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31.

1–7. The Roman reply and the Campanian deditio

31. 1. etsi magnae parti urbs maxima opulentissimaque Italiae, uberrimus ager marique propinquus ad uarietates annonae horreum populi Romani fore uidebatur: Campania is blessed with a particularly malleable volcanic soil, known to the Romans as terra pulla and mentioned quite often in Latin literature (see e.g. Cato, agr. 135. 2, Varr. rust. i. 20. 4, Verg. georg. ii. 224–5, Hor. serm. ii. 8. 55–6, and Col. ii. 10. 18). This, together with the very hospitable climate, led to almost proverbial fertility and to multiple harvests each year; see esp. Stb. 4. 3 (C 242–3) ἱστορεῖται δ̓ ἔνια τῶν πεδίων σπείρεσθαι δι‎ʼ ἔτους δὶς μὲν ζειᾷ, τὸ δὲ τρίτον ἐλύμῳ, τινὰ δὲ καὶ λαχανεύεσθαι τῷ τετάρτῳ σπόρῳ‎, Plin. nat. xviii. 111 'seritur toto anno, panico semel, bis farre; et tamen uere segetes quae interquieuere fundunt rosam odoratiorem satiua, adeo terra non cessat parere; unde uolgo dictum plus apud Campanos unguenti quam apud ceteros olei fieri', and Flor. i. 11(16). 3 'omnium non modo Italiae, sed toto orbe terrarum pulcherrima Campaniae plaga est. nihil mollius caelo: denique bis floribus uernat. nihil uberius solo: ideo Liberi Cererisque certamen dicitur'; also 30. 6, 38. 6, and Auson. xxiv. 46. In particular, Campanian wheat and spelt were celebrated (Varr. rust. i. 2. 6, Plin. nat. iii. 60, xviii. 111 [quoted above]), and the area was the most substantial producer of grain in peninsular Italy; see e.g. Plb. vii. 1. 1, Cic. agr. ii. 80 'unumne fundum pulcherrimum populi Romani, caput uestrae pecuniae, pacis ornamentum, subsidium belli, fundamentum pg 303uectigalium, horreum legionum, solacium annonae disperire patiemini?', 89, and Sil. xi. 266. Campania being also a notable producer of wine, we read of a contest between Bacchus and Ceres; see Plin. nat. iii. 60 'summum Liberi patris cum Cerere certamen' and Flor. loc. cit. L.'s expression ad uarietates annonae horreum populi Romani may well be influenced by earlier Romans going to Campania or Cumae in search of corn; see e.g. ii. 9. 6, 34. 3–4, 52. 1, iv. 25. 4, and D.H. xii. 1. 9.

See further 29. 5 n., Beloch (1890) 334–8, Hülsen, RE iii. 1435–6, Walbank on Plb. vii. 1. 1, Rickman (1980) 102–4, Frederiksen (1984) 158–173, Garnsey (1988a) 50, 168–71 and 189–90.

2. amicitia ac societas: picked up by § 2 'socios atque amicos' at the end of the speech; L. makes the Romans very conscious of the prior claim on their friendship. For the terms, see 19. 4 n.

ius fasque: thus Wölfflin (1866) for N's fas iusque. Though the word-order offered by the paradosis is not in itself objectionable, it appears to be unique to this passage,1 and would be particularly surprising in L. He uses ius fasque on nine occasions, and in the other five passages where he couples the two words ius always precedes. On ius and fas see further viii. 5. 8 n.

ne qua uobis uis fiat: for uis fit with a coupling of this kind, cf. [x] iii. 5. 5, 14. 6, ix. 22. 3, and 27. 7 'ne qua eo uis fieret', xxii. 24. 5, and xl. 7. 6; also x. 43. 5 and Gell. ix. 11. 7. For the active uim facere, see e.g. xxxii. 9. 8 and xxxvii. 11. 10.

3. sic enim domo mandatum attulerant: for this kind of parenthesis in L., cf. ix. 8. 1 n. (where similar instances with placere are cited), xxxvi. 33. 6 'Antiochi milites—sic enim pacti erant— … Lysimachiam deducti sunt' and xxxvii. 36. 1 'legatus postquam nihil aequi in consilio impetrare se censebat, priuatim—sic enim imperatum erat—P. Scipionis temptare animum est conatus'. In general on parentheses in L., see vol. i, pp. 132–3.

quandoquidem: see vi. 38. 5 n.

uim atque iniuriam: uis and iniuria are regularly coupled (iniuria sometimes being found in the plural); cf. e.g. viii. 33. 4 'uim atque iniuriam dictatoris', 37. 4 'populos ab Samnitium ui atque iniuriis defensos', ix. 34. 3 'haec est eadem familia … cuius ui atque iniuriis compulsi, extorres patria Sacrum montem cepistis', x. 11. 13, 45. 5, xxvi. 25. 14, xxvii. 17. 13, xxx. 42. 5, and xxxiv. 62. 12.

iusta ui: for iustus in the context of war, see ix. 1. 10 n.

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4. itaque … dedimus: for the formula used in deditio, cf. e.g. i. 38. 2 ' "deditisne uos populumque Collatinum, urbem, agros, aquam, terminos, delubra, utensilia, diuina humanaque omnia, in meam populique Romani dicionem?" "dedimus." "at ego recipio"', ix. 9. 5 'an, si … coegissent nos uerba legitima dedentium urbes nuncupare, deditum populum Romanum uos tribuni diceretis et hanc urbem, templa, delubra, fines, aquas Samnitium esse?', xxvi. 33. 12–13 'omnes Campani … qui se dediderunt in arbitrium dicionemque populi Romani Q. Fuluio proconsuli, quosque una secum dedidere quaeque una secum dedidere agrum urbemque diuina humanaque utensiliaque siue quid aliud dediderunt, de eis rebus quid fieri uelitis rogo, Quirites', Plb. xxxvi. 4. 2 οἱ γὰρ διδόντες αὑτοὺς εἰς τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ἐπιτροπὴν διδόασι πρῶτον μὲν χώραν τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν αὐτοῖς καὶ πόλεις τὰς ἐν ταύτῃ, σὺν δὲ τούτοις ἄνδρας καὶ γυναῖκας το‎ὺς ὑπάρχοντας ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ καὶ ταῖς πόλεσιν ἅπαντας, ὁμοίως ποταμούς, λιμένας, ἱερά, τάφους, συλλήβδην ὥστε πάντων εἶναι κυρίους ̔Ρωμαίους, αὐτοὺς δὲ τοὺς διδόντας ἁπλῶς μηκέτι μηδενός‎, and Dittenberger (1915–24) ii no. 646. iv. 17–22. Note also the loose allusion at viii. 19. 12 'agros, urbem, corpora ipsorum coniugumque ac liberorum suorum in potestate populi Romani esse futuraque' and the parody at Plaut. Amph. 225–6, 258–9 'deduntque se, diuina humanaque omnia, urbem et liberos | in dicionem atque in arbitratum cuncti Thebano poplo'. deditiones were commonplace in the last two centuries bc, and the kind of words used on such occasions must have been well known. In the passages quoted L. gives a literary adaptation: there is no reason to imagine that these precise words were actually used in 343.

5. sub haec dicta: cf. e.g. xxv. 7. 1 'sub haec dicta ad genua Marcelli procubuerunt', xxvi. 16. 3, xlii. 23. 10, and also the locution sub hanc uocem (xxi. 18. 13, xxiv. 25. 7, xxix. 15. 4, and xxxv. 31. 13); sub in such contexts has the sense 'immediately after', and in L. a violent action or reaction usually follows. For the development of this usage (attested first in Cicero, e.g. Q. fr. ii. 1. 1), see further e.g. K–S i. 571, H–S 280, and Brink on Hor. epist. ii. 2. 34.

manus … tendentes … procubuerunt: L. imagines that the Campani adopted the time-honoured custom of supplication. For the gesture of out-stretched hands, cf. e.g. xxxvi. 34. 5, xliv. 42. 4 'manus ad eos qui in classe erant tendentes suppliciter uitam orabant', Cic. Font. 48 'tendit ad uos uirgo Vestalis manus supplices', Cat. iv. 18, Caes. Gall. ii. 13. 2 'omnes maiores natu ex oppido egressi manus ad Caesarem tendere et uoce significare pg 305coeperunt sese in fidem eius ac potestatem uenire', vii. 40. 6, 47. 5, and Tac. ann. ii. 29. 2; for prostration e.g. viii. 28. 7, 35. 3, xxv. 7. 1, xxix. 16. 6 'legati Locrensium obsiti squalore et sordibus in comitio sedentibus consulibus uelamenta supplicum, ramos oleae, ut Graecis mos est, porgentes ante tribunal cum flebili uociferatione humi procubuerunt', xlii. 23. 10, and xliv. 19. 6–7 'primi Alexandrini legati … uocati sunt. sordidati, barba et capillo promisso, cum ramis oleae ingressi curiam procubuerunt, et oratio quam habitus fuit miserabilior'. Beseler (1929: 414–17) and Frederiksen (1984: 187–8) argued that, since the gestures which L. records for the Campani can be paralleled so easily in similar contexts, the authenticity of this part of his narrative is thereby assured; but the rituals of supplication were well known, and it was entirely natural that L. should employ them if he wished to make a scene appear plausible. In general on supplication see Gould (1973).

in uestibulo curiae: see vi. 26. 3 n.

6. commoti patres: see vi. 26. 3 n.

uice fortunarum humanarum: observation of, and compassion at, the mutability of human fortune were commonplaces of ancient thought, used here by L. to enhance the emotional content of his narrative; no instance is more famous than the tears of Scipio Aemilianus at the fall of Carthage (see Walbank on Plb. xxxviii. 21–2).

luxuria: see 29. 5 n.

superbia: for Campanian superbia see also iv. 52. 6, ix. 6. 5, 40. 17, xxiii. 5. 1, xxv. 18. 2, Cic. leg. agr. ii. 95, red. sen. 17, Sil. xi. 33–7, 127, 281, Gell. i. 24. 2, Auson. xxiv. 60, and the passages cited at Wölfflin (1890) 341; compare also Cic. Pis. 24 and Val. Max. ix. 5. ext. 4. The reason for the prevalence of this notion at Rome is not far to seek: Capua was never forgiven for her defection after Cannae, and the Romans were jealous of the prosperity of Campania. The first Ciceronian passage is revealing: 'Campani semper superbi bonitate agrorum et fructuum magnitudine, urbis salubritate, descriptione, pulchritudine. ex hac copia atque omnium rerum adfluentia primum illa nata est adrogantia qua a maioribus nostris alterum Capua consulem postularunt, deinde ea luxuries quae ipsum Hannibalem armis etiam tum inuictum uoluptate uicit', as is Sil. xi. 33–7 'luxus et insanis nutrita ignavia lustris | consumptusque pudor peccando unisque relictus | diuitiis probrosus honor lacerabat hiantem | desidia populum ac resolutam legibus urbem. | insuper exitio truculenta superbia agebat'.

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adeo infractos gereret animos, ut: for infringere in L., cf. ii. 59. 4, viii. 39. 10 'hoc demum proelium Samnitium res ita infregit ut … ', xxxviii. 14. 9, 16. 14 'non tamen ita infregit animos eorum, ut absisterent imperio', xl. 40. 7, and xlv. 8. 7; it is thus not found between books viii and xxxviii. Only L. amongst the historians [x] couples infringere with adeo/ita and a consecutive clause. For frangere in such contexts, see ix. 39. 11 and x. 5. 12.

7. tum iam is much more vivid than tum and almost equivalent to 'now'; cf. e.g. v. 3. 1, xxvii. 14. 10, and xliv. 36. 6.

31. 8–12. Diplomacy with the Samnites

For the Roman request to the Samnites and their ferocious response, cf. x. 12. 2.

9. societate amicitiaque: see 19. 4 n.

10. populi Romani senatusque: for the inversion of the normal order s. p.-que R. cf. e.g. viii. 4. 11 and xxix. 21. 7. Such variation of standard formulae is regular in L., but this instance is found also in other writers; cf. e.g. Cic. Pis. 48 and 50, and see further K–S ii. 616.

uerbis: see vi. 17. 8 n.

11. in concilio Samnitium: L. mentions Samnite assemblies also at viii. 39. 10 (n.) and x. 12. 2, but there is little reason to think that he or his sources had authentic information about their nature. For concilium of an assembly of an Italic people, cf. also e.g. ii. 44. 8, iv. 25. 7, v. 1. 8, viii. 11. 6, ix. 45. 8, and x. 13. 3.

stantibus is puzzling, and seems to need further definition: if it is correct, we must assume that the Roman legates stood up to speak and were left standing when the Samnite magistrates rushed out. Drakenborch, who accepted the paradosis, nevertheless included the following comment in his note, 'astantibus legatis legendum esse, uir doctus ad marginem ed. Curionis conjecit'; but astare is not found elsewhere in L. Drakenborch also mentioned Klock's praesentibus, proposed again by Watt (1991: 216), who also suggested 〈propestantibus; but neither proposal chimes well with e curia egressi. When he wrote clara uoce, L. must have imagined that the Romans could hear the orders of the Samnite magistrates, but if the orders were indeed given loudly they could perhaps have heard them even inside the curia.

Notes

1 Such at least is the implication of TLL vi. 294. 30; note, however, the somewhat similar Virg. georg. i. 269 'fas et iura sinunt'.

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