention the option of beating it to the glance.
ll. 35–6: not possible to ioyn serpentine wisedom … Columbine Innocency— Matt. 10: 16; see 'De Columbina innocentia, & Serpentina prudentia', MedS, D1r–v (SEH, VII, pp. 234–5).
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Page 145, ll. 9–10: Non recipit … in Corde eius—'The fool will not receive the words of the wise, unless you tell him what dwells in his own heart'. Prov. 18: 2 (Vulgate).
l. 20: Lucius Brutus, against his own Sons—Lucius Junius Brutus (fl. 509 bc), who established the republic after driving out the Tarquins, executed his sons when they tried to restore them. Livy, II. 5 (Wats).
l. 22: Infœlix, … Minores—'Unhappy man however posterity reports the calamities'. Virgil, Aeneid, vi. 823 ('facta', 'deeds'). Spedding emends to agree with Virgil; DAS, 3A2r (SEH, I, p. 731), retains lemma.
Page 145, ll. 24–6: whose opinions they meant to feele, … touching the Killing of a Tyrant—preparing to assassinate Julius Caesar; as Plutarch puts it, Lives, 'Life of Brutus', 4P6r: '[they] cast out wordes a farre of, disputing together in Philosophie to feele their mindes'.
l. 33: Aliqua … possint—'Some things must be done unjustly that many may be done justly'. Plutarch, Morals, 3G1r; Apo, L7r–v (SEH, VII, p. 144).
l. 34: Authorem … non habes—You have the power of present justice: you do not have surety of future justice'. Plutarch, De sanitate praecepta, xxiv (Wright).
Page 146, ll. 3–4: [marginal note] De cultura, Animi—'Of the culture of the mind.'
Page 146, ll. 4–9: Necesse est … quo modo—'concerning virtue it is necessary to determine not only what it is but whence it proceeds. For there would be no use in knowing virtue without knowing the ways and means of acquiring it. For we want both to know virtue and how to be virtuous; which we cannot be without knowing both the whence and the how.' Aristotle, Magn. mor. i. 1 (Wats).
Page 146, l. 11: Cato the second—Cato Uticensis or Cato minor (95–46 bc).
l. 12: Non … viuendi—'Not thus for the sake of disputing, but for the sake of living.' Cicero, Pro Murena, xxx. 62 (Wats).
ll. 14–15: De partibus vita … summa nemo—'Every man deliberates about the parts of his life, no man about its whole'. Paraphrase of Seneca, Epist. lxxi. 2 ('Ideo peccamus, quia de partibus vitae omnes deliberamus, de tota nemo deliberat', Wright).
ll. 16–17: Qui graui … œgrotat—'Those seized by severe illness who do not feel pain are sick in their minds'. Hippocrates, Aphorism. ii. 6 (Wats).
ll. 21–2: the eyes of the handmayde … mistresse—Ps. 123: 2.
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Page 147, ll. 15–16: Vincenda … ferendo—'All fortune may be overcome by suffering'. Virgil, Aeneid, v. 710 (aged Nautes comforting Aeneas) ('superanda omnis fortuna ferendo est'); emended to 'Natura', 'nature' (l. 15), to make Bacon's point.
Page 147, l. 20: Accomodating or Applying—i.e. adaptation.
l. 29: in passage—cursorily.
ll. 32–3: Aristotle handleth … Magnanimity—Nicom. eth. iv. 6 (Markby).
l. 34: others to few—Spedding's emendation, 'Others to intend to few', is unnecessary.
Page 148, ll. 4–5: Iam tum tenditque fouetque—'already at that time she tended and fostered it'. Virgil, Aeneid, i. 18. (Juno's devotion to Carthage) (Markby).
ll. 5–6: longanimity … ascribed to God as a Magnanimity—Wright compares Exod. 34: 6–7, 'strong, merciful, and gracious, slow to angre, & abundant in goodnes and trueth, | Reseruing mercie for thousands, forgiuing iniquitie, & transgression and sinne'.
l. 7: considered, by Aristotle—Nicom. eth. iv. 7 (Markby).
ll. 16–17: the seuerall Characters of Natures and dispositions … omitted both in Morality and policy—R. S. Crane, in Schelling anniversary papers, Century Company: New York, 1923, pp. 87–105, suggests Bacon intended to contribute to this knowledge through his essays. See also the influences Usted on 2X3v (p. 148, l. 35–p. 149, l. 3).
ll. 19–20: diuisions of mens Natures … Planets—Wright notes the dispositions (ll. 20–1) appear in the hierarchical order of the planets presumed to control them: Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Sun, Venus, Mercury, Moon. Cf. G3v (p. 32, ll. 7–9 above): 'the two highest Planets, Saturne the Planet of rest and contemplation; and Iupiter the Planet of ciuile societie and action'. Aso see DAS on astrology V4r–X4r (SEH, I, pp. 554–60). Bacon exploits the image in his letter of petition (c. 1590–2) to William Cecil: 'I ever bare a mind (in some middle place that I could discharge) to serve her Majesty; not as a man born under Sol, that loveth honour; nor under Jupiter, that loveth business (for the contemplative planet carrieth me away wholly); but as a man born under an excellent Sovereign, that deserveth the dedication of all men's abilities' (LL, I, pp. 108).
l. 23: Relations, which the Italians make touching Conclaues—narratives of the proceedings. James Cleland, The institution of a young noble man, Oxford, 1607, G3v, draws on this passage to disparage overly subtle inquiries into personality: 'the Astrologians pretty diuisions, according to the predominances of Planets, nor yet those wisest sort of Relations, which the Italians make touching Conclaues of Cardinals'.
ll. 26–7: Humo di … vltima impressione—'man of the first impression, man of pg 336the last impression'. Bacon provides a politic gloss for the latter phrase in confidential notes prepared for advising the Duke of Buckingham (January 1623–4), when he remarks of Prince Charles, 'The doubt the Pr. is mollis cera, and somewhat di ultima impression. Therefore good to have sure persons about him, or at least none dangerous' (LL, VII, p. 445).
Page 148, ll. 35–8: those impressions of Nature, … those … by extern fortune— many would be taken up in Ess as noted by R. S. Crane; see cmt, p. 579 above.
Page 149, l. 2: per saltum—'by a leap'.
ll. 2–3: per gradus—'by a step'. In 1621, two years before the publication of DAS and at the peak of a public career composed equally of saltum and gradus, Bacon was accused of judicial corruption and forced to resign the highest position in the land, Lord Chancellor; accordingly, the omission in DAS, 3B1r (SEH, I, p. 734) of the passage, 'Constant fortune, variable fortune, rising per saltum, per gradus' (ll. 1–2), may be an instance of Bacon exercising for personal rather than politic reasons what he called elsewhere his 'Index Expurgatorius' to account for certain revisions and deletions made in the DAS text lest it offend Catholic readers on the Continent.
l. 4: Benignitas … adolescentuli est—'His generosity is that of a young man'. Paraphrase of Plautus, Miles gloriosus, III. i. 40 ('quidem huius oppido adulecentula est').
l. 6: Increpa eos durè—'rebuke them harshly'.
ll. 6–7: Cretenses … pigri—'The Cretans are always liars, evil beasts, slack bellies'. Titus 1: 12–13 (Vulgate), quoting Epimenides; cf. PFE (OFB, I), fo. 97v: 'Creta notare (chaulking and colouring'.
ll. 8–9: sed … aduersœ—'For the most part royal desires are as violent as they are changeable and, often contradictory'. Sallust, Bell. Jug. cxiii. 1. Quoted (as Tacitus) in Ess, P2v (OFB, XV, p. 60, ll. 55–7): 'For it is the Solœcisme of Power, to thinke to Command the End, and yet not to endure the Meane'.
Page 149, ll. 10–11: solus Vespasianus, … melius—'Vespasian alone having changed for the better'. Tacitus, Hist. i. 50. Titus Flavius Vespasianus, emperor ad 69–79. Tacitus compares him to his predecessors, not all emperors. Also quoted in Ess, I2v (OFB, XV, p. 36, ll. 96–9).
ll. 12–13: Qui … possunt—'who cannot cope with great felicity'. Pindar, Olym. i. 55 (Wats). Bacon once more reads his Greek in Latin translation (Geneva, 1560, b1r). For stealing the gods' ambrosia, Tantalus was sentenced to the torment of eternal hunger and thirst.
ll. 14–15: Diuitiœ … apponere—'Though riches increase, set not your heart thereon'. Ps. 62: 10.
l. 16: Aristotle as in passage in his Rhetoricks—Rhet. ii. 12–17 (Wright).
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Page 149, ll. 30–1: Compare the people to the sea, and the Orators to the winds—credited to Solon in Apo, R7v–R8r (SEH, VII, p. 158); Cicero, Pro Cluentio, xlix. (Wright).
Page 150, l. 1: set them in working—stir them up.
ll. 4–5: diuers volumes of Ethiques—Nicomachean ethics, Eudemian ethics (probably genuine), and Magna moralia (doubtful), according to OCD.
l. 6: in his Retoricks—Rhet. ii. 1–11.
l. 10: disputations about pleasure and paine—in Nicom. eth. ii. 3, 5.
l. 15: which wee haue at second hand—through fragments and quotations in such compilations as that by Diogenes Laertius (frequently cited by Bacon).
Page 150, l. 18: I finde some particular writings–see Seneca, De ira, and Plutarch, Morals, ';OF MEEKENES, OR HOW A MAN SHOULD REFRAINE CHOLER', K5r–M1r ('of Anger', l. 19); 'Of Vnseemely and naughtie bashfulnesse', O4r–P3r ('of Tendernesse of Countenance', l. 20) and 'A consolatorie oration sent vnto Apollonius vpon the death of his sonne', 2V3r ff., and 'A Consolatorie letter or Discourse, sent vnto his owne wife, as touching the death of her and his daughter', 2Y3r–2Y5v ('of Comforte vpon aduerse accidentes', ll. 19–20).
Page 150, l. 32: Prœmium and pœna—'reward and punishment'.
Page 151, ll. 1–3: ought to haue handled Custome … studyes—some will be the subject of his later essays.
Page 151, l. 3: theis—these.
ll. 11–12: thinges … by nature, nothing can be changed by custome—Nicom. eth. ii. 1. 2.
Page 152, l. 9: bending him Contrary—Aristotle, Nicom. eth. ii. 9. 5.
Page 152, l. 13: Tanquam aliud agendo—'while you are doing something else' (untraced).
l. 22: vinum Demonum—'wine of the devils'. Ellis quotes St Augustine, Confess. l. 16, which terms poetry 'vinum erroris', and St Jerome, Epist. 146, which calls it 'Dæmonum cibus', 'food of the devils', noting both phrases appear in the same paragraph of Cornelius Agrippa, De incertitudine et vanitate scientiarum (1531; Cologne, 1568), C12v–D1r; 'For this cause Augustine calleth Poetrie, the Wine of errour, ministred by drunken Doctours. Hiero nameth it the meate of Diuels', pg 338trans. 1569, E1r–v; Bacon conflates to lemma. Quoted again in Ess, B2r (OFB, XV, p. 7, ll. 31–2): 'it filleth the Imagination, and yet it is, but with the shadow of a Lie'. S. Chaudhuri, NQ, 232 (1987), 226–7, also links the Agrippa passage.
l. 24: opinion of Aristotle—Nicom. eth. i. 3. 5.
l. 25: no fitte auditors of Morall Philosophy—Aristotle is speaking of political, not moral philosophy; Hector reacts similarly in Shakespeare's Troilus and Cressida, 'not much | Unlike young men, whom Aristotle thought | Unfit to hear moral philosophy', ll. ii. 165–7. Entered in the Stationers' Register on 7 February 1602/3, but not printed until 1609 (Q1); most scholars date the play's composition 1601–2. Bacon scrutinizes the university curriculum on 2A4v–2B1r (p. 59, ll. 12–14, 24–5); see cmts thereon (pp. 256–61).
Page 153, l. 3: Prosperum … vocatur—'Prosperous and successful crime is called virtue'. Seneca, Hercules furens, l. 251 (Wright); PFE (OFB, I), fo. 83v.
ll. 3–4: Ille … diadema—'One undergoes the gallows as the price of a crime, another a crown'. Juvenal, Sat. xiii. 105 (Wats).
l. 6: pleaseth Machiauell to say—Discorsi, i. 10 (Gilbert, i. 221).
ll. 13–14: Hæc … a Magistro–'The divine and excellent qualities we see in this man are innate; those qualities we sometimes deprecate are not all from his nature but from his school-master'. Cicero, Pro Murena, xxix. 61 ('Catone, iudices', 'natura verum a magistro').
ll. 18–19: which we recited … Morality—see 2Y1r–v (p. 151, ll. 1 ff. above).
Page 154, ll. 20–1: Immanitati … virtutem—'To savageness it is more fitting to oppose heroic or divine virtue which is above humanity.' Nicom. eth. vii. 1. 1.
ll. 22–3: Nam … a vitio—'For as beasts are incapable of virtue or vice, so likewise is the deity; for this latter state is something higher than virtue, as the former is somewhat other than vice.' Nicom. eth. vii. 1. 2.
Page 154, l. 24: Plinius secundus … Traiane—Pliny the Younger, Panegyricus, 74, 'di Cæsarem imitantur', 'the gods imitate Caesar'. Pliny composed his tribute at the beginning of the reign (ad 98–117), not as a 'funerall oration' (l. 25).
ll. 30–1: Charity … the bond of Perfection—Col. 3: 14.
l. 32: elegantly said by Menander—by Anaxandrides, a Middle Comedy poet of the fourth century bc (Ellis).
Page 154, ll. 33–4: Amor … vitam—'Love is better for human life than a lefthanded sophist'.
Page 155, ll. 3–4: Xenophon obserued truely—Symp. i. 10; Convivium, Opera, 1596, 2H6v (Wright).
ll. 8–13: Onely Charity … transgresse—cf. Ess, K1v–K2v (OFB, XV, p. 39, ll. 12–17).
l. 10: Ascendam, … altissimo—'I will ascend and be like the most high'. Contraction of Isa. 14: 14 'ascendam super altitudinem nubium, similis ero Altissimo' (Vulgate).
ll. 11–12: Eritis … malum—'You shall be like God knowing good and evil'. Gen. 3: 5 (Vulgate).
Page 155, ll. 14–17: Diligite … iniustos—'Love your enemies, do good to them who hate you, and pray for them who persecute and curse you, and you shall be sons of your Father who is in heaven, who makes his sun to rise on good and evil and sends rain on the just and unjust'. Matt. 5: 44–5 (Vulgate).
Page 155, l. 18: Optimus Maximus—'best [and] greatest'.
l. 19: Misercordia … opera eius—'His mercy is over all his works'. Ps. 145: 9. (Vulgate; 'miserationes').
ll. 24–5: as Philocrates sported with Demosthenes—Demosthenes, De falsa legatione, 46; Opera, trans. H. Wolf, Frankfurt, 1604, 2B6v–2C1r. Philocrates differed over a peace treaty with Philip of Macedon. Bacon recasts the metaphor in NO, where the wine represents Bacon's carefully distilled philosophical vintage, distinguished from the 'liquorem crudum' of others, Q4v–R1r (SEH, I, p. 217).
ll. 28–31: Sunt … manes—'Two gates of sleep there are, one is said to be of horn by which easy exit is given to true shades; the other gleaming with the sheen of polished ivory, [through which] the spirits send false dreams to the upper world.' Virgil, Aeneid, vi. 893–6 (Loeb).
Page 156, l. 19: Cato the Censor—Marcus Porcius Cato, 'Censorius'; see B4r (p. 9, l. 28).
ll. 19–21: the Romanes … would follow—Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Marcus Cato the Censor', 2H1v.
ll. 27–8: Sed adhuc … suorum—'But as yet the people had not directed their heart to the Lord God of their fathers.' 2 Chron. 20: 33 (Vulgate, said of Judah during Jehosaphat's rule). Vulgate's 'direxerat', 'had directed', adopted here with the sanction of DAS, 3C4r (SEH, I, p. 746) for 05's 'dixerat': 'had spoken', a reading corrupted either by Bacon's memory or compositor's gaff.
Page 157, l. 8: Nec vultu destrue verba tuo—'Let your looks destroy your words.' Ovid, Ars amat. ii. 312 ('dicta') (Ellis); lemma in PFE (OFB, I), fo. 104v.
ll. 10–11: Nil … clausum—'It is no use to have an open door, a closed countenance.' De petitione consultatus, xi. 44.
ll. 13–15: Atticus, … did seriouslye aduise Cicero–Epist. ad Att. ix. 12.
ll. 20–1: Ne aut … alterum suœ—';Lest I appear either arrogant or servile, whereof one is to forget another's liberty, the other to forget one's own'. Paraphrase of Livy, xxiii. 12 ('aut superbus aut obnoxius videar, quorum alterum est hominis alienae …').
ll. 24–5: Quid deformius … transferre—'What is more odious than to carry over play-acting into life'. Untraced; recorded in AntR 34, DAS, 2V1r (SEH, I, p. 701).
Page 157, l. 28: Amici, fures Temporis—'Friends are thieves of time'. Tilley, F735 (sole citation).
l. 30: fourme of vrbanity, please themselues in it—05 (Err); 05 reads: 'howr of … in name'. Spedding, unaware of 05 (Err), emends 'howr' to 'honour'; Wright accepts the lemma for his text, but proposes 'humour' as alternative reading for 05's reading.
Page 158, ll. 1–2: Qui … non metet—'He who looks to the winds, shall not sow, and he who looks to the clouds shall not reap'. Eccles. 11:4 ('observat ventum … considerat nubes nunquam metet', Vulgate). Cf. Ess, 2Q3v–2Q4r (OFB, XV, pp. 158–9, ll. 46–53) (lemma in English): 'It is losse also in businesse, to be too full of Respects, or to be too Curious in Observing Times and Opportunities…. A wise Man will make more Opportunities then he findes. Mens Behaviour should be like their Apparell, not too Strait, or point Device, but Free for Exercise or Motion.'
l. 9: elegantlye handled—inter alios, by Baldassare Castiglione in Il cortegiano (1528; trans. T. Hoby, 1561) and Stefano Guazzo in La civile conversatione (1574; i–iii, trans. George Pettie, 1581; iv, trans. B. Young, 1586).
Page 158, ll. 12–13: [marginal note] De negotiis gerendis—'Of the conducting of business.'
ll. 14–15: Adage, … noe greate concurrence betweene learning and Wisedome—Tilley, C409: 'The greatest clerks are not the wisest men'. Cf. AdR on his travels (LL, II, p. 12): 'an authority of an English proverb, made in despite of learning, that the greatest clerks are not the wisest men'. Diogenes Laertius, ix. 1, attributes to Heraclitus (Wright).
ll. 17–18: Behauiour, … Meditation—i.e. active vs. contemplative life.
l. 22: aduertisementes—public notices; Bacon uses the term for an early treatise: Advertisement touching the controversies of the Church of England ACE (LL, I, pp. 74–95).
l. 26: outshoote them in their owne bowe—Tilley, B563; Ess, 2S1r (OFB, XV, p. 163, ll. 22–3).
l. 30: reduced–into treatises and precepts.
Page 158, ll. 31–8: Cicero reporteth, … life—De oratore, iii. 133–4 (only Titus Coruncanius named).
Page 159, ll. 4–5: Q. Cicero … De petitione consultatus—Quintus Tullius Cicero (102–43 bc). Cooper, Thesaurus (1584) renders the title of this electioneering treatise as: 'a standing, suing or labouring for the Consulship'; it may have been composed to aid the campaign of his younger brother, Marcus Tullius (the 'particuler action then on foote' of l. 7).
ll. 10–11: Aphorismes … composed by Salomon the King—1 Kgs. 4: 29–32; mostly from Proverbs and Ecclesiastes.
ll. 11–12: his hearte was as the sandes of the sea—1 Kgs. 4: 29.
Page 159, l. 17–18: Sed … tibi—'But do not lend your ear to all the words that men speak, lest by chance you hear your servant curse you.' Paraphrase of Eccles. 7: 22 ('cor' for 'aurem', Vulgate).
ll. 20–1: burned Sertorius papers vnperused—Quintus Sertorius (c. 122–72 bc) was a Roman general who tried to use his power base in Spain against Rome by forging an alliance with Mithradates; he was murdered by Perpenna. The anecdote of the seditious letters appears in Plutarch's biographies of Pompey (3i3r), and Sertorius (3E5r). The latter, highlighted in North's translation by a marginal note ('Pompeys wisedome in burning Sertorius letters'), is Bacon's source.
ll. 22–3: Vir sapiens … requiem—'A wise man if he contend with a foolish man, whether he is angry or laughing, shall find no remedy.' Prov. 29: 9 (Vulgate).
l. 26: change copye—as an actor switches roles, hence, 'alter behaviour' (OED). Wright compares 'Then Callisthenes changing copy, spake boldly many things against the MACEDONIANS', Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Alexander the Great', 3O3r, a biography Bacon draws upon heavily in Book I.
l. 28: Qui delicatè … contumacem—'He who pampers his servant from childhood, at length shall find him insolent.' Prov. 29: 21 (Vulgate).
l. 31: Vidisti … ignobiles—'Do you see a man swift in his work, he shall stand publicly with kings, not among obscure men.' Prov. 22: 29 (Vulgate, 'ante' for 'inter'). Cf. 'Of Dispatch', Ess, T3v–V1r (OFB, XV, pp. 76–8).
Page 159, ll. 35–6: Vidi … pro eo—'I saw all the living which walk under the sun, with another young man who stands in for him.' Eccles. 4: 15 (Vulgate, pg 342'consurget'); PFE (OFB, I), fo. 118, records 'Vidi ambulantes sub sole cum adolescente secundo qui consurget post eum'.
l. 36: noted by Sylla first—Lucius Cornelius Sulla (138–78 bc), having become dictator in 82 bc, ruthlessly proscribed his political enemies. Pompey utters the words in Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Pompeius', 3I1v. See following cmt. North highlights the incident in his marginal note, 'Pompeys stout answer vnto Sylla'; cf. Ess, V4v (OFB, XV, pp. 82, ll. 61–8).
Page 160, ll. 1–2: Plures … meridianum—'More adore the sun rising than setting, or at mid-day.' As Ellis notes (SEH, III, p. 449 n. 1), 'vel meridianum' garbles the point of the quotation; DAS, 3F1v (SEH, I, p. 762) omits this phrase. Cf. Plutarch (Frankfurt am Main, 1580), 3A3v: 'Pompeius autem nihil remisit, sed reputare Syllam iussit, solem orientem a pluribus quam occidentem adorari'. Bacon conflates two sources: Plutarch (quotation) and Tacitus, Ann. vi. 46 (reference to Tiberius) (Markby); Tilley, S979. Quoted again in Ess, V4v–X1r (OFB, XV, p. 82, ll. 67–8) (in English, and without the intrusive phrase). Sidney used the expression earlier in his unpublished Letter to Queen Elizabeth (1579), whose editors, ed. cit., p. 53, note its appearance 'constantly' in sixteenth-century discussions of the succession.
ll. 3–4: Si spiritus … maxima—'If the spirit of the ruler rises up against you, leave not your office, for taking care will remove great offences.' Eccles. 10: 4 (Vulgate).
ll. 7–10: Erat … pauperis—'There was a small city and few men within it; and there came a great king against it and besieged it and raised great bulwarks against it: and there was in it a poor wise man, and he by his wisdom delivered the city; yet no one remembered that same poor man'. Eccles. 9: 14–15 (Vulgate).
l. 12: Mollis … iram—'A gentle answer subdues anger.' Prov. 15: 1 (Vulgate).
l. 14: Iter … spinarum—'The way of a slothful man is as a hedge of thorns.' Prov. 15: 19 (Vulgate).
l. 15: differred—deferred.
l. 18: Melior … principium—'The end of a speech is better than the beginning.' Paraphrase of Eccles. 7: 8 (Vulgate 7: 9). ('The end of a thing', Geneva 7: 10); PFE (OFB, I), fo. 88r. Bacon narrows the verse to public-speaking.
Page 160, ll. 21–2: Qui cognoscit … veritatem—'He who looks to a face in making a judgment will depart from the truth for a morsel of bread.' Prov. 28: 21.
ll. 23–4: corrupt Iudge … as a facile—developed in Ess, I2r (OFB, XV, p. 36, ll. 88–92), 'As for Facilitie; It is worse then Bribery. For Bribes come but now and then; But if Importunitie, or Idle Respects lead a Man, he shall never be without.'
ll. 25–6: Vir pauper … fames—'A poor man bearing witness against the poor is like a raging rain-storm which causes famine'. Prov. 28: 3 (Vulgate).
l. 27: aunciente fable … hungry horseleech—Vickers compares Aristotle, Rhet. ii. 20, wherein Aesop applies a tale of a fox, plagued by dog-fleas, who prefers to endure present attack to fresh torment.
l. 28: Fons turbatus … impio—'A just man falling down before a wicked is a troubled fountain and a corrupt spring'. Prov. 25: 26 (Vulgate).
l. 30: doth trouble the fountaines of Iustice more—cf. 'Of Judicature', Ess, 2S3r (OFB, XV, p. 166, ll. 16–18): 'One Foule Sentence, doth more Hurt, then many Foule Examples. For these doe but Corrupt the Streame; The other Corrupteth the Fountaine'.
ll. 32–3: Qui … homicidij—'He who robs anything from his father and mother, and says that this is no crime, is a partner of murder'. Prov. 28: 24 (Vulgate, 'patre suo', 'homicidae est').
Page 161, l. 1: Noli … furioso—'Do not wish to be a friend of an angry man, nor walk about with a furious one'. Prov. 22: 24. (Vulgate, 'neque ambules cum viro furioso').
Page 161, l. 5: Qui … ventum—'He who troubles his own house, shall inherit the wind'. Prov. 11: 29 (Vulgate, 'ventos').
l. 9: Filius … suœ—'A wise son delights a father, truly a foolish son is the sorrow of his mother.' Prov. 10: 1 (Vulgate); cf. Ess, F3r (OFB, XV, p. 23, ll. 19–23).
ll. 13–14: Qui … fœderatos—'He who covers a transgression seeks love, but he who repeats another's speech, separates his friends'. Prov. 17: 9 (Vulgate, 'amicitias', 'separat').
ll. 17–18: In omni opere … egestas—'In every good work there is abundance, but where there are many words there is often penury'. Paraphrase of Prov. 14: 23 (Vulgate, 'opere' for 'opere bono').
l. 20: Primus. … in eum—'He that is first in his own cause seems just, until the other party comes and searches into him'. Paraphrase of Prov. 18: 17 ('Justus prior est accusator sui; venit amicus eius, et investigabit eum', 'He is just who is his own first accuser; his friend comes and will investigate him', Vulgate).
l. 24: Verba bilinguis … ventris—'The words of the double-tongued man which seem honest are the very ones which go to the innermost parts of the belly'. Prov. 18: 8 (Vulgate, 'perveniunt usque').
Page 161, 11. 28–9: Qui erudit … generat—'He who instructs a scornful man does injury to himself, and he who rebukes an impious man get himself a blot.' Prov. 9: 7 (Vulgate; PFE (OFB, I), fo. 87v, enters the first clause, 'Quj erudit derisorem sibj injuriarm facit').
l. 32: Da sapienti … sapientia—'Give opportunity to a wise man, and he will be wiser'. Prov. 9: 9 (Vulgate); PFE (OFB, I), fo. 89v.
Page 162, ll. 4–5: Quo modo … prudentibus—'As the face of one looking upon the pg 344water is reflected, so are the hearts of men manifest to the wise.' Prov. 27: 19 (Vulgate).
l. 8: Qui sapit … erit—'The wise man will know to adapt himself to all sorts of fashions'. Ovid, Ars amat. i. 760 (Wats).
Page 162, l. 16: more of the Eagle—Ellis (in Wright) glosses 'of a mystical and recondite character', after Jerome's type for the gospel of St. John (Ezek. 1: 1–10).
l. 23: expresse it in parable or Aphorisme, or fable—as Bacon delineates his innovative thoughts on natural philosophy and politics in DSV, zA5v (SEH, VI, pp. 607–764), describing it in his preface as a powerful teaching method: 'Modus iste docendi, … ut in inventis novis, & ab opinionibus vulgaribus remotis & penitùs abstrusis, aditus ad intellectum humanum magis facilis & benignus per parabolas quæratur'.
ll. 27–9: Machiauel chose wisely … vpon Histories or Examples—Discorsi sulla prima deca di Tito Livio (1531), a work Bacon cites throughout AL and Ess (OFB, XV).
Page 163, l. 6: Histories—Wright unnecessarily proposes 'history'.
l. 15: sapere, & sibi Sapere—'to be wise' and 'to be wise for oneself'; PFE (OFB, I), fo. 104r, is more insistent, 'Nequicquam sapit qui sibj non sapit'. (Vickers credits Erasmus, Adagia.) Bacon explores the question in 'Of Wisedome for a Mans selfe', Ess, S4r–T1v (OFB, XV, pp. 73–5) and in 'Of Fortune', Ess, 2H2r– 2H3v (OFB, XV, pp. 122–4).
l. 18: seuere—sever.
Page 163, l. 22: Nam pol … fortunam sibi—'Truly the wise man fashions fortune for himself'. Plautus, Trinummus, 363 ('sapiens quidem pol ipsius …') (Wats).
l. 23: Faber …… propriœ—'Every man is maker of his own fortune'; a favourite saying of Bacon's father, Lord Keeper Nicholas Bacon (1509–79), according to Naunton, Fragmenta regalia (1641), D1v; recorded in PFE (OFB, I), fo. 90r. He uses it as the premiss for his reflections on honing of the intellect in HIP, fo. 247r (SEH, VII, p. 98): 'But if the Sentence were turned to this: Faber quisque ingenii sui ['each the maker of his own character'], it were somewhat more true, & much more profitable, because it would teach men, to bend themselues to reforme those imperfections in themselues, which now they seeke but to cover …'. See 'Of Fortune', Ess, 2H2r–2H3v (OFB, XV, pp. 122–4).
ll. 23–4: Liuie attributeth it to Cato the first—Marcus Fortius Cato, 'Censorius'; see B4r (p. 9, l. 28); the decemvir, Appius Claudius (fl. 451 bc), is usually credited.
ll. 24–5: In hoc viro … videretur—'There was such force of mind and character pg 345in this man that in whatever station he had been born, he would have made his fortune.' Paraphrase of Livy, xxxix. 40 ('ingeniique fuit … fortunam sibi ipse … fuisse videretur') (Ellis).
l. 28: Timotheus the Athenian—Athenian general (fl. 378–354 bc) contrasted to Sulla in Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Sylla', 2R6r; the marginal note comments, 'Timotheus Athenian, would not atttribute the glory of his doings to fortune. Sylla gave fortune the honor of all his doings'. Quoted in Ess, 2H3r–v (OFB, XV, p. 124, ll. 48–54), which also cites the examples on 3A4v (p. 164, ll. 9–11).
Page 164, l. 2: Dicis: … ipsum—'You say the river is mine and I made it myself'. Ezek. 29: 3.
l. 3: men offer Sacrifices to … snares—Hab. 1: 16; Geneva comments: 'Meaning … flatter them selues and glorie in their owne force, power, wit'.
ll. 5–6: Dextra … adsint—'May this right hand and the spear that is a weapon to the free be my god'. Virgil, Aeneid, x. 773–4 (Mezentius to Aeneas).
Page 164, l. 11: Cœsarem … eius—'You carry Cæsar and his fortune.' Plutarch, Frankfurt am Main, 1580, 3H3v, reads 'Cæsarem vehis, & Cæsaris unà fortunam'; Lives, 'Life of Julius Cæsar', 3Q5r.
l. 12: Faber … suœ—'A man is maker of his fortune'; cf. 3A4r (p. 163, l. 23 above).
ll. 12–13: sapiens dominabitur astris—'The wise man will command his stars'. Cognatus attributes to Ptolemy (Ellis in Wright); Vickers notes its ubiquity in handbooks of astrology of the time.
l. 13: Inuia … via—'No way is impossible to virtue.' Ovid, Met. xiv. 113 (Markby).
ll. 18–19: Augustus Cœsar … rather diuerse from his vncle, then, inferiour in vertue—Bacon's constructs an extended comparison in 'Imago Civilis Augusti Cæsaris' (SEH, VI, p. 347).
l. 20: a Plaudite—'applause'; the call to close a Roman comedy. Suetonius, Life of Augustus, 99 (Wats).
ll. 24–7: [marginal note] Faber … vitœ—'Architect of Fortune or concerning the advancement of life.'
Page 165, l. 3: globe of Crystall, or Fourme—Wright traces this distinction back to Empedocles, citing the commentaries of Proclus on Timaeus, 160d, and Simplicius on Aristotle's Physica, 7b; see also the scriptural source on 3E1v (p. 179, ll. 22–4) and cmt thereon (p. 354 below). Vickers recalls Bacon's metaphor in the coda of AL: 'Thus haue I made as it were a small Globe of the Intellectuall world …', 3H1r (p. 192, l. 19).
ll. 13–14: Momus did require, … a windowe—the god of mockery and censure; see Lucian, Hermot. 20 (Markby); Erasmus, Adagia, I. v. 74, 'Momo satisfacere, & similia' (1559 edn., g6v). In OL, fo. 155v (OFB, I) Bacon uses the pg 346expression to characterize Queen Elizabeth's attitude to matters of conscience: 'But contrarywise hir Maiestie not likeinge to make windowes into mens hartes, & secrete thoughtes, except the aboundance of them, did overflowe into overt and expresse actes & affirmations tempered hir lawe soe, as it restraineth onely manifest disobedience …'; a version of this quotation first appeared c. 1589 in On the Religious Policies of the Queen, fo. 35v, reading 'every' for 'onely'. I am indebted to Julian Martin for this latter reference.
Page 165, ll. 20–1: Sola … noras—'You alone know the time for easy access to the man'. Virgil, Aendd, iv. 423 (Dido of Aeneas to her sister Anna).
ll. 29–31: minor propositions … maior propositions—the two statements (or premisses) from which a logical conclusion is formed.
l. 34: Consilium … illud—'Counsel in the heart of man is like deep water, but a knowing man will draw it out'. Paraphrase of Prov. 20: 5 ('Sicut aqua profunda, sic consilium in corde viri; sed homo sapiens exhauriet illud', Vulgate).
Page 166, ll. 1–2: Synewes of wisedome, … slownesse of beleefe, and distrust—a saying of Epicharmus (fifth-century BC playwright) cited in Cicero, Epist. ad Att. i. 19. 8, and Quintus Cicero, De petitione consultatus, x. 39 (Wright).
Page 166, l. 5: fronti nulla fides—'no trust in the face'. Juvenal, Sat. ii. 8 (Wats). Developed in Ess, E2v (OFB, XV, p. 21, ll. 62–6): 'it is good, that a Mans Face, give his Tongue, leave to Speake. For the Discovery, of a Mans Selfe, by the Tracts of his Countenance, is a great Weaknesse, and Betraying; By how much, it is many times, more marked and beleeved, then a Mans words'; see cmt thereon (p. 191).
l. 7: as Q. Cicero elegantly sayth—De petitione consultatus, A. 44.
l. 9: Etenim … coniectauerat—'For he had perceived displeasure in his expression'. Tacitus, Ann. i. 12. (Gallus pressing a point with Tiberius).
ll. 12–13: Magis … crederetur—'but in terms too speciously florid to be taken as the expression of his inmost feelings'. Tacitus, Ann. i. 52; Tiberius welcomed Germanicus' crushing of rebellion, but not his popularity.
l. 14: Paucioribus … oratione—'with fewer words but more earnestly and in true language'; loc. cit.
l. 16: velut eluctantium verborum—'as it were, of faltering speech'. Tacitus, Ann. iv. 31.
l. 17: Solutius … subueniret—'He spoke more freely when he came to another's assistance'; loc. cit.
Page 166, ll. 24–5: Fraus … fallat—'Deceit wins faith for itself in small matters, so that it may deceive in greater advantage'. Paraphrase of Livy, xxviii. 42 pg 347(Wright) ('fraus fidem in parvis sibi praestruit, ut, cum operae pretium sit, cum mercede magna fallat').
ll. 25–6: Italian … bought and sould—Ellis cites the Italian proverb, 'Chi mi fa piu caresse che non suole | O m'a ingannato, o ingannar mi vuole.'
l. 29: Alimenta socordiœ—'food for sloth'. Demosthenes, Olynth. iii. 33 (Opera, Frankfurt am Main, 1604, D2r). Cf. CGE, G6r (SEH, VII, pp. 90–1).
ll. 33–4: Simul … largitur—'at the same time he created prefectureships and tribuneships for his friends'. Tacitus, Hist. iv. 39.
Page 167, ll. 2–3. Audita … non regnaret—'These words having been heard drew a rare voice from his secret heart, and he admonished her with a Greek verse, "you are offended because you do not reign".' Tacitus, Ann. iv. 52.
l. 5: Vino tortus & ira—'tortured with wine and anger'. Horace, Epist. i. 18. 38 (Wats).
Page 167, ll. 10–11: Di mentira, y sacaras verdad—quoted in English 'Tell a lye, and finde a Troth', in Ess, E3v (OFB, XV, p. 22); PFE (OFB, I), fo. 88v, 'Di mentira y saqueras vardad'; Tilley, L237 (earliest citation).
l. 18: Verier … emanat—'The truer report derives from the servants'. Paraphrase of Quintus Cicero, De petitione consultatus, v. 17 ('Fere omnis sermo ad forensem famam e domesticis emanat auctoribus') (Wats); quoted in Ess, 2S1r (OFB, XV, p. 164, ll. 24–5).
Page 167, l. 28: shoot ouer—over shoot.
ll. 31–2: Di … credi—translated, lines 21–2; PFE (OFB, I), fo. 88v, Di danarj di senno et di fede | Cè nè manco
que che tu credj'.
ll. 8–9: predominancy what humour reigneth most—behaviour and personality were attributed to the particular individual's 'complexion' or humoral balance. For the humours see 2K1v (p. 94, l. 37–p. 95, l. 4) and cmt thereon (p. 291).
l. 11: Metus eius rimatur—'stimulated his fears'. Tacitus, Ann. xiv. 57 (Wats). Tigellinus, a man of low birth and lower morals, encouraged Nero in his worst excesses. The comment refers to Nero's fears about Rubellius Plautus and Sulla, not Petronius Turpilianus. Tigellinus arranged their murders and delivered their heads to Neto. Petronius Turpilianus, governor of Britain (ad 61–63), was murdered by Galba, Nero's successor. See Tacitus, Hist. i. 6.
Page 168, l. 27: Et … seruare—'I wish this and also to observe my mode of life'. Epictetus, Enchir. c. 4.
l. 28: Et … addiscere—'I wish this and also to learn something'.
pg 348 3B4v
Page 169, l. 3: as S. lames sayth—Jas. 1: 23–4.
ll. 4–5: the diuine glasse is the word of God—Geneva comments: 'So Gods worde is a glasse wherein we must beholde our selues, and become like vnto him'.
l. 17: Alia Tiberio morum via—'the habits of Tiberius were different'. Tacitus, Ann. i. 54 (Wats). The source's comparison is general; Bacon enlivens with details.
l. 21: Duke Valentine—'Valentine Borgia', i.e. Cesare Borgia (c. 1475–1507). Son of Pope Alexander VI, he was created a cardinal at 17, resigning after his brother's death to become papal legate to France. An alliance with Louis XII led to his creation as Duke of Valentinois, hence, 'Duke Valentine'. He married the sister of the king of Navarre and participated in the Italian wars. As both 'Prince' and 'Priest' he was ruthless and immoral. An anecdote in Apo, C4r–v (SEH, VII, p. 126), relates his ingenious ambush of his rivals, 'a thing happy, but very perfidious'.
Page 169, ll. 27–9: as Casar Iulius … others for eloquence—this version of Caesar's decision appears in Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Julius Cæsar', 3P3r: 'Cœsar had an excellent naturall gift to speake wel before the people, and besides that rare gift, he was excellently well studied, so that doubtlesse he was counted the second man for eloquence in his time, & gaue place to the first, because he wold be the first and chiefest man of war and authority' (Wats). Bacon supplies the specific orators. Marcus Tullius Cicero (106–43 bc) and, Quintus Hortensius Hortalus (114–50 bc), a youthful practitioner of the ornate Asiatic style who failed to moderate it as he grew older. See Ess, 2K1v (OFB, XV, p. 131, ll. 62–3), and critique on 3C3r (p. 172, l. 12); see cmt thereon (p. 349 below). Quintus Lutatius Catulus, one of the interlocutors of the debate, is praised for his style in Cicero's De oratore.
Page 170, l. 5: Sylla potuit; … potero—'Sulla could do it, shall not I?' Cicero, Epist. ad Att. ix. 10.
Page 170, ll. 20–1: Omnium … ostentator—'He set forth with a certain art all that he had said or done'. Paraphrase of Tacitus, Hist. ii. 80. Mucianus, consul under and governor of Syria, supported Vespasian's claim to imperial power and became his close adviser. Cf. Ess, 2R1v (OFB, XV, p. 160, ll. 44–5); Ess (OFB, XV, p. 178, ll. 38–41).
l. 24: Audacter … hœret—'Slander boldly, something always sticks'. Plutarch, De adulat. et amico, 24; Morals, I4v–I5r (Ellis in Wright). In OL (OFB, I), fo. 146v Bacon accuses Catholic controversialists of behaving '… as if they had receyued it as a principall precept and ordinance of theyr Seminaryes; Audacter calumniare, pg 349semper aliquid haret; or as if they which in old tyme were want to help themselues with lying miracles, were now fayne to help themselues, with miraculous lyes'.
l. 25: Audacter te vendita … hæret—'Praise yourself boldly, something always sticks'.
l. 31: (as in Military persons)—Wright compares Ess, 2R3r (OFB, XV, p. 161, ll. 26–9).
ll. 36–7: solide natures, … cannot saile—cf. Ess, 2R3r–v (OFB, XV, pp. 161–2, ll. 31–2).
Page 171, ll. 9–10: Caue … delectat—'Beware lest you seem unaccustomed to greater things, if such a small thing delight you so much'. Paraphrase of Rhetorica ad Herennium, iv. 4. 6: 'Videte ne insueti rerum majorum videamini, si vos parva res sicuti magna delectat', 'Beware of appearing inexperienced in greater matters …' (Ellis); printed in Renaissance editions of Cicero.
Page 171, l. 21: Sœpe … boni—'Vice often lies in the proximity of good'. Ovid, Ars amat. ii. 662 (Wats).
l. 33: face out a mans own defects—cf. Ess, zK4r (OFB, XV, p. 134, ll. 15–19): 'Whosoever hath any Thing fixed in his Person, that doth enduce Contempt, hath also a perpetuall Spurre in himselfe, to rescue and deliver himselfe from Scorne: Therefore all Deformed Persons are extreme Bold'.
Page 172, l. 7: rescussing—the lemma spelling does not appear in OED; Wright glosses 'rescuing' on the basis of the law term recusser ('rescuer').
l. 12: Idem … decebat—'He remained the same when the same was not fitting.' Paraphrase of Cicero, Brutus, 95 ('remanebat idem nec decebat idem'), speaking of the youthful style of Hortensius (114–50 bc); cf. Ess, 2K1v (OFB, XV, i 131, ll. 60–8).
l. 15: Versatile Ingenium—'adaptable disposition'; quoted by Montaigne, iii. 3; Florio trans, glosses, 'a witte so turneable' (2T2v). See Ess, 2H2v (OFB, XV, p. 123, ll. 17–20).
l. 16: make departures—adjust to circumstances.
Page 172, l. 22: Fabius Maximus—Fabius Maximus Verrucosus (d. 203 bc), called 'cunctator', 'the delayer', after his principal tactic against Hannibal. See Discorsi, iii. 9 (Gilbert, I, p. 452).
ll. 26–7: compareth … to country fellowes—in I Phil. 46 (Wats). Demosthenes describes the antics of 'Barbari pugiles', 'barbarian boxers' (Opera, Frankfurt, 1604, E3r), whom Bacon here fashions into yokel swordsman.
pg 350l. 32: Tarquinius … Sybillaes bookes—in Aulus Gellius, Noct. Attic, i. 19, an old woman offers to sell Tarquinius nine books containing the wisdom of the oracle for an immense price; when he refuses, she burns three of them, and demands the original price for six books; again he refuses and again she burns three books, finally receiving the original price for the fragment; see Ess, R3r (OFB, XV, p. 68, ll. 5–7). In AntR 41, DAS, 2V2v (SEH, I, p. 704) the price rises as the number of books diminishes.
ll. 36–7: make the wheels of our mind concentrique and voluble with the wheels of fortune—the image derives from astronomy; volubility suggesting a ready movement concentric with a fixed central point—in this instance, fortune; cf. Ess, 2H2r (OFB, XV, p. 123, ll. 11–17). For volubility in an astronomical sense see TC, OFB, VI, p. 192, l. 8.
Page 173, ll. 2–3: fatis accede Deisque—'yield to the fates and the gods'. Lucan, Bellum civile (Pharsalia), viii. 485 (Wright).
Page 173, ll. 12–14: Et quemadmodum … cogantur—'And just as it is accepted that a general leads the army, so should wise men direct affairs so that those things are done which they think should be done, and they are not forced to follow events.' Demosthenes, I Phil. 45 (Wats); Opera, Frankfurt am Main, 1604, E3r.
l. 21: qualis … Mari—'in the manner of a ship at sea'. Prov. 30: 18–19.
ll. 21–2: French calleth Sourdes Menees—'under-hand plots'. See R. Cotgrave, A dictionarie of the French and English tongues (1611).
Page 173, l. 24: Dissimulatio … illaqueant—'Dissimulation breeds mistakes in which the deceiver himself is caught' (untraced).
l. 30: rather bee first in a village, then second at Rome—Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Julius Cæsar', 3P4v–3P5r (Wats).
ll. 31–2: Alter … Tyrannus—'He does not refuse, but in a sense demands to be called what he is, a tyrant.' Paraphrase of Cicero, Epist. ad Att. x. 4 (Wright).
l. 35: Ita … liceat—'so that my father's honours follow'. Cicero, Epist. ad Att. xvi. 15. Page 174, l. 4: Pompeye—see cmt on p. 329 above.
l. 5: Occultior non melior—'a more reserved, not a better [character]'. Tacitus, Hist. ii. 38.
Page 174, l. 6: ore probo, animo inuerecundo—'of honest tongue and shameless mind'. Sallust as recorded in Suetonius, De grammaticis et rhetoribus, 15 ('oris probi' (Wats).
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Page 174, l. 19: Et … composita—'and she was equally suited to the dissimulation of her son and the arts of her husband'. Tacitus, Ann. v. 1. Cf. Ess, E1r (OFB, XV, p. 20, ll. 9–11).
Page 174, l. 37–p. 175, l. 1: Hœc … agebat—'He did all these things with great zeal.' De bello civilt, i. 30. Cf. Ess, V1v (OFB, XV, p. 78, ll. 7–10): 'So certainly, there are in Point of Wisedome, and Sufficiency, that doe Nothing or Little, very solemnly; Magno conatu Nugas ['trifles with great effort']'? In the essay, Bacon is remarking upon specific individuals in the king's service; see cmt thereon, p. 226.
Page 175, ll. 11–12: that opinion I may condemne … as Macchiauell doth—the 'opinion' (Tilley, M1067) was also a classical commonplace (Cicero, Diogenes Laertius, Plutarch). Bacon reacts again to it in 'Speech concerning naturalization', LL, III, pp. 323–40; 'there are no other ˋtrewˊ [interlined in Bacon's hand], sinewes of wane but the sinewes and muskles of mens armes', TGB, fo. 32v (SEH, VII, p. 55); Ess, Z2r (OFB, XV, p. 91, l. 75).
Page 175, ll. 16–17: if another came that had better Iron—Apo, O7v (SEH, VII, p. 151). Solon (fl. 560 bc) was an Athenian statesman and lawgiver; Croesus (f. 560–546 bc), the prodigiously wealthy king of Lydia. Bacon's source for this and the preceding example is Machiavelli, Discorsi, ii. 20 (Gilbert, I. p. 232). See Ess, Z2r (OFB, XV, p. 91, ll. 74–7).
ll. 21–2: peremptory Tides … are sildome recouered—Tilley, T323, 'Time and tide stays for no man'; Wright cites Shakespeare's Julius Caesar (1599), IV. iii. 218–21.
l. 31: Quod … agamus—'Let us do now the task at hand.' Virgil, Eclog. ix. 66 (Markby).
Page 175, l. 35: Sed … tempus—'But meanwhile it flees, irrecoverable time flees'. Virgil, Georg. iii. 284 (Ellis).
Page 176, l. 20: Hœc … omittere—'These things you should do and not omit the others'. Matt. 23: 23 (criticizing the scribes and Pharisees) (Vulgate, 'oportuit'). l. 24: ancient fable, of the two frogs—Æsopi Phrygis Fabulae, Grace et Latine, Antwerp, 1567, B3r–v. An abstract appears in PFE (OFB, I), fo. 122v: 'The tale of the frogges that were wyshed by one in a drowth to repayre to the bottome of a well, ay but if water faile thear how shall we gett vp agayne'. CGE, F3r–v (SEH, VII, p. 81), comments: 'And the reason is, that humane actions are so vncertayne and subiecte to perills, as that seemeth the best course which hath most passages out of it.'
pg 352l. 28: Bias—see cmt on p. 275 above.
l. 30: Et … amaturus—'Love as you would a future enemy and hate as you would a future friend'. Aristotle, Rhet. ii. 13. 4 (Markby); recorded (in English) in Apo, O4v–O5r (SEH, vii, p. 150).
Page 177, l. 6: Cicero … Idea of a parfit Orator—in De oratore, and Orator.
ll. 7–8: a Prince or a Courtier hath been described—Machiavelli's Il principe (Florence, 1532), and Baldassare Castiglione's Il Libro del cortegiano (Venice, 1528; trans. Sir Thomas Hoby, 1561). Sir Thomas Elyot's The Boke named the governour (1531) is in the same courtesy book tradition.
l. 14: Bona Artes—'honest arts'. Ess, L1v (OFB, XV, p. 42, ll. 38–9) observes: 'For there is, rarely, any Rising, but by a Commixture, of good and evill Arts'.
ll. 16–20: seeke not to attaine vertue … streight—see Machiavelli, Il principe, 17–18 (Gilbert, i. 66) (Wats).
ll. 21–2: cadent amici … intercidant—'let friends fall so that enemies may die at the same time'. Cicero, Pro rege Deiotaro, ix. 25 ('Pereant amici'; quoted as proverbial) (Ellis).
ll. 22–3: as the Trium virs … theire enemies—i.e. the uneasy alliance of Marcus Antonius, Lepidus, and Octavius Caesar established for five years in 43 bc and renewed in 37 bc; Lepidus was forced out in 36 bc and Octavius defeated Antonius at Actium to become sole ruler in 31 bc. See Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Antonius'.
Page 177, ll. 25–6: Ego … restinguam—'If my fortune be set on fire I will put it out not with water but destruction'. Paraphrase of Cicero, Pro Murena, xxv. 51 (Wats) ('si quod esset in suas fortunas incendium excitatum, id se non aqua sed ruina restincturum').
ll. 27–8: children … deceiued with comfittes, & men with othes—cf. Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Lysander', 2Q3v. Lysander, Spartan general (d. 395 bc), promised safe conduct to his enemies, then treacherously slew them; 'it appeareth, that he made very litle reckening to be periured. For he said, that children should be deceiued with the play of kayles [Ane pins], and men with othes of men.'
l. 32: shortest way is comonly the fowlest—cf. Tilley, W158: 'The farthest way about is the nearest way home'; PFE (OFB, I), fo. 114r: 'It is in action as it is in wayes; comonly the nearest is the fowlest'; Apo, S5v (SEH, VII, p. 159).
ll. 37–8: That al things … spirit—Eccles. 2: 11.
Page 178, ll. 4–6: Quæ vobis … vestri—'What reward, men, shall I consider worthy to be paid for praiseworthy deeds? The first and fairest the gods and your characters shall give'. Virgil, Aeneid, ix. 252–4 (Wats).
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Page 178, ll. 9–10: He … vaine thing—Job 15: 35.
ll. 13–14: demandeth a tenth of our substance—the tithe: one-tenth of the annual produce or income designated for religion; see Lev. 27: 30.
l. 14: a seauenth, … our time—the Sabbath, the day of religious rest enjoined by the Fourth commandment; Exod. 20: 8–11.
l. 16: eating dust as doth the serpent—Gen. 3: 14.
ll. 16–17: Atque … aurae—'And he fastened to the earth a particle of divine spirit'. Horace, Sat. ii. 2. 79 (Wats).
ll. 18–19: said concerning Aug. Casar, & after of Septimius Seuerus—Sextus Aurelius Victor, Epitome de Caesaribus, i. 28; A. Spartianus, 'Severus', Scriptores Historae Augustae, xviii; Apo, 16v–171r (SEH, VII, p. 139); see Ess, 2I4r–v (OFB, XV, p. 130, ll. 13–15).
l. 25: Charts the 5. in his instructions to the K. his son—i.e. the (possibly spurious) 'political testament' (1555) to Philip, not As original 'Instrucciones' (1543, 1548). Henry Howard, Earl of Northampton (whom Bacon asked to deliver the presentation copy of AL to King James), prepared a translation for Queen Elizabeth of 'The Emperor Charles V's political instructions to his son' (BL MS Lansdowne 792). See Linda Levy Peck, Northampton: patronage and polity at the court of James I (1982), p. 12 n. 26. Jenny Wormald (in MWJC, p. 47 n. 27) suggests an Italian version of it influenced Basilikon down.
l. 30: Primum quœite—'Seek first'.
ll. 30–1: Primum … Vobis—'Seek first the kingdom of God, and all things will be added to you'. Contraction of Matt. 6: 33 ('Quarite ergo primum regnum Dei, et justitiam eius, et haec omnia adjicientur vobis', Vulgate).
ll. 31–2: Primum … oberunt—'Seek first the good things of the mind, and all other things will either come or not be desired.'
Page 178, l. 35: Te … inane es—'I revered you, virtue, for a reality, but you are an empty name'. Dio Cassius, xlvii. 49 (Brutus quoting Hercules) (Wats).
Page 179, l. 1: diuine foundation is vpon the Rocke—Bacon's human/divine distinction derives from the parable of the foolish and wise house-builders in Matt. 7: 24–7. Cf. also Christ's pun on Peter's name 'thou art Peter, and vpon this rocke I wil buylde my Church' in Matt. 16: 18.
ll. 7–8: Totamque … miscet—'a spirit within sustains, and mind, pervading its members, sways the whole mass and mingles with its mighty frame'. Virgil, Aeneid, vi. 726–7 (Anchises describing the cosmos to Aeneas) (Markby).
l. 15: Rebellion, which was the Giants offence—the Titans deposed their father Uranus, to be themselves defeated by Zeus and the Olympians. Hesiod, Theog. 582–600 (Vickers); see 2T4v (p. 140, ll. 5–6) and cmt thereon (p. 331 above).
l. 16: offence of futilitie—sin of talkativeness. A Bacon coinage (Latin futile = pg 354'leaky') directed in 05 (Err); 05 reads 'facilitie'. Bacon uses the adjective in Ess, E2v (OFB, XV, p. 21, l. 58): 'As for Talkers and Futile Persons, they are commonly Vaine, and Credulous withall' and in Ess, Q3v (OFB, XV, p. 65, l. 67). Wats (1640) is the earliest citation of the noun in OED.
l. 16: as in Sysiphus and Tantalus—both punished for revealing the secrets of the gods: Sisyphus was condemned to roll a huge stone endlessly up hill, Tantalus tormented with continuous hunger and thirst. Homer, Od. xi. 582–600; Cicero, Tusc, disput. i. 5. 10, iv. 16. 35.
Page 179, l. 24: Et in conspectu … christallo—'and in the view of the throne there was a sea of glass, like crystal'. Rev. 4: 6 (Apocal. 4: 6, Vulgate).
l. 33: one of the ancient Philosophers—Zeno. Plutarch, Morals, R1v: 'And what shall we report of you Sir Zeno unto the King our master? Marie (quoth he) no more but this, that there is an ancient man at Athens who can sit at the boord and say nothing. Thus you see that silence argueth deepe and profound wisedome' (Wright). See also Diogenes Laertius, vii. 24.
Page 180, ll. 2–4: Lawes, … onely one deficience, … none as Statesmen—see cmt to 'Of Judicature', Ess (OFB, XV, pp. 306–7), for details of Bacon's legal career and his lifelong concern with the reform and codification of English law. Bacon's interest in legal reform in the Elizabethan parliaments is detailed in The history of parliament: the House of Commons 1558–1603, ed. P. W. Hasler, History of Parliament Trust by HMSO: London, 1981, l. pp. 375, 378–9. His legal writings fill volume VII in SEH. For As judicial decisions, see Report of cases decided by Francis Bacon in the high court of chancery (1617–21), ed. John Ritchie, London, 1932. Darnel R. Coquillette, Francis Bacon, Stanford University Press: Stanford, 1992, provides meticulous evaluation of Bacon's legal career and writings; see also Julian Martin, Frands Bacon, the state, and the reform of natural philosophy, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1992.
l. 5: imaginary Lawes for imaginary common-wealths—such as Plato's Laws and Republic or, closer to home, Sir Thomas More's Utopia (= 'no place'); first published in Latin in 1516, translated by R. Robynson, 1551. Cf. Bacon's dismissal of attempts to abolish usury: 'that Opinion must be sent to Utopia', Ess, 2I2r (OFB, XV, p. 126, ll. 69–70).
Page 180, ll. 20–1: lawes touching priuate right … publike state—cf. Ess, 2T2r (OFB, XV, p. 169, ll. 128–34). In Basilikon down, E2r, James observes: 'the most part of a Kings office, standeth in decyding that question of Meum, and Tuum ['mine and thine', relating to personal property rights], among his subiectes'.
l. 26: causes emergent—cases in process.
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Page 180, ll. 29–30: discretion and strict Lawe—equity vs. statute and common law.
ll. 30–1: mingled in the same Courts, or kept apart in seuerall Courts—jurisdictional disputes among the various courts would become a major issue during James's reign. See Ess, 2T1v (OFB, XV, p. 168, ll. 102–3), and cmt thereon, pp. 309–10.
ll. 33–7: [marginal note] De … Iuris—'Of the wisdom of the lawmaker or the fountains of law.' DAS, 3M2v ff. (SEH, I, p. 803), adds a tract 'Exemplum Tractatus de Iustitiâ Vniversali, siue Fontibus Iuris, in vno Titulo, per Aphorismos'.
l. 39: the ciuill Law—Justinian's sixth-century codification and summary of Roman law, Corpus juris civilis, became the basis of most continental law. Its role in England was narrower, owing to the development of English common law. See Brian P. Levack, The civil lawyers in England 1603–1641, Clarendon Press: Oxford, 1973, pp. 122–57.
Page 180, l. 39–p. 181, l. 1: non hos quœsitum munus in vsus—'a gift not sought for these uses'. Virgil, Aeneid, iv. 647. (Dido of her Dardan sword at her suicide) (Markby).
Page 181, l. 8: Si nunquam fallit imago—'if the mirror never lies'. Virgil, Eclog. ii. 27 (Markby); PFE (OFB, I), fo. 91r.
Page 181, l. 15: her third visitation—the Greeks and Romans being first and second.
ll. 23–4: present disposition … to peace—a peace treaty with Spain had been signed in August 1604 at Somerset House with great flourish, commemorated in a group portrait of the commissioners in which the two delegations face one another down the length of a brocaded table (unknown artist; National Portrait Gallery, London). See the king's insistent self-fashioning as Peacemaker on A3r (p. 4, l. 23), and cmt thereon (pp. 205–6).
Page 181, l. 38: verbera, sed audi—'strike, but hear'. Themistocles to Eurybiades [Spartan admiral] in Plutarch, Morals, 2M5r: 'Eurybiades thereat lift up the baston or staffe that he had in his hand, offering to strike him: Strike hardly Eurybiades (quoth he) if thou wilt, so thou heare me' (Markby); Usted in PFE (OFB, I), fo. 108r, under the heading, 'Vpon Impatience of Audience'.
Page 182, l. 4: Sabaoth—Wright emends to 'Sabbath' ('rest') after 29, 33; 'Sabaoth' can denote 'hosts', but it was also an acceptable variant spelling for 'sabbath', so that no emendation of the copy-text is necessary; the two spellings remained confused through the eighteenth century; cf. Spenser, The Faerie Queene (1596), VIII. viii. 2: 'But thence-forth all shall rest eternally | With Him that is the God of Sabaoth hight'.
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Page 182, l. 12: faith … accounted to Abraham for righteousnesse—Rom. 4: 19–22. Abraham believed God's promise that despite their great age he and Sarah would have a child; Sarah's laughter occurs in Gen. 18: 10–15.
Page 182, ll. 13–14: an Image of Natarall Reason—as Geneva indicates in its marginal note: 'For she rather had respect to the ordre of nature, then beleued the promes of God'.
ll. 16–17: mans mind suffereth from sence—depends upon unreliable sense impressions.
ll. 21 ff.: sacred Theologie … grounded onely vpon the word & oracle of God, and not vpon the light of nature—for a summary of Bacon's personal beliefs, see CF (SEH, VII, pp. 219–26) and detailed commentary by Vickers (1996), pp. 560–5. Bacon separates revealed theology from the investigations of natural philosophy for their mutual benefit; see above, 2F3r (p. 79, ll. 21–4), wherein he scores the 'extreame preiudice, which both Religion and Philosophie hath receiued, and may receiue by beeing commixed togither; as that which vndoubtedly will make an Hereticall Religion; and an Imaginatie and fabulous Philosophie'. For the orthodoxy of this separation see Paul H. Kocher, Science and Religion in Elizabethan England, The Huntington Library: San Marino, 1953, pp. 26–8.
l. 23: Cœli enarrant gloriam Dei—'The heavens declare the glory of God'. Ps. 19: 1 (Vulgate, 18: 2).
l. 24: Cœli … voluntatem Dei—'The heavens declare the will of God'.
ll. 24–5: Ad legem … istud & c.—'To the law and to the testimony, if they do not according to this word, etc.' Isa. 8: 20 (recasting Vulgate, 'non dixerint juxta verbum hoc', 'speake not according to this worde').
ll. 28–30: Loue … Vniust—Matt. 5: 44–5.
l. 30: Nec vox hominem sonat—'Nor has thy voice a human sound'. Virgil, Aeneid, i. 328. (Aeneas of Venus) (Ellis).
Page 182, ll. 33–4: Et quod … negant—'And what nature allows, envious laws negate'. Ovid, Met. x. 330 (Markby).
Page 182, ll. 34–5: Dendamis the Indian vnto Alexanders Messengers—Plutarch, Lives, 'Life of Alexander the Great', 3O5v: 'For he [Dandamis] hauing learned what manner of men Socrates, Pythagoras, and Diogenes, were, said: that they seemed to haue bene wise men, and well borne, notwithstanding that they had reuerenced the law too much in their life time'.
Page 183, l. 3: the light of Nature—reason unaided.
l. 10: sparkle of the puritie of his first Estate—retaining a vestige of Adam's prelapsarian moral sense (LeDœuff, citing Vulgate).
l. 18: our reasonable service of God—Rom. 12: 1, 'give up your bodies a living sacrifice, holie, acceptable unto God, which is your reasonable serving of God'.
Page 183, l. 19: the oulde Lawe—delineated in the Old Testament.
ll. 27–8: Religion of Mahumet … interdicteth argument altogether— Muhammad (570?–632) was founder and chief prophet of Islam, which enjoins believers to strict submission to the will of Allah (Arabic islam = submission to God).
l. 29: Imposture—the context suggests 'imposing upon, imposition'; OED, 1, however, limits the sense to 'willful deception', a slur Bacon may intend.
l. 30: with difference—i.e. discriminates, depending upon the issue in question.
l. 31: vse of Humane Reason in Religion—cf. Richard Hooker, Of the lawes of ecclesiastical politie (1594–7), iii. 8–9, e.g.: 'In vaine it were to speake anything of God, but that by reason men are somewhat to iudge of that they heare, & by discourse to discerne how consonant it is to truth. Scripture indeed teacheth things aboue nature, things which our reason by it selfe could not reach vnto. Yet those things also we belieue, knowing by reason that the scripture is the word of God' (N1v).
l. 35: by way of Illustration—i.e. providing a readily understandable example.
l. 38: grifte—graft; this spelling occurs in Bacon's 1608 holograph notebook, 'to consyder what opynions are fitt to nourish … and so to grift the new vpon the old', CS, fo. 15r (LL, IV, p. 65).
Page 184, ll. 8–9: by a Medium or Sillogisme—indirectly, by deduction.
l. 13: Posita—positive, settled.
l. 13: Placita—arbitrary, absolute.
ll. 15–16: ad placitum—'as it pleases' the rule-maker; not open to question.
l. 19: Placita Iuris—'decrees of law'.
Page 184, l. 23: Placets—'sanctions; approval' (literally, 'it pleases'; from the formula for registering a positive vote in assembly).
ll. 24–8: [marginal note] De vsu … diuinis—'Of the legitimate use of human reason in divine matters.' In DAS, 3Q2v–3Q3r (SEH, VII, 833), he calls for a careful, temperate treatise setting down guidelines for the use of human reason in theology: 'Tractatus instituatur Sobrius & Diligens, qui de Vsu Rationis pg 358Humanæ in Theologicis vtilitèr præcipiat, tanquàm Diuina quædam Dialectica. … & Sophronem, siue de Legitimo vsu Rationis Humana in Diuinis nominamus''.
l. 32: Quomodo … senex—'How can a man be born when he be old?' John 3: 45 ('potest', Vulgate). Nicodemus is reacting to the notion that one must be reborn to enter heaven.
ll. 34–5: Quid … videbitis me &c.—'What is this that he said to us? a little while and you shall not see me, and again a little while and you shall see me, etc.' John 16: 17 (Vulgate).
ll. 39–40: furie of controuersies—Bacon confronts the virulence of the Marprelate pamphlet war in ACE, fos. 5v–6r, seeking to 'leave the overweening and turbulent humors of these times and revive the blessed proceeding of the Apostles, and Fathers of the Primitive Church, which was in the like and greater cases, not to enter into assertions and positions, but to deliver Counsells and Advises'(LL, I, p. 75)—'a genuinely detached, truly irenical critique' according to Patrick Collinson; see the substantial essay on this work in Vickers, pp. 494–501.
Page 185, l. 4: great Doctor of the Gentiles—St. Paul.
l. 5: Ego, non Dominus—'I, not the Lord'. 1 Cor. 7: 12 (Vulgate). St Paul's distinction prefaces his strictures upon marriage with a non-Christian. Geneva comments: 'In asmuche as there was nothing expresly spoken hereof in the Law, or Prophetes: or els he spake this moued by the Spirit of God'.
l. 5: Secundum consilium meum—'in my judgement'. 1 Cor. 7: 40 (Vulgate); his statement continues, 'and I thinke that I have also the Spirit of God'.
l. 7: Non Ego, sed Dominus—'not I, but the Lord'. 1 Cor. 7: 10 (Vulgate).