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pg 140Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus17 (15)

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That which constituted the crowning glory of your fame, Meleager, what a small proportion it is of Carpophorus' renown: the laying low of a boar! He also plunged his spear into a charging bear, a beast without peer in the region of the Arctic clime, and he laid low a lion of unheard-of size, a sight to behold that would have done credit to the hands of Hercules, and he sent a fleet-footed panther sprawling by wounding it from a distance [ … ] while as a reward he carried off praise, but this hero of ours a cup.

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Critical Apparatus
Tit. De Carpophoro qui pariter inmissos aprum ursum leonem pardum confecit T: De Meleagro K
Editor’s Note
Introduction: This epigram, like Spect. 32, is devoted to the exploits of the bestiarius Carpophorus. He is also mentioned by name at Spect. 26. 7–8, although the authenticity of those lines is in doubt (see ad loc.). With Myrinus and Triumphus (Spect. 23) and Priscus and Verus (Spect. 31) Carpophorus is one of the few named 'stars' in this collection. Our Carpophorus (PIR2 C 444) is to be distinguished from the comoedus of the same name at Juv. 6. 199 (PIR2 C 445). The name is attested quite widely on inscriptions in Italy, and occasionally in the western provinces. Spellings attest considerable confusion between the aspirated and unaspirated forms of the letter p in rendering the π‎ and φ‎ in the original Greek name: see TLL Onomasticon, ii. 207. 58–64 (Reisch). Καρποφόρος‎ is one of many names compounded with Καρπ- that are popular in the Greek world under the Roman Empire.1 Of particular interest is a stele from the amphitheatre at Ptolemaïs in Cyrenaica commemorating a Samnite gladiator, originally called Carpophorus, who took the stage-name Hippomedon: cf. Robert (1940), no. 68 'Ιππομέδων ὁ πρεὶν‎ | Καρποφόρο(ς) πυ(γμῶν) θʹ‎.2 It seems likely that the metaphorical meaning of καρποφορέω‎ ('to bear fruit' in a moral sense: for Judaeo-Christian usages see LSJ and Arndt–Gingrich) inspired Martial to cast his compliments both here and at Spect. 32 in the form of an aretalogy.
Previous epigrams in the Liber spectaculorum describing individual exploits in the arena have focused either upon criminals in mythological roles or upon animals. Yet even in our epigram, which features neither type of protagonist, the romance of mythology and the exotic atmosphere of the wild predominate: an apostrophe to Meleager is the catalyst for a catalogue comparing Carpophorus' record in the arena with the exploits of mythological hunters. Spect. 32 is built upon a similar comparison, but from a different perspective: in our epigram Carpophorus' achievements are said to surpass those of mythological heroes; at Spect. 32 Martial claims that if Carpophorus had lived in ages past he would have performed on his own the exploits attributed to a range of heroes in mythology. On this type of 'Motiv-Variation' see Weinreich (1928: 36–8). For the 'synkrisis' type of epigram, in which the first sentence establishes the superiority of the present over the past, cf. Mart. 8. 26. 1–3 'non tot in Eois timuit Gangeticus aruis ا raptor … | quot tua Roma nouas uidit, Germanice, tigres', Siedschlag (1977: 61). In our epigram, the corresponding element is the Calydonian boar ('fusus aper', 2), upon which Meleager's entire reputation rested, whereas the vanquishing of a boar is only one aspect of Carpophorus' achievement.
A similar comparison is employed at Epigr. 5. 65, in which Domitian's programme of fights between bestiarii and wild animals in the arena is said to surpass the Labours of Hercules. Hence an allusion to Carpophorus has been seen in l. 12 of that poem, 'est tibi qui possit uincere Geryonen', and Carpophorus' career accordingly ascribed to the reign of Domitian.3 Since, however, there is very little evidence for the careers and survival-rates of bestiarii (see Spect. 32. 12 n.), it seems rash to assume that a bestiarius who was (perhaps) celebrated in 89, when Book 5 was published (see Table 2), could not have begun his career almost a decade earlier under Titus. Indeed, a medieval scholion specifically ascribing Carpophorus to Titus' reign was revealed when Anspach (1913: 3042) reported a hitherto unknown eleventh- or twelfth-century manuscript of Isidore's Etymologiae (Rome, Biblioteca Vallicelliana, A 18).4 This manuscript contains scholia taken mainly from Festus, the elder Pliny, and Solinus, but also occasionally such sources as Virgil, Ovid's Amores, and Martial.5 On fo. 120r, at Etym. 18. 51 De secutoribus, the scholiast paraphrases the tally of Carpophorus' victims from our epigram: 'Martialis quidam iuuenis carpoforus nomine temporibus titi xx ursos in spectaculo contrase (sic) simul dimissos interfecit Idem aduersus leonem, pardum et tigrin aprumque pariter dimicauit.'6 The scholiast's reference to a fifth species (the tiger) apparently refers to a fuller version of our epigram than survives today, unless he simply mixed up two species: see on l. 2, below.
This scholion may derive from a text of Martial in the possession of a certain Bishop Graus(o) of Ceneda in the Veneto (fl. c.1000), to whom the manuscript (or, more likely on palaeographical grounds, its exemplar) is attributed in a subscription; if so, the bishop's copy must have belonged to one of the other two branches of Martial's tripartite manuscript tradition (see General Introduction, Section 2).7 We cannot, unfortunately, know on what grounds the scholiast, or his ultimate source, associated Carpophorus with the reign of Titus. So this gloss does nothing more than indicate that someone in—probably—the tenth or eleventh century associated one of the protagonists of the Liber spectaculorum with his reign. But Titus ruled so briefly that one might assume Carpophorus to have survived at least into the early years of his successor's reign; in that case an association with Domitian would seem more obvious, so that the scholiast must have had some grounds for associating Carpophorus with Titus instead. Without further evidence, however, the question must remain open.
For the possibility that the decoration of the Templum Divi Vespasiani commemorated the exploits of Carpophorus, and of the rhinoceros celebrated at Spect. 11 and 26, see Spect. 11, Introduction.
Detailed discussion: Rodríguez Almeida (1994: 197–203)
Editor’s Note
1 LGPN cites four examples of Καρποφόρος‎ from the Aegean islands (vol. i), six from Attica (vol. ii), one from Corinth and three (in Latin) from south Italy (vol. iiiA); none from central Greece (vol. iiiB), but three from Macedonia and one from Scythia Minor (vol. iv).
Editor’s Note
2 For the adoption of a stage-name see Robert (1940: 297).
Editor’s Note
3 Dau (1887: 32).
Editor’s Note
4 Probably originally the property of the Abbey of S. Eutizio near Norcia in south-east Umbria, whose inventory (Biblioteca Vallicelliana, T 1) includes 'liber ethimologiae sancti Ysidori iunioris yspaniensis': see Pirri (1960: 348, 352–3).
Editor’s Note
5 At Lindsay's prompting, the scholia were published in full by Whatmough (1925–6).
Editor’s Note
6 I am very grateful to Leofranc Holford-Strevens for checking this manuscript and its accompanying card-index on my behalf.
Editor’s Note
7 Whatmough (1925–6: 58–9, 66), attributing the suggestion to personal communication from W. M. Lindsay. The scholion seems unlikely to derive from a version of the α‎ tradition older than the surviving witnesses, all of which are identically mutilated in their transmission of this epigram.
Critical Apparatus
1 tuae Bonon.: tua T Vindob. 3: tyre W famae Bonon. Vindob. 3: fames W: sume T
Editor’s Note
1. gloria famae: pleonastic expressions are common with gloria: cf. Spect. 32. 11 'laudis … gloria', Cic. Fam. 2. 4. 2 'quarum laudum gloriam adamaris, quibus artibus eae laudes comparantur, in iis esse laborandum', TLL vi/2. 2075. 70–83 (Knoche).
Critical Apparatus
2 quanta est ς‎: quantum est TK: quantula ed. Aldina: tanta est Lindsay in app.: quinta est Lindsay (1916)
Editor’s Note
2. quanta est … portio: portio est with a predicative adjective denoting size expresses a significant proportion of a whole: cf. Sen. Ben. 2. 6. 1 'in omni negotio … non minima portio est, quomodo quidque aut dicatur aut fiat', Plin. NH 14. 1 (of trees) 'noscentes tantum meminerint naturas earum a nobis interim dici, non culturas, quamquam et colendi maxima in natura portio est', TLL x/2. 34. 33–45 (Plepelits). Here quanta = quantula: cf. Manil. 4. 400–1 'annua solliciti consument uota coloni, | et quantae mercedis erunt fallacia rura!'
Lindsay's tentative conjecture quinta (1916: 114 n. 1) for the quantum of the manuscripts was prompted by the discovery of the scholion to Isidore quoted in the Introduction above. As an analogy he pointed to Mart. 7. 93. 7, where the γ‎ family of manuscripts has quanto instead of Quinto. If we accept that there is a lacuna of at least two lines—or preferably four—after l. 7 (see on 8, below), there would be room in it for Carpophorus to vanquish a tiger. Even so, there seems no need to adopt Lindsay's quinta, because quanta, printed in the early editions, is a perfectly appropriate word contributing a suitably exclamatory tone. Since, however, the scholiast does not associate the despatch of a bear with Carpophorus' feat against the combined forces of the leo, pardus, tigris, and aper, tigrin might be his accidental substitution for the ursus in Martial's list; if so, Carpophorus' achievement in felling the boar will be illustrated by a classic tripartite exemplum of ursus, leo, and pardus: see Carratello (1965b: 315).
Editor’s Note
fusus aper: ab urbe condita construction.
Editor’s Note
3. praecipiti … urso: praeceps, properly 'head first' (see Spect. 13. 1 n.), is used in a secondary sense to describe the posture of people or animals in great haste, goaded by aggression or fear: cf. Decl. in Catil. 40 'si feras equidem omnis generis, quo magis attenuatae fuerint penuria edendi, eo magis praecipites atque effrenatas ruere in perniciem uidemus', TLL x/2. 413. 68–414. 26 (Adkin). Here, and at Spect. 26. 11, it is used of animals charging straight towards an armed human adversary and, therefore, almost certain death.
Editor’s Note
uenabula: poetic plural, particularly common in dactylic metres for employing neuter nouns of cretic formation: see Janssen (1980: 85), Leumann (1959: 145 = 1980: 157–8). This usage was perhaps assisted by a residual awareness of the collective sense of the neuter plural: Janssen (1980: 103–4).
Critical Apparatus
4 axe Scaliger: arce TW Bonon.: arte Vindob. 3
Critical Apparatus
poli TW Bonon.: pali Vindob. 3
Editor’s Note
4. primus in Arctoi qui fuit axe poli: primus esse = 'to be top': cf. Ter. Eun. 90 'sum apud te primus', Rhet. Her. 4. 19 'C. Laelius homo nouus erat, ingeniosus erat, doctus erat, bonis uiris et studiis amicus erat: ergo in ciuitate primus erat', Cic. Brut. 151 (Servius Sulpicius, excelling in jurisprudence rather than oratory) 'uidetur mihi in secunda arte primus esse maluisse, quam in prima secundus', TLL x/2. 1353. 46–51 (Kruse).
Martial wittily describes the north, the region over which the Bear rules, by an adjective that evokes bears (Greek ἄρκτος‎). Arctous = ἀρκτῷος‎, 'northern', first (or next) found in [Sen.] HO 1107–9 'arctous polus obruet | quidquid subiacet axibus | et siccus Boreas ferit', occurs only in poetry and in late prose authors.
Are we to retain arce or emend to axe with Scaliger? By any reckoning, arce poli is very obscure. Shackleton Bailey translates 'once prime in the peak of the Arctic pole', and interprets this as a reference to the concept that the North Pole lay directly overhead (n. in the Loeb edition, citing Virg. G. 1. 240–5). Elsewhere, however, the expression arce poli refers to Jupiter's dwelling-place in the heavens: cf. Claud. 8 (= IV cos. Honorii). 197–8 'talis ab Idaeis primaeuus Iuppiter antris | possessi stetit arce poli', Avian. 22. 1–2 'Iuppiter ambiguas hominum praediscere mentes | ad terras Phoebum misit ab arce poli', TLL ii. 742. 72–4 (Kempf). The expression primus in + abl. would seem to require reference to a region in which the subject could be said to reign supreme. axis in the sense 'region of the heavens' is commonly accompanied by an adjective denoting a compass-direction. This is a common formulation in Ovid: cf. Met. 4. 214 'axe sub Hesperio sunt pascua Solis equorum', Tr. 4. 8. 41 'uita procul patria peragenda sub axe Boreo'. It seems likely that Martial here has inflated the expression by a type of hendiadys. arx being a more common word than axis, the corruption from axe to arce would be almost inevitable.
Critical Apparatus
5 spectandum K: spectando T
Editor’s Note
5. ignota spectandum mole leonem: the juxtaposition of ignota and spectandum glosses the panegyric topos 'seeing is believing'.
moles describes the physique of giants and monsters: cf. Virg. A. 3. 656 'uasta se mole mouentem pastorem Polyphemum', Ov. Met. 9. 197 (Hercules, boasting of having strangled the Nemean lion) 'his elisa iacet moles Nemeaea lacertis', Curt. 8. 13. 10 'ingentes uastorum corporum moles', TLL viii. 1344. 55–1345. 13 (Lumpe).
Editor’s Note
6. Herculeas … manus: since the beast was invulnerable to other forms of assault, Hercules had to strangle the Nemean lion with his bare hands: see RE Suppl. iii. 1029–30 s.v. Herakles VII. Sagen B. Dienst bei Eurystheus. 1. Der nemeische Löwe (Gruppe). Hence the dominant iconographic formats for this Labour depict 'hands-on' tactics, although in Greece in the early classical period alternative schemes develop that show Herakles employing weapons (chiefly his club): see the commentary at LIMC v/1. 30–4 s.v. Herakles (Wassiliki Felten), with Roman representations at 28–30, nos. 1926–71. For the adjectival expression cf. Spect. 8. 2 'nobilis Herculeum Fama canebat … opus', n.
Critical Apparatus
7 uulnere K: uulnero T
Critical Apparatus
pardum TW: pardus Bonon. Vindob. 3
Critical Apparatus
lac. indic. Heraeus (1925), negavit Birt
Editor’s Note
7. uolucrem … pardum: pardus (πάρδος‎) is used indiscriminately to designate spotted felines, i.e. leopard, cheetah, serval, caracal, and lynx. panthera (derived from πάνθηρ‎), which does not occur in Martial, appears to be as flexible as pardus. The specific term leopardus is first attested at Pass. Perpet. 11. Pliny rejects an attempt to distinguish pardus from panthera on the basis of the backgound colour of the fur: NH 8. 63 'quidam ab eis [sc. pardis] pantheras candore solo discernunt, nec adhuc aliam differentiam inueni.' The fastest of the felines is known to be the cheetah, but in Antiquity the big cats in general were famous for their speed: cf. Luc. 6. 183 'per summa rapit celerem uenabula pardum'. Hence there is no need to suppose that a large feline described as uolucris/celer must have been a cheetah: see TLL x/1. 349–50 (Gatti), RE xviii/2b. 747–67 s.v. Panther. Literarische Überlieferung (Friedrich Wotke), Keller (1909: 62–4), Toynbee (1973: 82). For pictorial representations in Antiquity see RE xviii/2b. 767–76 s.v. Panther. Bildliche Überlieferung (Helga Jereb), Toynbee (1973: 82–6).
The pardus here is the third animal in the list of prey previously vanquished by Carpophorus, but, unlike the bear and the lion, it is not qualified by a mythological pedigree. Following Heraeus, who was the first to suspect a lacuna (see further on 8, below), Weinreich (1928: 37) identified Bacchus as a suitable candidate, his triumphal car pulled by felines. Although Bacchus' draught-animals are often said to be tigers (cf. 8. 26. 7–8 'nam cum captiuos ageret sub curribus Indos, | contentus gemina tigride Bacchus erat'), panthers are also named: see RE xviii/2b. 751–2. In Hellenistic art panthers are frequently depicted as the companions of Dionysus, and Roman artists customarily associate them with Bacchus and his followers: see RE xviii/2b. 771, 773–4.
Critical Apparatus
8 laudem ferret, at hic pateram Heraeus (1925): laudem (laude Bonon. Vindob. 3) ferre (ferret K) adhuc poteram TK: laudis ferret adhuc pateram (poterat ed. Veneta 1493) ς‎: tandem ferret, adhuc poterat Schneidewin: laudem fert et adhuc pateram Birt: laudum ferret adhuc pateram Carratello (1981a)
Editor’s Note
8. praemia cum laudem ferret, at hic pateram: this line as variously transmitted (see app. crit.) is corrupt on three counts: (i) it makes no sense in the context; (ii) it contains an intrusive reference to the first person (poteram); (iii) it is unmetrical. Earlier conjectures involved attempts to make this line cohere with the previous one. Heraeus (1925: ad loc.) postulated a lacuna after l. 7. This suggestion has not been universally accepted: e.g. Della Corte (1986) prints Schneidewin's conjecture, and Birt (1930: 305–6) expressly denies any suspicion of a lacuna, changing ferre to fert et and arguing that adhuc here = insuper (i.e. Carpophorus won praise and, in addition, a patera).
Nevertheless, the case for a lacuna is strong. The sentiment required is that a victor in the emperor's games was more amply rewarded than the heroes of mythology. As the exploits involving the bear and the lion occupy a couplet each, and a trio of exempla is customary, closure could be effected in a single couplet (hexameter + l. 8) after the completion of the couplet describing the pardus (l. 7+pentameter); a single closing couplet would balance the opening couplet apostrophizing Meleager, with three intervening couplets containing a trio of exempla.8 A lacuna consisting of four lines, however, remains a possibility, especially if it hides another animal vanquished by Carpophorus, the tiger mentioned by the scholiast to Isidore, to whom an entire couplet could then be devoted: see on 2 'quanta est … portio', above.
Postulating a lacuna, however, is not sufficient to remove all the problems. The metrical difficulty would be solved by adopting K's ferret. Of the emendations proposed for poteram, the substitution of a verb in the third person (poterat/poterant) would not contribute a pointed closure; nor would corruption to a form in the first person be easy to explain in an epigram in which all the other verbs are in the third person. Hence Heraeus, arguing that adhuc poteram should hide a combination of adversative particle, nominative pronoun, and first-declension accusative to contrast with laudem, picked up the humanist conjecture pateram and suggested at hic pateram. This is a neat solution, and it accords with Martial's habit of closing an epigram with a contrasting balance between two elements that have been juxtaposed—explicitly or implicitly—in the course of the poem (cf. Spect. 2. 12).
What evidence is there that pateram could fit the context? A patera, the equivalent of the Greek φιάλη‎ (a shallow, saucer-shaped dish), was primarily a cultic vessel used for libations in honour of the gods. It is frequently represented on one side of a funerary altar, balanced by an urceus on the other. It was usually made of precious metal, often highly ornamented, and was so costly and impressive as to be considered suitable for an ambassadorial gift: see Hilgers (1969: 71–2, 242–5 = no. 282), TLL x/1. 692–4 (Gatti). It was also used as a drinking-vessel, especially for wine, and it could be awarded as a prize in a drinking-contest. Although a patera is nowhere attested as a reward for gladiatorial combat, another type of precious tableware (lanx) was awarded for success in the arena, together with the money-bags that were displayed upon it: see on Spect. 31. 6 'lances donaque'. Lanx and patera are cited as objects of equivalent worth: cf. Dig. 16. 3. 1. 40 'scyphum … uel lancem uel pateram'.
Pl. 24. Impression from inscribed mould found at Salona, depicting palm-fronds flanking a thraex (left) and a murmillo (right). Archaeological Museum, Split

Pl. 24. Impression from inscribed mould found at Salona, depicting palm-fronds flanking a thraex (left) and a murmillo (right). Archaeological Museum, Split

A mould found in the necropolis at Salona in 1884 may offer a further analogy: see Pl. 24. It displays, in mirror-image, the inscription Miscenius | Ampliatus | facit | Salonas, with a thraex (left) and a murmillo (right); behind each gladiator a palm-frond stands upright. With dimensions of 27 cm × 21 cm (21.8 × 11.5 for the inscribed field) this mould is too large to have been used for manufacturing 'tessères d'invitation', as supposed by Colin (1954: 56–7); rather, it may have been used to mould the base of glass bottles which, along with their contents, would be awarded to victorious gladiators as prizes: see Buljević (2004). Hence it seems legitimate to conclude that a patera (including, perhaps, its contents) may plausibly have been offered as a costly prize.
Editor’s Note
8 That would result in an epigram of five couplets, which is unprecedented in Spect., but this is probably a coincidence without significance; and in any case we possess only a portion of the original collection (see General Introduction, Section 5), and therefore cannot be sure how long the rest of the epigrams were.
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