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56–57. The Dictatorship of P. Cornelius

56. 2. C. Iulius: 61. 1, Sp.f. Vopisci n., according to the Capitoline Fasti. His father is unknown but must have been a brother of the consul of 430 (30. 1 n.).

P. Cornelius Cossus: A.f. M.n., to distinguish him from the consular tribune of 415 (49. 1 n.); there is no iteration here. A brother of the consular tribune of 414 (49. 7 n.). His father was the celebrated winner of the spolia opima and his grandfather the Decemvir, M. Cornelius Maluginensis. The identity of the dictator P. Cornelius (M.f. L.n. Rutilus Cossus, according to the Fasti) is perplexing (57. 6, 58. 6). The filiation suggests that his grandfather was L. Cornelius Maluginensis, consul in 459 (3. 22. 1) and brother of the Decemvir. He will, therefore, be a second cousin both of his namesake the consul of the present year (408) and of the consul of 415 (49. 1). Such proliferation is bewildering and only theoretically possible. The filiations given by the Fasti are largely the work of inspired antiquarianism and rest on no contemporary documentation. Historically it is likely that there were in this period three Cornelii Cossi, and three only: (1) P. Cornelius Cossus (consular tribune in 415 = 49. 1, 408 = 56. 2, 406 = 58. 6, and 404 = 61. 4; dictator in 408 = 57. 6); (2) Cn. Cornelius Cossus (consular tribune in 414 = 49. 7, 406 = 58. 6, 404 = 61. 4, and 401 = 5. 10. 1); (3) A. (or M.) Cornelius Cossus (consul in 413 = 51. 1). They will have been the three sons of the winner of the spolia opima. See also 61. 4 n.

C. Servilius Ahala: 57. 12, 5. 8. 1, P.f. Q.n., a nephew of the consul of 427 (30. 12) by an unknown father.

56. 3. intermiscendo: 'contaminating the worthy by mixing in the unworthy'. For the depreciatory, possibly colloquial, force of the verb pg 618cf. Virgil, Ecl. 10. 4–5; Horace, Satires 1. 10. 29 f. with Fraenkel, Horace, 135.

56. 4. Verrugine: 'at Verrugo', locative as 58. 3.

cum impulisset: 'when, whatever the cause was, whether retention of Carventum or the loss of Verrugo, had driven them to anger or hope'. The archetype reading is feasible, but compello is better than impello = 'drive one to an emotion' (see, however, Cicero, Catil. 2. 20; Horace, A.P. 109) and the construction so involved that Perizonius's simple compulisset (accepted by Jac. Gronovius and Bekker) is a great improvement. Cf. 5. 9. 1.

56. 5. caput rerum: 'the Antiates were the centre of the trouble'. There had been trouble at Antium in 459 (3. 23. 1–7) after which silence descends on the place, but Roman control was never secure. In 406 (59. 1 ff.) successive expeditions had to be sent to counter Volscian encroachment in the area and in the fourth century fresh disturbances led ultimately to a citizen colony being established there after a decisive victory in the Latin War (338). With evidence for Volscian pressure on southern Latium during the last ten years of the fifth century, the reported revolt of Antium in 408 might seem logical and timely. But the geography is much awry. The fate of Verrugo or Carventum could be of no interest to the Antiates. Nor is it easy to see how a victory at Antium could be followed by the storming of a fort by the Fucine lake (see map). The battle for Verrugo and Carventum was a battle for control of the Via Latina and the approaches to Latium from the east. It was only when the Volscians were balked in that region that they tried in 406 to outflank Latium by forcing an entry into the coastal plain near Antium and rolling up the Latins and Romans from the south. Antium and the Antiates must be a mistake by L.'s source for Antinum (mod. Cività? d'Antino), a small town in the upper Liris valley, five miles from the Fucine lake, mentioned by Pliny (N.H. 3. 106) whose Volscian associations are confirmed by a small inscription in Volscian (c. 150 b.c.) found there (Conway, Italic Dialects, no. 253; Hülsen, R.E., 'Antinum'). L. abandons Licinius Macer hereabouts as is clear from the contradictions between 58. 1 and 35. 2 (n.), and between 48. 3 where the patricians' wealth is alleged to consist solely in land and 60. 6 where they produce aes grave on wagons. The exact place where the change occurs may be indicated by L.'s consultation of different authors in 55. 8. If so, then the source for the revolt of 'Antinum' will be Valerius Antias. Local patriotism demanded that Antium should figure largely in his history but the material was scanty. It is hardly surprising that he should supplement it by usurping the history of Antium as well, particularly when the last victor of Antium was also a Cornelius (L. Cornelius Maluginensis, the consul of 459). The connexion of the Cornelii with pg 619Antium was long-lived. After the rape of the city by Marius in 87 (Livy, Epit. 80), the colony was nursed back to prosperity by L. Cornelius Sulla.

56. 6. divisa: divis Ver., who omits final a also at 3. 7. 8 (public), 4. 2. 9 (ali), 5. 31. 6 (qui), and so affords no support for divisui (Gronovius, Mommsen, Madvig). For divisa habere cf. the numerous passages collected in Thes. Ling. Lat. s.v. habere, col. 2426, 28–45.

56. 10. in auctoritate: 26. 7 n.

56. 11. nihil esse iniis auxilii: so N and Ver. (hiis). After auxilii nihil esse, in with the abl. denotes the helper (26. 16. 53, 40. 40. 4, 31. 5. 6) while the simple dat. denotes the party who is helped (21. 34. 8): for both together cf. 37. 1. 10. On the other hand the dat. with numero essent must be the person in whose estimation someone is judged (cf. Cicero, Div. in Caec. 62; Phil. 2. 71, 13. 11). As the text stands, therefore, the tribunes, who have been asked for help by the leading senators, are made to state that no help can be forthcoming from those who judge them (the tribunes) to be beneath the level of men and citizens. But they must be retorting to the patricians that there can be no help for those who hold such a low opinion of the tribunes. It is necessary therefore either to delete in (Welz), or to emend quibus to qui (Drakenborch, Alschefski, Bayet) or to insert se = esse in se iis (Orsini, Madvig, Weissenborn), in se esse iis (Dietsch). The first solution is the simplest, the third provides the better emphasis. For the corruption cf. 2. 6. 2 n. The sentiment non civium, non hominum numero intentionally echoes 4. 12 (Canuleius' speech), as 54. 7 harks back to 5. 14. L. adapts a technique of ring-composition, familiar from Greek Tragedy where an episode, section, or argument is closed by a recollection of the opening line (cf. Aeschylus, Agamemnon 1–20, 184–205, 1184–96, 1580–1611 with Fraenkel's notes; Theocritus 7. 52–61; see Gow, C.R. 56 (1942), 111). The reader is thus led to expect that the end of the book is in sight.

56. 12. tum se: se is omitted by Ver., as often elsewhere (3. 51. 13).

56. 13. verecundia: Ver. reads ..ị….. verecundia perse potestatemquae tribuniciam. The leading senators, in despair that the consular tribunes have brought about a state of affairs bordering upon anarchy, have asked the tribunes of the plebs to help restore order. The latter are only prepared to do so on conditions—unacceptable conditions, the opening of all magistracies and offices to every citizen without discrimination of rank or class. In the meantime, until they consented to those conditions, the patricians would have to wield the tribunicia potestas by themselves, if they wanted to get any help from the tribunes. They displayed no respect for the laws; they might as well turn tribunes as well. Such must be the gist of the tribunes' impertinence; the text, however, is very doubtful. Conway's reconstruction in the pg 620O.C.T. reflects his belief that H was the best manuscript and does not give a good sense. The immediate difficulty is the position of quoque. As it stands in N, it must be taken with per se, whereas it really qualifies tribunicia potestas. So far from offering help, the tribunes may be expected to do everything in their power to promote anarchy. If the patricians are to achieve anything they will have to take the tribunate as well. There is no certain case in L. of quoque preceding the word it qualifies (3. 65. 6 n.). However, Ver.'s potestatemquae tribuniciam hints at potestatem quoque tribuniciam. A fault in the common archetype of Ver. and N displaced potestatem in N and reduced quoque to -quae in Ver.

A subsidiary problem is the vestigial word before verecundia in Ver. Re-examination of the palimpsest leaves no doubt that the visible letters are..i ….. Mommsen discerned via .…but the third not the second letter is i and his vi atque is ruled out by the non-occurrence of atque before v in L. The only word that fits the traces as they are now visible is pristina. viverent is out of the question.

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