Noel Malcolm (ed.), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of Thomas Hobbes, Vol. 7: The Correspondence, Vol. 2: 1660–1679

Contents
Find Location in text

Main Text

pg 777BIOGRAPHICAL REGISTER OF HOBBES'S CORRESPONDENTS

George Aglionby (1602 or 1603–1643)

The Mr Aglionby of Letter 3 can be identified, with reasonable certainty, with George Aglionby, given several known connections between George Aglionby, Hobbes, and the Cavendish family.

He was born at Oxford; his father, John (1567–1610), was Principal of St Edmund Hall, chaplain to Queen Elizabeth and James I, and one of the translators of the New Testament for the King James Bible of 1611.1 George Aglionby matriculated at Christ Church in December 1619, and proceeded BA in 1623 and MA in 1626.2 In 1622 he contributed a Latin poem to a memorial volume for Sir Henry Savile,3 and in 1623 he wrote a poem for a volume celebrating the visit of Prince Charles to Oxford.4 In the following year he contributed two poems to another such book;5 also in 1624 he wrote a poem for a memorial volume for William Camden—a volume which included contributions by Sidney Godolphin, Robert Burton (also of Christ Church), and Thomas Browne (recently of Christ Church).6

From Letter 3 it appears that in 1629 Aglionby was employed by the Countess of Devonshire, perhaps as a temporary replacement for Hobbes. A further connection with the Cavendish family is revealed by an English poem by 'Mr Aglionby', 'On Bolsouer Castle' (one of the seats of the Earl of Newcastle and Sir Charles Cavendish), in a collection of poems, many of them by or associated with Ben Jonson, copied by a scribe to the Earl of Newcastle in the 1630s.7 This strengthens the possibility that Aglionby was a friend of Robert Payne, who was pg 778chaplain to the Earl of Newcastle in the 1630s and who also kept up a connection with Christ Church (becoming a canon there in 1638).8 Aglionby must certainly have been a frequent visitor to Christ Church during the 1630s. In 1632 he became vicar of Cassington, near Oxford; he proceeded BD at the university in 1633 and DD in 1635.9 In 1635 he was licensed to marry Sibella Smith, of St Martin-in-the-Fields, London.10

Both Aubrey and Wood include Aglionby's name in their lists of members of the circle of Lucius Gary, Lord Falkland, at Great Tew: Aubrey writes that Aglionby 'was much in esteem with his lordship'.11 Aubrey also lists him as a friend of Hobbes, calling Aglionby 'his great acquaintance'.12 At some time (the date is not known) he taught at Westminster School;13 and he became a canon of Westminster in 1638. He was also for a time tutor to George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham,14 who subsequently had geometry lessons from Hobbes in Paris.15 Buckingham was later to remark that it was Aglionby who had persuaded him to follow the King in the early stages of the Civil War.16 That Aglionby had some important patrons is indicated by the spate of ecclesiastical preferments which followed his canonry at Westminster: he became a prebendary of Chichester (1639), compounded for the deanery of Chichester (1642), and was presented by the Crown as Dean of Canterbury in May 1643, though not installed there.17 He died later that year at Oxford, 'of the epidemique disease then raging', and was buried in Christ Church Cathedral on 11/21 November.18 In 1655 the household accounts of the Cavendish family at Hardwick included the half-yearly payment (£10) of an annuity to 'Mrs Aglionby'—perhaps George Aglionby's widow.19

pg 779John Aubrey (1626–1697)

Aubrey was born at Easton Pierse in north Wiltshire (near Malmesbury), to a gentry family of rather precarious finances. In 1634 he attended lessons given by Robert Latimer, the rector of Leigh Delamere.1 Latimer had been Hobbes's schoolteacher in Malmesbury, and in July or August 1634 Hobbes came to visit him at Leigh Delamere: 'Here', Aubrey later recalled, 'was the first place and time that ever I had the honour to see this worthy, learned man, who was then pleased to take notice of me, and the next day visited my relations.'2 Although Hobbes never visited Wiltshire again, and although it was roughly twenty years before Aubrey was to become his friend, Aubrey's attitude to him always reflected pride in the knowledge that they were, in Aubrey's narrow geographical sense, 'fellow-countrymen'.

In May 1642 Aubrey went up to Oxford, where he was entered as a Gentleman-Commoner at Trinity College. As the summer progressed the city was gradually transformed into a royalist garrison town; Aubrey's nervous father recalled him to Wiltshire in August.3 He returned to Oxford in February 1643, but caught smallpox and went home again, to live 'a sad life' in the country for three years. In April 1646 he went to London and was admitted as a student at the Middle Temple; and in November he was able to return to Trinity, where he 'was made much of by the fellowes, had their learned conversation, lookt on books, musique, Here and at Middle Temple (off and on) I (for the most part) enjoyd the greatest felicity of my life.'4 Aubrey's interests already included local history, literature, mathematics, and astronomy; and at Trinity he was particularly grateful to Ralph Bathurst, who let him study his 'excellent Collection of well chosen Bookes'.5

In 1648 Aubrey was recalled to Wiltshire to look after his sick father and prosecute his various affairs and lawsuits. He led a withdrawn life there for four years, mainly dependent on correspondence with friends such as John Lydall at Oxford for intellectual stimulation.6 Another scientific correspondent, Francis Potter, lived closer to Aubrey at the village of Kilmington, and in 1650 he was able to participate in Potter's pg 780pioneering experiments in blood transfusion.7 In 1651 Aubrey also became acquainted with William Harvey, whom he found 'very communicative, and willing to instruct any that were modest and respectfull to him'.8 After his father's death in 1652 Aubrey was even more encumbered with responsibilities (involving the piecemeal sale of the family estates throughout the 1650s and 1660s); but he also had more freedom to travel to London and mingle in various (predominantly royalist) medical, scientific, and legal circles there. It was probably thus, in the early 1650s, that he was introduced again to Hobbes, and became his lifelong friend.9

In 1656 Aubrey began his first major literary work, the Natural History of Wiltshire. By the late 1650s he was keeping the terms of the legal year in London, and cultivating a wide range of intellectual friends; in 1659 he was a member of James Harrington's political discussion club, the 'Rota'.10 At the approach of the Restoration he urged Hobbes to come to London, and cleverly arranged for his friend to meet the King at the studio of Samuel Cooper.11 In July and August 1661 Aubrey travelled through Ireland with his friend Anthony Ettrick, where he spent some of his time sketching 'landskips on horseback symbolically'.12 Another journey, undertaken in 1664, was less pleasant: 'June 11, landed at Calais. In August following, had a terrible fit of the spleen, and piles, at Orleans. I returned in October.'13

In 1663 Aubrey had become a Fellow of the Royal Society. This was a proper reflection of his interest in all kinds of learning (not merely antiquarian or topographical), including medicine, mathematics, and Baconian natural history,14 But it is also true that during the 1660s, in the intervals between his various legal and financial crises, he was devoting more time to the collection of topographical and biographical materials—stimulated partly by his meeting with Anthony Wood in 1667. In 1663 he carried out a survey of Avebury, and in 1673 he was pg 781commissioned by the Royal Cosmographer to perform a survey of the county of Surrey.15 By 1674 his finances were in such a poor state that he considered emigrating to Jamaica—rejecting an alternative suggestion, that he take holy orders, with the words, 'Fough! the Cassock stinkes: it would be ridiculous.'16 His fierce anticlericalism was rendered even fiercer later that year when John Fell, the Dean of Christ Church, interfered with the brief life of Hobbes in Wood's Historia et antiquitates universitatis oxoniensis. 'Could one have thought', he fulminated, 'that this good Exemplar of Pietie, & walking Common Prayer booke could have made such a breach & outrage on the moralls & Justice? […] who can pardon such a dry bone such a consecrated stalking Hypocrite?'17

According to Aubrey's first biographer, he began writing his Brief Lives at Wood's request, 'evidently with a view to his Athenae Oxonienses'18 But the impulse to write a series of short biographies of people he had known seems to have come from the work Aubrey did when preparing the 'Vitae Hobbianae auctarium', which was published with Hobbes's autobiographies in 1681.19 Aubrey did contribute greatly to Wood's collection of biographical materials; unfortunately he seems to have supplied Wood with the story of corrupt behaviour by Clarendon which appeared in volume ii of Athenae (1692), and for which Wood was prosecuted and fined.20 This helps to explain Wood's later animus against his old collaborator, whom he described as 'a shiftless person, roving and magotie-headed, and sometimes little better than crased'.21 Aubrey did indeed have some reason to be 'crased' in his last years; his finances were in ruins, and he was reduced to dependence on the hospitality and generosity of friends and relations. But his devotion to factual knowledge continued unabated; and John Toland's final judgement on Aubrey is one with which the modern biographer of Hobbes can whole-heartedly agree: 'he was a very honest man, and most accurate in his accounts of matters of fact'.22

pg 782Edward Bagshaw (1629–1671)

Bagshaw's father, also Edward, was a lawyer whose anti-episcopal views got him elected to the Long Parliament, but who subsequently turned royalist and was imprisoned by Parliament from 1644 to 1646.

Edward Bagshaw the younger was born at Broughton, Northamptonshire, and educated at Westminster School; he entered Christ Church, Oxford, in 1646. There, according to Anthony Wood, he 'expressed himself very often intolerably impudent, saucy and refractory to the censor'.1 He proceeded MA in 1651, and continued at Christ Church until early 1656, when he was appointed Second Master at Westminster School, under the redoubtable Dr Busby. He took with him a recommendation from Christ Church which described him as having 'gained the Repute of one Eminent for Learning';2 and he gave a token of both his academic ability and his religious inclinations when he published, in the following year, two theological exercises attacking the excessive use of reason in religion,3 But he and Busby rapidly fell out, over 'so petty things that I am ashamed to repeat them, such as— the sitting with my Hat on at Church'.4 In December 1657 the governors of the school suspended Bagshaw at Busby's request. Having obtained legal advice that this action was invalid, Bagshaw continued to teach there, though in increasingly difficult circumstances: the final straw was Busby's 'procuring my staircase to be cut down, thereby to hinder my access unto my Chamber'.5 He resigned in May 1658.

Since John Owen, the Dean of Christ Church and leading Independent, was a patron and supporter of Bagshaw, it is not surprising that he returned to Oxford; but it is a little more surprising that he was ordained an Anglican priest (by Bishop Brownrigg) in 1659. In January of that year he became Censor of Christ Church. His address to the college on taking up that appointment was a fierce attack on Aristotelian philosophy.6 Widely regarded (like Henry Stubbe) as a hired hand of Dr Owen, Bagshaw campaigned vigorously against the use of ceremony in the university: he 'declaimed eagerly' against formalities pg 783of dress 'in a full Convocation—with his hat cock'd'.7 But there was a serious theological and ideological basis for his actions. He was developing an anti-authoritarian and anti-Presbyterian political theory: towards the end of 1659 he attended meetings of James Harrington's 'Rota' club in London,8 and in January 1660 he wrote a short work, Saintship no Ground of Sovereignty, in which he argued, in a manner of which Hobbes might well have approved, that 'let this once be granted, that our Saviour is a Temporal Prince […], presently a door is opened to all manner of Rebellion and Treason'.9 Bagshaw did not oppose the 'Saints' on theological grounds; he continued to argue for a form of Calvinist anti-rationalism, offering as a fundamental principle in another work written in late 1659: 'in all doubts never enquire what is rationall, but what is revealed'.10 His argument rested instead on the claim that the contents of revelation included no prescriptions for political dominion, and very few prescriptions for church-government, or for the use of particular ceremonies in the worship of God.

Philosophically, Bagshaw was attracted to the causal metaphysics of the new science as one possible way of countering the Pelagian or Socinian theories of free will. Hence his admiration of Hobbes's Of Libertie and Necessitie, expressed in Letter 134, and his plagiarism from Gassendi's Animadversiones in the 'Exercitatio philosophica de libero arbitrio', which he published in 1659.11 In his Letter to Mr Thomas Pierce (dated 1 [/11] August 1659) he showed the congruence of his own thinking with Hobbes's when he wrote: 'I understand lesse, how those who acknowledge Gods Prescience can free him from being in some sense the Author of sin, since what ever God foresees, and doth not prevent, he may justly be thought to cause.'12 One critic of Bagshaw, identified only as 'M.O.', described this as a blasphemy, calling Bagshaw 'a Ranter in the highest degree', and commenting as follows on his claim that God acts irresistibly: 'And thus you infer, with your Master Hobbs, that twas as necessary for David to commit adultery, as for the Fire to burn upwards.'13

pg 784In September 1660 Bagshaw's most important work was published, The Great Question concerning Things Indifferent.14 Here he argued that 'the Nature of Christian Religion in general […] is to be Free and Unforced', and that those who claimed that the imposition of uniformity was necessary to avoid 'disorder' were using 'nothing else but a Malicious and Ill-sounding name, put upon an excellent and most comely thing, namely variety'.15 This provoked a response from his fellow Student at Christ Church, the young John Locke, which circulated in manuscript.16 Bagshaw's arguments were a popular statement of the view that the Restoration settlement of the Church of England should be 'comprehensive'. He was not pleading for toleration as a dissenter outside the Church; as another work written in 1660 made clear, he accepted the episcopal hierarchy of the Church of England (though he did not think that the order of bishops was ordained by Scripture).17 In two sequels to The Great Question concerning Things Indifferent he extended his argument to claiming that even heresies should be tolerated as a necessary feature of religious life;18 but he continued to deny the charge that he was 'no Friend to Bishops'.19

In the summer of 1661 Bagshaw left Oxford to become chaplain to the Earl of Anglesey. At the end of that year he was finally deprived of his Studentship at Christ Church, an action which he described as an 'Illegal exclusion'.20 In July 1662 he travelled to Dublin with the Earl; the Archbishop of Dublin, enraged by one of Bagshaw's recent polemical works (an attack upon George Morley, Bishop of Worcester), refused to allow him to preach in public.21 Even the Earl's assurance that he was 'very Sober, Orthodox, and Inoffensive in his Preaching'22 was of no avail; he returned to England in September, and by December was living in London, Within a few weeks he was imprisoned (first in London, later in Southsea Castle in Hampshire) for seditious speeches and writings. At one point he was examined by the King, but pg 785'spake so boldly to the King as much offended him'.23 On his release in early 1665 he returned, as one of the most hostile sources puts it, 'to the old trade of conventicling and raising sedition'.24 In the late 1660s he was imprisoned again in Newgate Jail: he died shortly after his release, on 28 December 1671/7 January 1672. His burial, in the Nonconformists' graveyard at Bunhill Fields, was attended by 'near a thousand protestant dissenters', and the inscription on his gravestone was penned by his old protector John Owen: 'Here lies interred the Body of Mr. Edward Bagshaw Minister of the Gospel, who received from God Faith to embrace it, Courage to defend it, and Patience to suffer for it.'25

Thomas Barlow (1607–1691)

Barlow entered The Queen's College, Oxford, at the humble rank of 'servitor', in 1623. He proceeded BA in 1630 and MA in 1633, in which year he became a Fellow of the college.1 In 1635 he was appointed Reader in metaphysics to the University, and three years later published a set of exercises in metaphysical and theological argument which gained him great fame as a master of late scholastic philosophy.2

Barlow was highly regarded as a teacher (his pupils included John Owen, who showed his gratitude by protecting Barlow's position in Oxford during the Interregnum), and was renowned for his expertise in casuistry and controversial theology. An Anglican with an essentially Calvinist doctrinal position, he believed that the errors of Roman Catholics on the one hand and Socinians on the other could not be properly demonstrated without a thorough grounding in scholastic arguments.3 In the late 1630s and early 1640s he was a frequent visitor to Great Tew, where he assisted Lord Falkland and William Chillingworth in the preparation of their anti-papal works.4 He survived the pg 786capture of Oxford from the royalists in 1646 and the parliamentary Visitation in 1648, acquiring something of a reputation as a trimmer; and in 1652 he was appointed Bodley's Librarian.5 Owen's patronage certainly helped to secure this post for him, but he was supremely well qualified for the job. A famous annotated reading-list for young scholars compiled by him in 1650 circulated in various copies and was expanded and updated by Barlow several times.6 One version, prepared in c.1655, has been published in a modern edition;7 Barlow's final and fullest version was published not long after his death.8 The 1655 version includes the instruction: 'Against […] Libertines read […] Rosse against Hobbs'— that is, Alexander Ross's polemical work, Leviathan drawn out with a Hook.9

In 1658 Barlow became Provost of The Queen's College, with the unanimous vote of the Fellows; his friend Obadiah Walker (an ejected Fellow of University College) wrote to him that the Fellows of Queen's 'have [> their] father to their Provost, vnder whose experienced government they may assure themselves of all happyncs yey are capable of. 'Tis no wonder yt everyone without reluctancy cheerfully concurred in yt election.'10 Barlow became Lady Margaret Professor of Divinity (giving up his Keepership of the Bodleian) in 1660, and Archdeacon of Oxford in 1661. Soon after the Restoration he wrote, at the request of Robert Boyle (whose 'intimate friend' Barlow had become in the mid-1650s)11 a treatise advocating religious toleration for all except papists, Quakers, and atheists;12 and in 1667–8 he joined his friend John Wilkins in supporting a scheme for the 'comprehension' of dissenters within the Church of England. In 1675 Barlow became Bishop of Lincoln, and his final years were dominated by anti-Roman Catholic polemics of increasing vehemence. His most popular work, published just after the 'Popish plot', was entitled Popery; or, The Principles & Positions approved by the Church of Rome […] are very Dangerous to all: and to pg 787Protestant Kings and supreme Powers, more especially Pernicious. But he lived just long enough to trim twice more, once in accepting James II's religious policy, and then in accepting the Glorious Revolution.

The exchange of letters between Hobbes and Barlow in 1656 may have been the only direct contact between them. Although Barlow might have accepted some elements of Hobbes's political theory, he was too wedded to scholasticism to have any real sympathy for Hobbes's wider philosophical aims. In 1674 he reacted strongly against Sir William Petty's Discourse of Duplicate Proportion, complaining that the atomistic theories of the new science would 'make for Atheism': 'I am troubled', he wrote, 'to see the Scepticism (to say no worse) which now securely reigns in our miserable Nation.'13 In 1676 Barlow was sent a manuscript copy of Hobbes's Historical Narration concerning Heresie by Arthur Annesley, first Earl of Anglesey. He prepared a detailed refutation of it, in which he began by declaring that 'It is ye positions of that Authour, which I seuerely, (may be) but truely confute;, not his person [ … ] Soe say I, of Mr Hobs and truth; I loue Both, but truth better. Nor is this any breach of friendship,' and ended by arguing that Hobbes could justly be executed for blasphemy.14 A fair copy of this refutation, addressed to the Earl, also survives;15 it seems that Barlow may have intended to publish the work in 1680,16 but only a short extract (in which, untypically, he expresses agreement with Hobbes) was eventually published in his Genuine Remains.17

Ralph Bathurst (1620–1704)

Bathurst was born at Hothorpe, Northamptonshire, and educated at Coventry and at Trinity College, Oxford. There he proceeded BA in 1638 and MA in 1641, having been elected a Fellow in 1640.1 He was ordained priest in 1644. From c.1642 he was interested in scientific matters, especially medicine.2 After the surrender of Oxford to the pg 788parliamentary forces in June 1646 he gained medical knowledge as an assistant to Thomas Willis, and spent some time studying and practising medicine away from Oxford; but in 1648 he returned to his fellowship, submitted to the parliamentary Visitors, and was soon engaged in chemical researches in Oxford with Willis and John Lydall.3 He took part in the weekly scientific meetings in William Petty's Oxford lodgings, and in December 1650 he assisted Petty, Willis, and Henry Clerke in the famous resuscitation of a hanged woman, Anne Greene, who revived on their dissecting table.4 Petty (who had returned to England from Paris in May 1646) was in contact with Hobbes via Sir Charles Cavendish;5 so it may have been through Petty that Bathurst became interested in promoting Hobbes's work. In late 1649 Bathurst wrote prefatory Latin verses for Humane Nature, the unauthorized printing of the first half of the Elements of Law.6

Bathurst's scientific thinking in this period is illustrated by the propositions which he defended at a public disputation in Oxford in June 1651. His defence of the proposition that 'all sensation is touch' shows an especial closeness to Hobbes's mechanistic epistemology.7 He also combined a mechanistic theory of matter, Harveian anatomical theories, and experimental observations of his own in three lectures on respiration, delivered in 1654 as part of the exercises for the degree of DM (awarded to him in that year).8 Bathurst was a member of John Wilkins's scientific circle at Wadham College;9 he also took chemistry lessons from Peter Stahl in Oxford in 1659–60.10 He became a Fellow of the Royal Society in 1663, but he was a 'barely active' member thereafter.11 He was too busy elsewhere: in Oxford, where he became President of Trinity in 1664 (and remained in that post until his death in 1704), and at Wells, where he was appointed Dean in 1670 (reputedly pg 789through the patronage of the Earl of Devonshire, to whose attention he had been brought by his verses in praise of Hobbes).

Rumours that Bathurst held unorthodox theological views have also been attributed to his early connection with Hobbes.12 But a section of Bathurst's will (of 1698) suggests that there may have been some substance to those reports: 'I give all my Writings and Paper-Books [ … ] to my aforesaid Nephew and Executor Richard Healy, strictly requiring him not to make any thing Publick, nor to suffer any Copies (especially of what relates to Divinity) to be transcribed, nor permit them so much as to be perused by any, or but very few, such Friends, as are like to read them with Candor, I earnestly desire, that all the Books and Papers in the Firr Box with a Lock, and marked on the Lid with 1677. may be privately burned (except I first do it my self) and not so much as read by my Executor or any other.'13

Johan Blaeu (1596–1673) and his son Pieter

Johan's father, Willem Jansz. Blaeu (1571–1638), was the founder of one of the great Dutch printing-houses of the seventeenth century. He had started business in Amsterdam as a seller of maps and globes in 1599, and began printing maps five years later.1 Thereafter he specialized in maps and atlases, but also produced a wide range of books by authors who included Grotius and the poet Vondel (who was a family friend). When Willem Blaeu opened a large new printing-house on the Bloemgracht in 1637 (a year before his death), the house of Blaeu could begin to rival Elsevier as the leading printers of Amsterdam.

Johan Blaeu studied law at Leiden University, and then spent several years in Italy. After his father's death, the family business was inherited by Johan and his brother Cornelis; but the latter died soon thereafter.2 Under Johan's management the firm prospered and expanded. Maps and atlases were still the most distinctive part of its output: most notably, the twenty-one-sheet map of the world issued after the Treaty of Münster in 1648, and the Groten atlas which began to appear in 1662. pg 790But Johan also greatly extended his firm's list of publications in the fields of law, theology, and philosophy; the business also acquired more international connections under his management, and he was appointed official printer to the Swedish Court.3

In March 1662 Johan Blaco notified the Burgomasters of Amsterdam that he intended to step down in favour of his son Pieter (who had already been working for him in the family business).4 Whether the Burgomasters opposed such a move is not known, but it seems not to have taken place. It was Johan Blaeu who inaugurated the new and even larger printing-house on the Gravenstraat in 16675 —where, probably, Hobbes's Opera philosophica of 1668 was printed. These years were the apogee of Blaeu's success; sadly, in February 1672 the new printing-house was entirely destroyed by fire, at an estimated cost of 285,000 guilders.6 Johan Blaeu died at the end of the following year.

The firm never really recovered from the financial damage caused by the fire. In an effort to regain liquidity, Johan Blaeu's widow held three large sales of stock in 1674, and a fourth in 1677.7 The business was carried on by Johan's three sons, Willem, Pieter, and Johan; some new maps and atlases were published, but otherwise they were mainly trading on their old surviving stock. The printing-house on the Bloemgracht seems to have ceased functioning in 1695, when an inventory of its contents was drawn up, and the entire business was liquidated on the death of the last surviving brother, Johan, in 1712.8

Charles Blount (1654–1693)

Charles Blount's father, Sir Henry, was famous for his travels in the Ottoman Empire, of which he published an account in 1636.1 He was knighted by Charles I, and fought as a royalist in the Civil War; but having made his peace with the parliamentary authorities he served on several public commissions in the 1650s. Nevertheless, he was restored to favour after the Restoration, becoming sheriff of Hertfordshire in pg 7911661.2 In the same year he also became a Fellow of the Royal Society, though he was never an active member of that body.3 He was 'a constant frequenter of coffee houses',4 and seems to have mingled in free-thinking, anticlerical circles in London both in the 1650s and after the Restoration; Aubrey, who knew him personally,5 listed him among Hobbes's friends.'6

Charles Blount was born in Upper Holloway, north of London, in 1654. He and his elder brother, Thomas Pope Blount, were most probably educated by their father;7 Sir Henry had 'inveighed much against sending youths to the universities'.8 Charles was clearly a precocious child. In the words of one early biography, 'his pregnant parts and polite behaviour, brought him early into the world';9 and at the age of 18 he was married, to Eleanora Tyrell in Westminster Abbey.10 His father settled on him the estate of Blounts-Hall, Staffordshire (which had been Sir Henry's own inheritance as a younger son, before he had succeeded to the main family estates in Hertfordshire, following the death of his own elder brother).11

Charles Blount was now able to launch himself in his chosen career as a gentleman littérateur. His first publication was Mr Dreyden Vindicated (1673), a defence of John Dryden's play The Conquest of Granada, against two pamphlets which had criticized it on stylistic grounds.12 Five years later Blount published the first of his major works, Anima mundi; the title-page did not give the author's name, and described the work as published at 'Amsterdam, Anno Mundi ooooo'.13 As the pg 792postscript to Letter 201 shows, Blount sent a copy of this book to Hobbes. Ostensibly, Anima mundi is a historical study of early doctrines about the mortality or immortality of the human soul; Blount appears to argue in favour of the Christian doctrine of immortality, and against pantheism. But the real nature of the work seems to have been an exercise in delicate but large-scale irony: Blount implies that the best reason for approving the immortality of the soul is a functional one, namely that this belief makes men virtuous. Religion, by implication, is not a body of truth but an instrument of social control.14 Blount made this point much more directly in a letter of February 1680 to the notorious 'libertine' Lord Rochester.15

Charles Blount became involved in politics during the Exclusion Crisis (1679–81). He was a member of the 'Green Ribbon Club' of Whig activists and propagandists;16 and in 1679 he published An Appeal from the Country to the City for the Preservation of his Majesties Person, Liberty, Property, and the Protestant Religion, in which he claimed that Jesuit priests were plotting to set fire to London.17 In the same year he also published an appeal to Parliament against the Licensing Act, A Just Vindication of Learning; or, An Humble Address [ … ] in Behalf of the Liberty of the Press. His main theoretical interest was still in the relation between politics and religion: in Great is Diana of the Ephesians (1680) he discussed pagan idolatry as a consequence of priestcraft. Another work published in the same year was a translation, with discursive annotations, of the 'Life of Apollonius of Tyana' by Philostratus: Apollonius was a religious teacher and miracle-worker, whose biography therefore offered an ironic surrogate for the life of Christ. In his notes to this translation Blount quoted approvingly from Leviathan.18 By the early 1680s, as a consequence of his attempts to exclude priestcraft from religion, Blount had arrived at a 'deist' position, in which priests were regarded as irrelevant to true religion because all essential religious beliefs could be established by pure reason. He presented this position pg 793in two works published in 1683, Religio Laid (addressed to Dryden, and making explicit use of the arguments of Lord Herbert of Cherbury), and Miracles, no Violations of the Laws of Nature (which borrows arguments from Leviathan and Spinoza's Tractatus theologico-politicus).

Important evidence of Blount's intellectual interests in the early 1680s is supplied by his recently discovered manuscript copy-book, which he began in December 1681.19 In addition to comments on many Restoration plays (witnessing again to his admiration for Dryden), it also includes notes of witty sayings and comic incidents from Poggio Bracciolini's Facetiae and from Rabelais; extensive notes on several historical works relating to James I (so extensive that they may have been made in preparation for an intended work of his own on that subject); and extracts from Bacon's Advancement of Learning, Essayes, and Genuine Remains, Donne's Biathanatos, Browne's Pseudodoxia epidemica, and Meric Casaubon's On Credulity and Incredulity, among others. Blount's political preoccupations are reflected in a compilation of arguments in favour of the exclusion of the Duke of York from the succession to the throne,20 and extracts from exclusionist speeches in the Parliament of 1680–1, which, no doubt to guard against prying eyes, were given headings such as 'the factious foolish Arguments of ye Late Members of Parliamt for ye disinheriting of ye Duke of York: whom God preserve'.21 Blount's interest in Hobbes is indicated by his notes on 'Hobbs's letter of himself' (i.e. Mr. Hobbes Considered)22 and lengthy extracts from Decameron physiologicum.23

This copy-book also contains a series of quotations from Hobbes which corresponds quite closely to the contents of the two broadsides of extracts from his works which were published in 1680, soon after Hobbes's death: Memorable Sayings of Mr Hobbes and The Last Sayings of Mr Thomas Hobbs.24 According to Aubrey, the first of these was published by 'Dr. Francis Bernard and his brother Charles, etc.—a club', and the second by Charles Blount,25 The appearance of these extracts in Blount's copy-book suggests, however, that he was not the pg 794originator of either of those broadsides, though he must have had connections with the people who were—perhaps the 'club' Aubrey mentions. Blount transcribed these extracts into his copy-book roughly one year after the broadsides were published (something he presumably would not have done had he himself supplied the original copy of either of them to the printer). Some of the quotations from Hobbes are fuller and more accurate in the broadsides than in Blount's copy; but in other cases the converse is true, with Blount's copy supplying a sentence which is omitted in the broadsides. That the broadsides shared a common source is suggested not only by the fact that extracts corresponding to the contents of both of them appear in these pages of Blount's copy-book, but also by the fact that one passage, given as a single continuous quotation by Blount, is shared between the two broadsides, with Memorable Sayings of Mr Hobbes printing the first half and The Last Sayings of Mr Thomas Hobbs printing the second.26 The most likely explanation is that Blount was copying from a manuscript compilation which was itself the source of both broadsides. Blount's marginal annotations on these extracts also supply intriguing evidence of his own attitude to Hobbes: his enthusiasm for their attacks on priestcraft and popery is evident, but against an extract from Leviathan ('As a man that is born blind, hearing men talk of warming themselves by the fire [ … ]'), Blount wrote: 'Providence proved. God asserted. Atheism opposed. Ignorance human'.27 And against an axiom from Decameron physiologicum ('nothing can begin, change, or put an end to its own Motion'), he wrote: 'change, motion selfmover. God proved'.28 That diese annotations were also written with prying eyes in mind is conceivable, but much less likely: it would surely have been simpler, if that had been Blount's intention, to write general headings denouncing Hobbes for impiety, rather than particular annotations praising him for his apparent theological proofs.

Little else is known of Blount's life until his final year. Having formed a special grudge against Edmund Bohun, the Licenser of the Press, he prepared an ingenious trap for him: in January 1693 he pg 795arranged for a printer to submit an anonymous pamphlet29 which defended the legitimacy of William and Mary's reign on the grounds of their rights by conquest—a justification which agreed with Bohun's own political theories, but would scandalize everyone else in the government. The trap worked; having licensed the pamphlet, Bohun was hauled before Parliament (where he said that 'he took it as a well-meaning book writ for this government'),30 imprisoned, and dismissed from his post. Also in early 1693 Blount published The Oracles of Reason, a collection of short pieces which included his letter to Hobbes.31 In August of that year Charles Blount committed suicide in London,32 apparently out of frustration at being unable to marry the sister of his deceased wife. A further collection of works by him, including materials reprinted from The Oracles of Reason, was published by his friend and follower Charles Gildon in 1695. In the preface to this edition, Gildon described Blount as 'a Generous and constant Friend [ … ] His temper was open and free [ … ] his Repartees close, not scurrilous; he had a great deal of Wit, and no malice.'33

Charles du Bosc (d. 1659)

Originally from Normandy, du Bosc studied in Paris and then, according to Sorbière, spent six years 'as a very young man' with the second Earl of Devonshire in England, where he developed a particularly close friendship with Hobbes.1 The dates of this stay in England cannot be fixed with any certainty. Du Bosc was also in London in October 1638, when he received a gift of £15 from the third Earl of Devonshire;2 but Sorbière specifically says that it was the second Earl (who died in 1628) that du Bosc had known well.3

On his return to France du Bosc entered the service of the King, and he was to spend the rest of his life at the French Court. He kept up pg 796several connections with England; he was a friend of Sir Kenelm Digby, and forwarded letters and books to him in London.4 From 1643 to 1646 he supplied the Chancellor, Séguier, with extracts from his English correspondence.5 In 1646 he seems to have worked as secretary to the Queen;6 on 9/19 July 1646 Sir Charles Cavendish instructed John Pell to send his letters to Hobbes c/o 'Monsr: de Bosc Secretaire du Roy et valet de chambre de la Reine'.7 When du Bosc made a French translation of a decree by Charles II in January 1651, he wrote at the foot of the document: 'translated from the English original by me, conseiller and secrétaire of the King and of his finances, and interpreter-secrétaire to the King in the English language'.8 He was later described by Sorbière as 'Conseiller et Secretaire de Roy, Gentilhomme seruant de la Reyne'.9 At Court he was particularly close to Mazarin, whom he accompanied on a journey to Amiens in 1649; and in 1656 he was writing letters on Mazarin's behalf to the French Ambassador in London.10

Du Bosc seems to have attended frequently Mersenne's weekly gatherings in the 1640s: Sorbière recalled that it was in Mersenne's room that he first met both du Bosc and Hobbes.11 In the late 1650s he also attended the 'academy' in Montmor's house. But du Bosc's own intellectual interests seem to have been more in philosophy than in the physical sciences. According to Sorbière, 'he was much indebted to his frequent and repeated readings of Bacon and Epictetus', and his own philosophical position was 'a scepticism purified by pious feelings, and fortified by Christian morality'.12 As a tribute to his interest in classical pg 797scepticism, Sorbière sent him (in 1656) a translation, made at his request, of the first fourteen chapters of Sextus Empiricus.13 Lantin of Dijon recorded that du Bosc always carried with him a picture of a crucifix and the Manual of Epictetus; he also described him as being 'of such a gentle and approachable nature that everyone was charmed by his conversation'.14 One person who evidently found du Bosc 'approachable' was the Catholic philosopher Thomas White, who wrote to his friend Sir Kenelm Digby in December 1649: 'I write with these a letter to Mr, Du Bose [sic] to gett some monyes to hold out these hard dayes, for my Inke freezeth in my pen,'15 But Digby's reply on this occasion was not encouraging: 'He is very bare of mony (as we are all at present) & hath had lately a very great affliction in the losse of his children.'16 This last remark referred to the great tragedy of du Bosc's life: his son raped his (the son's) sister, then killed her and committed suicide.17 Du Bosc survived his children by almost exactly a decade, dying in December 1659.18

Sir John Brooke (1635 or 1636–1691)

John Brooke's father, James, was a merchant from York whose sympathies were with Parliament during the Civil War. In 1651 he became Lord Mayor of the city; he prospered, and bought the estate of Ellenthorpe, near Boroughbridge.1

John Brooke (or Brookes—both forms were used) was admitted to Gray's Inn in October 1650;2 and in April 1652, aged 17, he was admitted as a Fellow-Commoner to Christ's College, Cambridge.3 Little else is known of his life in the 1650s, except that we catch a glimpse of him in the autobiography of Marmaduke Rawdon of York, pg 798who travelled with him from York to London in 1657: he described Brooke as 'a compleate gentleman' and 'very good company'.4 In 1662 John Brooke was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society, having been proposed by the astronomer William Ball and Hobbes's friend William Petty.5 He was slightly active as a Fellow, keeping up his subscription payments for two years, then paying arrears in 1667 and 1673, and eventually being expelled from the Society in 1685.6 One reason for his inactivity was that he had no original research to communicate; another reason was that he was mainly resident in Yorkshire. He served as a JP there from 1664 to 1680, and as a commissioner for the assessment of taxes on several occasions between 1673 and 1690,7 He was created a baronet in 1676, and sat as MP for Boroughbridge in the Exclusion Parliament (1679–81). In 1681 he was reselected for that seat, and attended the Oxford Parliament, 'seemingly as one of the more militant of the country party',8 Sir John Reresby described him in 1682 as 'one of little judgement and less courage'. Before 1685 he seems to have changed sides: one observer said that he 'sets up altogether for a Tory', but he did not stand for Parliament again.9

The nature of Brooke's scientific interests is indicated in his correspondence with two other Fellows of the Royal Society, Abraham Hill and Martin Lister. In both sets of letters he bemoaned his lack of interesting scientific news. On 10 [/20] February 1663 he invited Hill 'to maintain that correspondence with me which, I can assure you, I am very ambitious of. This kind of literal intercourse will prove no small pleasure to me. I wish I was capable of serving the college here, though I cannot think them so distressed as to employ me, unless it is to perform the office of a whetstone, I mean to quicken others.'10 This last metaphor, which aptly describes Brooke's role in the transmission of Hobbes's letter in 1668 (Letter 183) to the Royal Society, so pleased him that he used it again when writing to Lister in 1671: 'I am very ambitious to supply the Office of the Whetstone (the dull my self) to [quicken deleted] sharpen others. besides, I am very unpleasantly diverted, with Concerns of another Nature (not very agreeable) which require my pg 799vtmost diligence & attention & does not a little indispose Mee, for any Thing but the Perusall of such curious philosophicall Remarks.'11 His interest was chiefly aroused by strange phenomena and freaks of nature: in March 1663 he asked Hill to 'favour me with a more particular relation of those wonders and apparitions which have been reported to you, which will be a most acceptable piece of melancholly entertainment',12 Evidently he accumulated a collection of curiosities of his own: when Martin Lister and Francis Willoughby were both in York in October 1671 they spent some time 'veiwing Mr Brooke's rich & well stored Cabinet of Art & Nature'.13

When Brooke visited London on two occasions in 1672, he attended meetings of the Royal Society, had conversations with Robert Hooke, paid visits to Lady Petty and Sir Robert Southwell, and attended the funeral of John Wilkins.14 And on 16 [/26] July 1672 he reported one encounter in London which shows that his acquaintance with Hobbes was not purely epistolary: 'I saw Mr Hobbs (the other day) who is in very good Health considering his Age (being now 84 years old).'15

James Butler, twelfth Earl and first Duke of Ormonde (1610–1688)

After the death of his father in 1619, James Butler was made a royal ward and sent to the household of George Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury, where he was brought up (unlike the rest of his family) as an Anglican. In 1630 he went to Ireland to live with his grandfather, the eleventh Earl, and he succeeded to the earldom two years later. Thomas Wentworth, who arrived in Ireland as deputy in 1633, was impressed by the vigour and natural authority of the young Earl of Ormonde, and they formed a close working relationship.

When the Irish rebellion broke out in 1641, Ormonde was appointed lieutenant-general of the army in Ireland. In 1642 he was created Marquis of Ormonde as a reward for his campaign against the rebels. The next four years were spent in a complex series of attempts to negotiate with the rebels and to send troops to the royalist armies in England and Scotland. In 1646, with the King in the hands of the Scots, pg 800Ormonde's position became impossible, and in the winter of 1646–7 he was obliged to appeal to Parliament to prevent Dublin from being taken by the rebels. In 1647 and 1648 he visited the King in captivity and the Queen in Paris; in 1649–50 he tried to regain Ireland for Charles II, but after being militarily defeated and politically undermined he finally settled in France in 1651, becoming one of the chief advisers to Charles II on the letter's return to Paris in October of that year.

It was probably in 1651 that Ormonde met Hobbes, and, it seems, extended his patronage to him. The publication of Leviathan offended both the factions at Charles's Court-in-exile (both the Anglican old royalists, to whom Ormonde belonged, and the 'Louvre group' of courtiers associated with the Catholic Queen Mother Henrietta Maria),1 but there is some evidence that Ormonde was less offended than most. On 8/18 January 1652 Sir Edward Nicholas wrote to Hyde:

I hear Ld Percy is much concerned in the forbidding Hobbes to come to Court, & says it was you & other Episcopal men, that were the Cause of it. But I hear, that Wat. Montagu & other Papists (to the shame of the true Protestants) were the chief Cause, that that grand Atheist was sent away: & I may tell you, some say the Marq. of Ormonde was very slow in signifying the K.'s Command to Hobbes to forbear coming to Court, which I am confident is not true, though several persons affirm it.2

Ormonde spent much of the Interregnum in poverty—a poverty rendered poignant by the fact that he had spent £868,000 of his own money on the royalist cause,3 In 1658 he travelled incognito to England to study the feasibility of a royalist rising, and over the next two years he played a crucial role in the negotiations leading to the Restoration. After the Restoration he was granted many honours (including the Dukedom of Ormonde in the Irish peerage) and enabled to recover his Irish estates; and in 1662 he was appointed Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. Isolated there from the hothouse politics of Charles II's Court, he became an object of envy and distrust on the part of a group of politicians headed by Buckingham, which eventually secured his dismissal from the lord-lieutenantship in 1669. Ormonde spent most of the next seven years in England, and may have met Hobbes again at the Earl of Devonshire's house during this period; he had close and friendly connections with the Cavendish family, his daughter Mary having pg 801married the third Earl of Devonshire's elder son, William (the future first Duke of Devonshire) at Kilkenny on 27 October/6 November 1662. An inventory of Ormonde's possessions at Kilkenny includes a portrait of Hobbes.4

Ormonde was restored to the lord-lieutenantship in 1677, and in 1682 he was created Duke of Ormonde in the English peerage; but in 1684 he was dismissed from the lord-lieutenantship again. After the accession of James II he led a retired life; he died in July 1688. Even his enemies granted that his had been a career of unparalleled integrity. As Sir Robert Southwell wrote, 'I think his whole life was a straight line, if ever a man in the world's were so.'5

Sir Charles Cavendish (1595?–1654)

Sir Charles was the younger brother of William, first Marquess (later first Duke) of Newcastle. His date of birth is not known, and some confusion has been caused by the fact that their eldest brother, who lived for only a few months, had also been christened Charles.1 Some writers have supposed that Sir Charles was that elder son, and have explained the precedence taken by his brother William by assuming that Sir Charles was thought unfit to succeed as head of the family because of his physical deformity. Aubrey described him as 'a little, weake, crooked man […] nature having not adapted him for the court nor camp',2 But he was obviously not grossly deformed, and in later life he served as both an MP and a soldier.

Charles Cavendish appears to have been educated by private tutors. In 1612 he may have travelled with his brother in the retinue of Sir Henry Wotton on a diplomatic mission to Savoy, passing through France on the way there and returning via Milan, Basel, and Cologne (though Wotton, referring to the members of his entourage, mentioned only his brother).3 In 1619 he was created a knight by King James, probably when the latter visited Welbeck Abbey during a hunting trip in Sherwood Forest.4 Nothing is known of Sir Charles's intellectual pg 802development during this period, but it may be guessed that he was already interested in mathematics; it has been suggested that the 'Mathematician' who appears in Ben Jonson's An Entertainment at the Blackfriars of 1620 is intended to represent Sir Charles.5

In 1624 and 1628 Sir Charles served as MP for Nottingham,6 During the 1620s he seems to have developed contacts both with foreign mathematicians and, probably, with members of the circle of Thomas Hariot. By the summer of 1631 he was corresponding with Claude Mydorge;7 they were clearly well acquainted by then, for when Mydorge published his Prodromi catoptricorum later that year he dedicated the work to Sir Charles, describing him in the preface to the reader as 'extremely skilled in the whole realm of learning, and a very dear friend to me'.8 In the same year Sir Charles presented his brother's chaplain, Robert Payne, with a copy of Hariot's Artis analyticae praxis, edited by Walter Warner.9 And 1631 also saw the first appearance of William Oughtred's Clavis mathematicae, which, Oughtred explained in the preface, Sir Charles had encouraged him to publish.10 In October 1634 Sir Charles forwarded a letter to William Oughtred from the French mathematician François Derand.11

By the years 1634–6 a slightly clearer pattern emerges of Sir Charles's intellectual activities, when he was discussing mathematical, optical, and mechanical problems with Payne, Hobbes, Warner, and John Pell.12 The last of these seems to have begun corresponding with Sir Charles on a problem of naval architecture in 1635, when Pell was a pg 803comparatively unknown 24-year-old;13 Pell and Sir Charles were to remain in frequent contact for the rest of Sir Charles's life. There is unfortunately much less evidence for Sir Charles's relations with continental scientists and mathematicians during these years, though it is known that he was corresponding with François Derand in 1636–7.14 The earliest surviving correspondence between Sir Charles and Mersenne is from 1639, but when Mersenne's Harmonicorum libri was issued in 1636 it included a dedicatory epistle to Sir Charles from the publisher, Guillaume Baudry.15 And it appears that when Hobbes returned from Paris in November 1636 he brought with him a manuscript copy of Galileo's Della scienza mecanica as a present to Sir Charles from Mersenne.16 This was promptly translated into English by Payne, who had similarly translated a short work by Castelli (presumably also at Sir Charles's request) in the previous year.17 Sir Charles evidently remained in contact with Mydorge, receiving the third and fourth books of his Conicorum from him in 1639.18

Sir Charles was a Member of the Short Parliament which met in April-May 1640, though no speech or intervention by him is recorded. While staying in London during those months he met John Pell, leaving a manuscript by Warner on refraction with him when he left for the country in June.19 He spent most of 1641 at Wellingor.20 After the outbreak of the Civil War in August 1642 he followed his brother on his military campaigns. Clarendon writes that Sir Charles and the Marquess of Newcastle 'charged' at the battle of Marston Moor 'with as much gallantry and courage as men could do'—adding that Sir Charles was 'a man of the noblest and largest mind, though the least and most inconvenient body that lived'.21 The two brothers left England together after the battle, and lived for the rest of 1644 and the first two months of 1645 in Hamburg. There Sir Charles became pg 804acquainted with the German scientist, philosopher, and pedagogue Joachim Jungius.22

In the spring of 1645 the Cavendishes moved first to Antwerp, then to Paris, where they met Hobbes again; in May Sir Charles sent Jungius a summary of parts of Hobbes's draft of De corpore, and in June/July he forwarded a mathematical theorem by Hobbes to Pell.23 His correspondence with Pell over the next few years supplies much detailed evidence of Sir Charles's intellectual life in Paris, though the emphasis on mathematical research in these letters must also reflect Pell's own professional interests.24 Sir Charles acted as an intermediary between Descartes and Roberval in a dispute about the 'centre of percussion'; he also visited Mersenne and borrowed books from him.25 The close interest he took in Hobbes's work during these years is indicated by numerous notes in a volume of Sir Charles's papers. These include detailed notes taken from the draft of De corpore in 1645;26 notes on De cive;27 a long summary of Hobbes's theory of the passions;28 an extract from Hobbes's 'Answer' to Davenant's Preface to Gondibert;29 as well as notes on works by Descartes, Regius, and Grotius.30

In 1648 Sir Charles Cavendish travelled with his brother (and his new sister-in-law) back to The Netherlands. From Antwerp he continued to write to Pell, reporting news from his own correspondence with Hobbes, though this was very sporadic.31 In late 1651 he was persuaded (by his brother and Sir Edward Hyde) to return to England to negotiate with the authorities over his estates; he had compounded for them in 1649, but in March 1651 they had been sequestered again, on the grounds that he was a 'very dangerous person'.32 He travelled to pg 805London with his sister-in-law in November and took lodgings in Covent Garden.33 By good fortune, Hobbes arrived in London from Paris only a couple of months later; and on 5 [/15] March 1652 William Brereton was able to write to Pell that 'I have been with Sir Charles Cavendish and Mr Hobbes several times, who are both here.'34 Sir Charles was mainly occupied now with salvaging what he could from his estate (for which a new composition fee was fixed at £4,500, with an additional fine of £500),35 and sending funds to his brother in Antwerp. When Margaret Cavendish decided to return to her husband in 1653, it was Sir Charles's intention to accompany her; but he fell ill and remained in England. He died on 4/14 February 1654.

The Hon. Charles Cavendish (1620–1643)

The younger son of the second Earl of Devonshire, he was named after his godfather, Prince Charles. In 1637, 'after a strict tuition in his father's house'1—possibly by Hobbes—he was sent to the Continent with a governor. All printed sources give 1638 as the starting-date of his French studies; but his mother's account-book records that £400 was 'sent to Mr Charles at Paris' from October 1637 to February 1638 (and another £400 from March to October after that).2 According to one later account, 'He went first to Paris, and hearing much of the French army, then in the field near Luxemburg, was so impatient for such a view, that he stole away to the camp, without the knowledge of his governor, who, hearing of the frolick, followed him in great pain, and brought him back to his studies in Paris.'3

Charles Cavendish spent most of 1639 in Italy; on [17/] 27 February 1639 he dined in the refectory of the Jesuits' English College in Rome, just over three years after his brother and Hobbes had also dined there,4 and on [30 May/] 9 June 1639 his name was registered at the University of Padua.5 After Italy he was, as Aubrey put it, 'so extremely pg 806delighted in travelling, that he went into Greece, all over; and that would not serve his turne but he would goe to Babylon, and then his governour would not adventure to goe any further with him; but to see Babylon he was to march in the Turks' armie'.6 Babylon was on an itinerary which took him from Constantinople through Anatolia, down through Mesopotamia, to Alexandria, Cairo, Malta, Spain, and back to Paris.7 It must have been during this last stay in Paris that he met Hobbes again and had a conversation with him (recorded by Aubrey) about the pronunciation and intonation of modern Greek.8

He returned to England in May 1641, but left again almost immediately, travelling to Holland and enrolling in the service of the Prince of Orange. That summer's campaign over, he returned to England again in November.9 At the outbreak of the Civil War he joined the King's troop of guards; he so distinguished himself at Edgehill that he was made commander of the Duke of York's troops. Later he raised his own regiment in the north of England, and was appointed commander-in-chief of the royalist forces in Nottinghamshire and Lincolnshire, with the rank of colonel-general. In March 1643 he seized the city of Grantham; but in July of that year, aged only 23, he was killed in action outside Gainsborough, which was under siege by royalist forces. He was first buried at Newark, then reburied thirty-one years later in his mother's tomb at Derby. Famed for his courage and gallantry, he was described at his final burial service as 'the Souldiers Mignion, and his Masters Darling'.10

Christian Cavendish, Countess of Devonshire(1595 [/1596]–1675)

Christian Bruce was born on 28 December [/7 January], and was given the name 'Christian' (not 'Christiana', as it is sometimes printed) to mark the closeness of her nativity to Christmas. Her father, Edward Bruce (1548–1611), was one of the Scots who did well, deservedly, out of the accession of James VI to the English throne. A Lord of Session (i.e. judge) since 1597, Bruce was appointed Ambassador to England in pg 8071600, and helped to procure James's peaceful accession there. He was made a Privy Councillor in 1603, and Master of the Rolls for life; in 1604 he became Baron Bruce of Kinloss.1 One of his sons, Thomas Bruce (1599–1663), was created Earl of Elgin in 1633.2

Christian Bruce was married to William Cavendish, the pupil of Hobbes and future second Earl of Devonshire, in April 1608—aged 12. The marriage came as a surprise to many. As the Earl and Countess of Arundel wrote to Gilbert Talbot, seventh Earl of Shrewsbury:

The matter hath been soe secretly carried as it was never heard of any, till it was donne […] the Queen heares that […] the wench is a pretty red haired wench, and that her portion is seaven thousand pounds, and she heares the youth at first refused her and my lo. of Cavendishe told him Kinlos was well favoured by the Queene and if he refused it, he would make him the worse by an hundred thousand pound; but I am sure the Queene is far from beinge pleased withall nowe it is done.3

Another observer wrote that 'The bride is meetly handsome as they say, of a red hair, and about twelve years of age. Alas poor Wylkin, he desired and deserved a wife already grown.'4 The claim that James I himself gave her a dowry of £10,000 seems dubious,5 but the tradition that he persuaded the first Earl of Devonshire to give his son a better allowance after the marriage is entirely plausible.6

Christian bore her husband three children: William (1617), Charles (1620), and Anne. She appears to have been a dutiful and obedient wife, and, as such, incapable of preventing him from squandering large sums of money. His jewels alone were worth £3,000.7 So severe were his debts that in March 1628 a special Act of Parliament was passed to allow him to break the entail on his estates. On 14 [/24] June he made an agreement to sell lands in Derbyshire, Nottinghamshire, and Leicestershire to a group of friends and relatives (including Christian's brother Thomas and her stepfather, Sir James Fullerton), who undertook to pay off his money debts.8 Three days later he made a will, specifying

pg 808'that my lovinge wief the Ladie Christian Countesse of Devonshire be Guardian to my saide sonnes, and to the Ladie Anne Cavendish my daughter, and have the educacion and bringinge of them up, duringe their severall minorities, and that she haue the receipte of all the rents, yssues, and proffits of myne, their, and everie of their lands and tenements duringe theire severall minorities'.9 The will was witnessed by Hobbes; two days later a codicil was added, leaving a sum of money to be divided among the Earl's servants, and recommending that she retain them in her service.10 The second Earl of Devonshire died on the following day.

His trust in his wife was clearly justified. She tackled the nearly thirty lawsuits with which the estate was encumbered,11 and 'every day, after she had first Accounted to God for her self, she then took the Accounts, even to the minutest Expences, of what the preceding Day had consumed'.12 In the first fifteen months of her widowhood she sold lands worth £7,700, but she was still obliged to borrow nearly £10,000 in 1630–1.13 Yet the removal of Hobbes from the Cavendish household for more than two years (1628–31) was obviously not an economy measure: it seems probable that George Aglionby was employed as a tutor for her sons in Hobbes's absence,14 and, as her biographer put it, Christian 'spared no cost in Breeding the young Lord: who in his Minority, was maintain'd both at Home, and in his Travels, beyond any of his Quality, and by her Care instructed also, by such Tutors, as could read to him, the most Accomplished Lectures, in all those Sciences that must Render him, a perfect Gentleman'.15 This statement is borne out by the payments of £800 a year to her younger son, Charles, while he was in Paris;16 the claim by one modern writer that 'to save expense, she herself undertook the early education of her children' is surely false.17

Hobbes was invited back in early 1631. As he later wrote in a legal document (of 1639), 'ye said Countesse dismissed ye then Tutor of ye Earle her sonne, & receaued into that place one Thomas Hobbes'; pg 809 although Hobbes had been 'discharged' in 1628, this new tutorship was an 'imployment he neverthelesse vndertooke, amongst other causes cheifly for this, that ye same did not much diuert him from his studyes'.18 The occasion for the writing of this legal document was a dispute between the Earl and his mother over the management of his estates during his minority, which came to a head after he had attained his majority in October 1638; Hobbes both advised the Earl on his rights, and attempted to act as a mediator between him and his mother.19

With her son attaining his majority (and marrying in 1640), Christian withdrew from Chatsworth and Hardwick; she retained the use of Devonshire House in London, and had the use of the family's Leicestershire estates, centring on Leicester Abbey (which had been settled on her, to pass to her son Charles after her death).20 But Leicester Abbey was destroyed in the Civil War, and she seems to have lived in or near London during most of the Interregnum. In 1649 or 1650 she began to rent a house at Roehampton, formerly known as Putney Park, from Sir Thomas Dawes, and within a year she bought it from him,21 Edmund Waller visited her there.22 Towards the end of the Interregnum she engaged in secret correspondence with the Duke of Hamilton, the Earl of Holland, and the Earl of Norwich to facilitate the return of the King;23 she also held discussions with Col. John Russell, one of the leaders of the secret royalist organization the Sealed Knot.24It was rumoured too that she had looked after Charles Il's effects after the battle of Worcester.25 But her royalist sentiments did not prevent her from encouraging her favourite grandson, Robert Rich, in his courtship of Frances Cromwell in 1656.26

After the Restoration Christian Cavendish was visited several times at Roehampton by the King.27 She entertained there on a grand scale, pg 810as Christiaan Huygens noted when he dined at Roehampton in July 1663.28 In the following month she received Clarendon there, writing to her brother that 'He did me the honour to come take his leave of me. I never saw him merrier nor look better,'29 She let Devonshire House to tenants from 1666 onwards,30 and thereafter lived permanently at Roehampton. A vivid description of the state she kept up there in her final years comes from the pen of the Florentine courtier and man of letters Lorenzo Magalotti:

She lives in a magnificent palace, behaving as something rather grander than a great princess. […] She is waited on by gentlemen, and dines sumptuously every day. Her house is always full of visitors. Her chambers are full of precious furniture and silver. She sits up in a bed of case […] under a sort of baldacchino […]. The Countess does not move, and only gets up when supported on the arms of two extremely beautiful damsels. Her 86 years of age [Magalotti was misinformed: she was 72] and the paralytic disease she has in her neck, which makes her head constantly turn from side to side like clockwork, do not prevent her from wearing petticoats of pearly cloth embroidered with flowers in bright colours, with large quantities of lace-work in silver thread.31

She died on 16 [/26] January 1675, and was buried at All Saints' church, Derby, in a ceremony which included the reburial with her of he, beloved younger son, Charles. The Duke of Ormonde wrote: 'I am glad the good old Lady Devonshire's interment was so suitable to the whole course of her life, full of honours, and with the respects of all sorts of people.'32

pg 811Margaret Cavendish, Duchess of Newcastle (1623–1674)

Née Margaret Lucas, she came from an Essex gentry family with estates near Colchester. When her father died in 1625, her elder brother, John, became head of the family. He was a royalist, and in August 1642 he, his mother, his sister Margaret, and other members of the family were seized, and their house ransacked, by a local mob. On being released they travelled to the royalist stronghold of Oxford, where Margaret entered the Court of Queen Henrietta Maria in 1643. She travelled with the Queen to Paris in 1644, and lodged with her first in the Louvre, then at Saint-Germain. In 1645 she enjoyed a long and at first clandestine courtship with the Marquess of Newcastle when he stayed in the French capital, and they were married in November or December.

For the next two and a half years they lived on borrowed money in Paris; it was there that she became acquainted with Hobbes, who was a frequent guest at her husband's table. Her own interest in scientific and philosophical matters was still embryonic, and her leading trait at this time was, to use her own word, 'bashfulness';1 so it is unlikely that there was much intellectual contact between them at this stage. In 1655 she was to write, in the course of a denial that her own philosophical theories were borrowed from Hobbes: 'And for Master Hobbes, it is true I have had the like good fortune to see him, and that very often with my Lord at dinner [ … ] yet I never heard Master Hobbes to my best remembrance treat, or discourse of Philosophy, nor I never spake to Master Hobbes twenty words in my life.'2 Nevertheless, she was later able to record two discussions she had listened to between her husband and Hobbes in Paris, one on the possibility of human flight, and the other on the existence of witches.3 Her comment there, however, that Hobbes had inserted into Leviathan her husband's remarks on the differing bone-structures of men and birds suggests that she had never read the whole of Hobbes's book.

In July 1648 the Newcastles travelled to Holland; later that year they settled in Antwerp, where the Marquess remained until the Restoration. But in the winter of 1651–2 Margaret and Sir Charles Cavendish returned to England in the hope of salvaging some portion of the family pg 812estates.4 She spent the whole of 1652 in London, leading a secluded life; on one occasion she met Hobbes and invited him to dinner, 'but he with great civility refused me, as having some businesse, which I suppose required his absence'.5 With little else to distract her she devoted much of her time to writing poetry. Two volumes, Philosophicall Fancies and Poems and Fancies, were published in 1653; these included a group of poems setting forth an atomistic theory of matter—reflecting the influence, no doubt, of her philosophical brother-in-law, Sir Charles.6 Back in Antwerp from 1653 to 1660, she extended her writing to a number of different genres: prose observations, literary letters, and plays. After the Restoration, when she returned to England, she published several more volumes of her works: Playes (1662)—for which Hobbes thanked her in Letter 145—Sociable Letters (1664), Observations upon Experimental Philosophy (1666), and The Life of William Cavendishe (1667), a biography of her husband. In her Philosophical Letters (1664) she discussed, in a series of letters addressed to a female correspondent (possibly Lady Conway), the theories of chapters 1–6 of Leviathan and chapters I–VIII, XXV–XXX of the English translation of De corpore.7 In May 1667 she made a much publicized visit to the Royal Society, thus becoming the first woman to attend one of its meetings; and in one of her last publications, The Description of a New Blazing World (1666), a blend of fantasy-romance, philosophical conjecture, autobiography, and science fiction, she described herself as 'Honest Margaret Newcastle' and declared that 'concerning the Philosophicall World, I am Emperess of it my selfe'.8 She died suddenly in 1673, aged only 50.

William Cavendish, first Earl, first Marquess, and first Duke of Newcastle (1593–1676)

William's father, Sir Charles, was the first Earl of Devonshire's younger brother, being the youngest son of Bess of Hardwick by her second husband. Her stepson by her fourth marriage, Gilbert Talbot, passed over to Sir Charles the lease of Welbeck Abbey in north Nottinghamshire, and an option on the dilapidated castle of Bolsover in Derbyshire. These were later to be William's inheritance.

pg 813As a boy he displayed a special talent for horsemanship. In 1610 he attended the investiture of Henry, Prince of Wales, and was created Knight of the Bath. Two years later he joined Sir Henry Wotton's diplomatic mission to Savoy.1 His father began rebuilding Bolsover Castle, but died in 1617; Sir William continued the project, fortified by the wealth brought by his bride, the heiress Elizabeth Bassett, in the following year. In 1620 he was created Viscount Mansfield, and soon after the accession of Charles I he was appointed Lord-Lieutenant of Nottinghamshire; the earldom of Newcastle-upon-Tyne was granted to him in 1628, in recognition of his increasing administrative and political importance. Also in that year the death of his cousin, the second Earl of Devonshire, brought him closer to the Chatsworth Cavendishes; from his late cousin he also took over the lord-lieutenantship of Derbyshire. Doubtless he had already had many opportunities to encounter Hobbes during the latter's years as tutor and secretary to the second Earl (1608–28); and certainly Hobbes was acquainted with Newcastle's protégé Ben Jonson by 1628.2 In his English optical treatise of 1646 Hobbes wrote that he had expounded his theory 'that Light is a fancy in the minde, caused by motion in the braine' to Newcastle at Welbeck 'about 16 yeares since',3 referring probably to the months immediately following his return from the Continent in November 1630.

It was during the next few years that Newcastle became famous as a Maecenas, with his colossally expensive entertainments of Charles I, including masques by Ben Jonson, at Welbeck in 1633 and Bolsover in 1634. His patronage of Hobbes is attested to not only by Hobbes's acknowledgement of a 'generous gift' in Letter 16, but also by the evidence in Letters 21 and 22 that Hobbes had been invited in 1636 to move to Welbeck and devote himself there to philosophical studies. Although Hobbes remained with the Devonshires, it is clear that he had more frequent contact with Newcastle and his brother in the late 1630s;4 and in May 1640 it was to Newcastle that he dedicated his first political work, the Elements of Law. (A more inconsequential treatise written for Newcastle and hitherto attributed to Hobbes, the 'Considerations touching the facility or Difficulty of the Motions of a pg 814Horse', is in the handwriting of Newcastle's chaplain, Robert Payne, and can therefore more probably be attributed to him.5)

In 1638 Newcastle was put in charge of the education, both academic and moral, of the Prince of Wales; so it is possible that a recommendation from Newcastle eight years later helped secure Hobbes the post of mathematics tutor to the Prince. In 1641, under suspicion of involvement in the army plot, Newcastle was deprived of that post at Parliament's request. During the first year of the Civil War he played a crucial role in raising royalist forces in the north of England and securing cities for the King; he was created Marquess of Newcastle in late 1643. But after the defeat of the forces commanded by him and Prince Rupert at Marston Moor in June 1644 he sailed to the Continent, staying first at Hamburg and then, from April 1645 till July 1648, in Paris. There he met and wooed Margaret Lucas (his first wife having died in 1643). During his stay in Paris he met Hobbes again, frequently invited him to dinner,6 and took a close interest in his scientific work: Hobbes's English optical treatise was written in the vernacular at Newcastle's bidding.7 He also discussed the psychology and physiology of the passions with Hobbes: a few paragraphs on love, anger, blushing, and the motion of the blood in Sir Charles Cavendish's notes are described there as 'Parte of Mr. Hobbes his answeare to my brothers quaeres'.8 The treatise Of Libertie and Necessitie was also written at Newcastle's request. On leaving Paris in 1648 he borrowed the sum of 100 pistoles from Hobbes, and left his collection of telescopes and microscopes with him as surety; this transaction was then converted by mutual agreement into the purchase of those 'prospective glasses' by Hobbes.9

From Paris Newcastle travelled first to Rotterdam and then to Antwerp, where he stayed for the rest of the Interregnum, taking little part in the politics of the exile and devoting himself mainly to the two arts at which he excelled: horsemanship and the staving-off of creditors. After his return to England in 1660 he was occupied for many years with the recovery and repair of his estates. He revived his literary pg 815interests, writing plays and poems and extending his patronage to Dryden and Shadwell; but there is little evidence of further contact between him and Hobbes. He was created Duke of Newcastle in 1665, and died in 1676.

William Cavendish, third Earl of Devonshire (1617–1684)

The future third Earl's father became second Earl of Devonshire in 1626, but died only two years later, his estates heavily encumbered with debts. His widow, Christian, took charge of the upbringing of her children.1 In early 1631 Hobbes returned to her service as tutor to the young third Earl and his brother, the Hon. Charles Cavendish. It was probably in the years 1631–4 that this tuition included the preparation of a Latin digest of Aristotle's Rhetoric: this manuscript consists mainly of passages in William Cavendish's hand, with insertions and corrections by Hobbes.2 In February 1634 Cavendish took part in a performance of Carew's masque Coelum Britannicum at Court.3 It is possible that he and Hobbes spent some time in Oxford during the summer of that year;4 but by the autumn they were in France, and they remained on the Continent (travelling as far as Rome in December 1635) until their return to England in October 1636.5

In October 1638 William Cavendish attained his majority. His mother got him to sign a general release accepting all the actions she had taken as administrator of his estate during his minority; having signed this, he began to suspect that she had misappropriated funds in order to buy lands for her own use. At his insistence, Hobbes 'drew a breife Note of what his Mother was accountable to him for, as neere as he could; & also informed [> him] in other things concerning ye same'.6It appears that Christian Cavendish then accused Hobbes of poisoning her son's mind against her: an elaborate legal statement was drawn up and signed by both Hobbes and the Earl in April 1639, stating in conclusion that Hobbes had advised his former pupil 'not to commence any suite against her. And for this information ye said Thomas Hobbes neyther hath receaued nor demanded, nor expecteth any pg 816reward, but onely ye testimony of hauing performed ye part of a faithfull Tutor',7 The breach between them and the Countess seems to have been mended. On 4/14 March 1640 the Earl married Elizabeth Cecil, daughter of the second Earl of Salisbury.

The young Earl's induction into the responsibilities of public life was rapid. Less than a month after his twenty-first birthday he became Lord-Lieutenant of Derbyshire; he became High Steward of Ampthill in February 1640, and Joint Commissioner of Array for Leicestershire in January 1642. In June 1642 he was with the King at York; he was impeached in his absence, with eight other peers, and expelled from the House of Lords on 20/30 July. Ordered to be committed to the Tower, he fled the country. In 1645 he returned to England; in the following year, having been fined £5,000 and pardoned by Parliament, he retired to Latimers, a country house in Buckinghamshire. He kept in contact with Hobbes, seeking his advice on a tutor for his young son in 1646.8 But his correspondence with Hobbes was monitored by parliamentary officials: in 1650 Robert Payne was told by a friend, who had it 'from one who was an eye-witness', that a letter from Hobbes to the Earl had been 'intercepted by ye grandees at west[minster], & after sent to ye E of D'.9 In the summer of 1655, to general surprise, the Earl was placed under arrest—though released soon afterwards.10

Hobbes had re-entered the Earl's service not long after his own return to England at the beginning of 1652. He seems to have imbued his former pupil with a new interest in astronomy or optics: in 1656 the Earl bought a 'perspective glass' from the famous instrument-maker Richard Reeve,11 and in 1659 the Earl bought Hobbes's entire collection of 'prospective glasses' for £80.12 But the Earl also had other, less intellectual interests: in November 1659 he wrote to a friend from Hardwick that 'I can only tell you that I am grown a perfect lover of sports […] I hope my cousin Bruce is grown grave and serious, for I am turned more jockey than ever he was.'13

After the Restoration the Earl was reinstated as Lord-Lieutenant of pg 817Derbyshire and appointed Steward of the High Peak. He was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society as early as December 1660; though never an active member, he continued to pay his dues to the Society until his death.14 During the 1660s he rented Little Salisbury House in the Strand from his brother-in-law; it was there that Samuel Sorbière met him in 1663, later recording that he had 'a great knowledge of the sciences'. 'Besides', Sorbière added, 'he was educated by Mr Hobbes, whom he loves and reveres more highly than people of his rank usually revere their tutors, when they are no longer with them in that capacity'.15 In 1669 the Earl entertained Cosimo de' Medici there; Cosimo's secretary, Lorenzo Magalotti, was equally impressed by 'his universal knowledge of the sciences, which he owes to his excellent education by Mr Hobbes'.16 William Cavendish was appointed a Commissioner of Trade in 1669; but otherwise he was generally inactive in public affairs. He died in November 1684, at the house which he had inherited from his mother at Roehampton, and was buried at Edensor, near Chatsworth.

Charles II (1630–1685)

In April 1638, just before his eighth birthday, Charles was placed under the governorship of William Cavendish, Earl of Newcastle. The young prince's character traits included 'vitality, independence, and assertiveness';1 in a memorandum addressed to his young charge Newcastle observed, 'Sir, you are not in your own disposition religious and not very apt to your book.'2 in 1641 Newcastle was obliged by Parliament to resign his post as governor. Charles joined his father at York, and was given nominal command of a troop of royal lifeguards; he was present at the battle of Edgehill, and sat as a peer in the Oxford Parliament. In 1645 he was sent into the West Country, and in the spring of 1646 he pg 818sailed first to the Scilly Isles and then to Jersey. He finally joined his mother in Paris in early July of that year.

Within a few weeks, Hobbes had been engaged to give Prince Charles lessons in mathematics—but only in mathematics, as Hobbes emphasized in Letter 45, and not in politics. News of this appointment had reached the Scottish Presbyterian Robert Baillie in London by 13 [/23] August; in a letter of that date Baillie remarked that 'the placeing of Hopes (a professed Atheist, as they speak) about the Prince as his teacher, is ill taken'.3 It was during this period of tuition that Charles seems to have adopted the attitude of bemused affection towards Hobbes which he was to retain for the rest of his life; in 1651 Henry Hammond reported a conversation in which Charles II had stated, as his considered opinion of Hobbes, 'that he was the oddest fellow he ever met with'.4

At the end of June 1648 Charles left Saint-Germain and travelled to Holland, from where he conducted several ineffectual or abortive naval operations, before landing in Scotland in June 1650, His military advance into England in the following year ended with his defeat at the battle of Worcester on 3/13 September; he returned to France in October, and took up residence at the Louvre in Paris. The next four years were spent in conditions of poverty, and of feuding between the two main factions among his advisers: the Anglican 'old royalists' (Hyde, Nicholas, Ormonde), and the 'Louvre group' (including Jermyn, Wilmot, and Percy), The latter group, which centred on Charles's Catholic mother, had a more pragmatic attitude to the religious settlement of England and Scotland, and favoured cooperation with the Presbyterians. Hobbes was awkwardly placed between these factions. He was favoured by Ormonde, and was one of Hyde's 'most ancient acquaintance';5 but he also enjoyed the patronage of Jermyn and Percy. His hatred of the Presbyterians6 must have distanced him from the Louvre group's policies; on the other hand his theory of the relationship between protection and obedience, as set out in Leviathan, was highly unpalatable to the old royalists. Hobbes presented a manuscript fair copy of Leviathan to Charles, hoping, pg 819apparently, to instruct him on the nature of the threat posed by priestcraft to civil authority.7 But the doctrines of Leviathan caused such offence to both factions of Charles's advisers (and to the two categories of priest, Anglican and Roman Catholic, at his and his mother's Courts) that, shortly before Christmas 1651, Hobbes was forbidden to come to Court: Edward Nicholas wrote to Hyde on 1/11 January 1652 that 'All honest Men here, who are Lovers of Monarchy, are very glad, that the K. hath at length banisht from his court that father of Atheists, Mr Hobbes.'8 Hobbes's own account, published a decade later, claimed that Charles 'was displeased for a while, but not very long', and that 'the very next Summer after his [sc. Hobbes's] coming away, two Honourable Persons of the Court that came over into England, assured him that his Majesty had a good opinion of him'.9

Charles left Paris in July 1654 for Spa (near Liège); he then spent eighteen months in Cologne, before moving to Brussels in March 1656; and the next four years were spent at various places in the Spanish Netherlands, On 26 May/5 June 1660 he landed at Dover, and three days later he entered London. Hobbes had already been advised by Aubrey to come to London in readiness for the King's arrival, and 'about two or three dayes' later he was noticed at the gate of Little Salisbury House by the King, who 'put of his hat very kindly to him, and asked him how he did'.10 The two met again at Samuel Cooper's studio, and Charles ordered that Hobbes 'should have free access to his majestie'.11 When Samuel Sorbière had an audience with Charles II four years later, the King showed him a miniature of Hobbes by Cooper which he kept in his cabinet of curiosities, and agreed with him that 'if he had been a little less dogmatic, he would have been much needed at the Royal Society; for there are few people who examine things as closely as he does'.12 By this time (the summer of 1664) Hobbes was already receiving the pension of 100 jacobus (a coin worth between 21 and 24 shillings) for the renewal of which he later pleaded in Letter 210.13 The promise of 'free access' seems to have been kept, though pg 820there were limits to the privileges which Hobbes could gain thereby: his request that the King license the printing of Behemoth was turned down.14 As Aubrey later explained to Locke, the manuscript of this work was something which 'the King has read and likes extreamly, but tells him there is so much truth in it he dares not license for feare of displeasing the Bishops'.15 However, in July 1674 Hobbes did get Charles's permission to print his letter of complaint to Anthony Wood (Letter 197), after approaching the King in person 'in the Pall-mall in St James's parke'.16

It is not known when exactly Hobbes's pension ceased to be paid;17Charles's administration suffered from chronic financial problems. The financial settlement at the Restoration had not satisfied his requirements; his foreign policy, which led him into two Anglo-Dutch wars (1664–7 and 1672–4), was influenced by his growing dependence on secret subsidies from France, and at home his attempts at a policy of religious toleration (the Declarations of Indulgence of 1662 and 1672) caused strong hostility in Parliament, with consequent battles over supply. The King's religious position was suspect; in the words of David Masson, he was 'as much a Hobbist as a crypto-Catholic; and, indeed, a mixture of Hobbism and crypto-Catholicism was the special court religion'.18 But Charles was determined not to go on his travels again; he weathered the storm of anti-Catholic hysteria of the Exclusion Crisis (1679–81), and admitted his Catholicism only on his deathbed, in February 1685.

Sir Gervase Clifton (1587–1666)

Gervase Clifton was born just after the death of his father, and succeeded his grandfather at the age of four months. They were an old and distinguished gentry family, and he inherited large estates, centring on Clifton (south of Nottingham) and Hodsock (near Worksop, in north Nottinghamshire, close to Welbeck Abbey). He matriculated at St John's College, Cambridge in 1603.1 He was pg 821knighted at the coronation of James I, and was created a baronet in 1611. That year he married Lady Penelope Rich, daughter of the first Earl of Warwick and sister of the first Earl of Holland. She bore him a son, Gervase (Hobbes's future pupil), and died in 1613. His second wife, Lady Frances Clifford, daughter of the fourth Earl of Cumberland, bore five daughters and another son, his future heir Sir Clifford Clifton, before she died in 1627. When his third wife, Mary, widow of Sir Francis Leeke of Sutton Scarsdale, died in January 1631, Sir Gervase had a magnificent tomb built for all three wives in St Mary's, Clifton: at the base of the monument the visitor catches a hideous glimpse into a charnel chamber, filled with bones and skulls.

Sir Gervase's time was chiefly occupied with running his estates and performing his political and administrative duties. He was MP for the county in 1614, 1621, 1624, 1625, and 1628, MP for the borough of Nottingham in 1626, and MP for East Retford in the Long Parliament. This last seat was usually the preserve of the Welbeck Cavendishes, with whom Sir Gervase enjoyed a very close relationship.2 They were often brought together by local business: in 1630, for example, when the Privy Council wanted to enquire into the attempts at fen drainage carried out by Cornelius Vermuyden, it set up a tribunal consisting of 'The Earl of Clare, the Earl of Newcastle and Sir Gervis Clifton, or any twoe of them'.3 Possibly it was through Newcastle's recommendation that Hobbes was employed as tutor to Sir Gervase's elder son on his continental tour of 1629–30. Newcastle and Sir Gervase were also brought together by their strong literary interests. In a letter to Newcastle in 1648, enclosing a copy of the first printing of Donne's Biathanatos, Donne's son wrote: 'you were pleased to looke vpon this Booke, when it was in an imperfect Manuscript (many yeares since) in the hands of Sr Ieruaise Clifton'.4 This need not imply that Clifton and Cavendish had seen the manuscript immediately after its completion in 1607–8, as the modern editor of Biathanatos has argued.5 But it is clear that Sir Gervase had literary interests from an early age: a letter sent to him by the poet John Marston in 1607 expressed the wish 'that our pg 822acquaintance may grow to the deere title of frendshipp'.6 Sir Gervase had probably taken part in Marston's masque The Entertainment of the Dowager-Countess of Darby in August of that year, performing as one of the 'sons of Mercury'.7 Among his papers there is a memorandum dated 1630–3 and headed 'notes of those books or writings lent by my Mr out of his studdy': it includes 'Sr Jo Beaumont his fathers manuscript book & 10th satyre of Juuenall translated by his father', and 'D.r Dunnes verses young M.r' (i.e. lent to the young Gervase Clifton).8 A letter from Charles Cotton senior in May 1639 also thanked Sir Gervase for the loan of his manuscripts, returning all 'except yor book of rapsodies'.9 The courtier and poet Endymion Porter was a friend and kinsman of Sir Gervase,10 and in 1634 Clifton became involved in the affairs of Porter's friend, the poet Sir John Suckling, whose mercenary courtship of a Derbyshire heiress, Anne Willoughby, was being resisted by both the girl and her father. The King directed Sir Gervase and Sir Thomas Hutchinson to intervene on Suckling's behalf;11 they were able to report on 16 [/26] October that the girl had signed a note in Suckling's favour; but a few days later Suckling was soundly cudgelled by the rival suitor, Sir Kenelm Digby's brother, and in the end he failed to gain the girl's hand in marriage.12

Clifton's own marital history was checked only by deaths, not refusals. His fourth wife, Isabel, widow of a London merchant, John Hodges, died in 1637; his fifth, Anne, daughter of Sir Francis South, died in 1639; his sixth, Jane, daughter of Anthony Eyre, bore him two sons before dying in 1655; and his seventh wife, Alice Hastings, daughter of the fifth Earl of Huntingdon, survived him (but by only a few weeks) in 1666. The latter part of Clifton's life was clouded by two things; the behaviour of his dissolute eldest son, whom he disinherited, and the Civil War, in which he served as a commissioner for the King at Newark and Oxford, and was fined £7,650 by Parliament. According to Thomas Shipman, who knew him well, his total losses as a result of the war came to £80,000.13

pg 823All sources are agreed that Sir Gervase Clifton was an exceptionally generous and noble-spirited man. Shipman celebrated his virtues in a poem entitled 'The Old-English Gentleman'.14 The antiquary Robert Thoroton, who was Sir Gervase's personal physician in his final illness, described him as follows: 'generally the most noted person of his time for courtesie, he was very prosperous and beloved of all. He Generously, Hospitably, and Charitably entertained all, from the King to the poorest Begger. […] He was an extraordinary kind Landlord, and good Master.'15

William Crooke (d. 1694)

Andrew Crooke, the relative with whom William served his apprenticeship and later joined in business, was active as a printer and bookseller in London (at the sign of the Green Dragon, initially in St Paul's churchyard) from 1630 until his death. He took up his freedom of the Stationers' Company in 1629, and his first book was entered in the registers of the Company in February 1630.1 In March 1637 he was called to the Livery of the Company.2 He specialized in plays; in 1637 he acquired the copyrights to Ben Jonson's The Staple of News and Bartholomew Fair, and he added four more works by Jonson to his list in 1640.3 Since the first work by Hobbes which is known to have been printed by Crooke appeared in 1637 (A Briefe of the Art of Rhetorique), it is conceivable that Jonson, in the final year of his life, had recommended the printer to Hobbes. Thereafter all Hobbes's works printed in England (with the exception of his 'Answer' to the Preface to Davenant's Gondibert, and various unauthorized publications and translations) were issued by Andrew or William Crooke.

Andrew Crooke rose steadily through the hierarchy of the Stationers' Company: he became Under Warden in 1660, Upper Warden in 1663, and Master of the Company in both 1665 and 1666. The Fire of London destroyed much of his stock, however, and seems to have left him in some financial disarray. When he died in 1674 his widow, Elizabeth, who became the administrator of his estate, had to clear some large pg 824debts; the Stationers' Company appointed a special committee 'to examine the Acc:ts formerly delivered in by Mr Crook in his life time', which concluded in May 1675 that Mrs Crooke owed the Company £110.4 When Elizabeth Crooke died in 1681 she left her estate to be divided between her four daughters: three of them were from a previous marriage, and the fourth, Mary, thus seems to have been Andrew Crooke's only surviving child.5

William Crooke has often been assumed, wrongly, to have been Andrew's son. He was in fact the son of William Crooke, a yeoman of Kingston Blount, Oxon.—who was most probably a brother or cousin of Andrew.6 The younger William was bound apprentice to Andrew Crooke from 1655 to 1663, and acquired his freedom of the Stationers' Company in November 1663.7 He began working independently as a bookseller in the years 1664–5 at the sign of the Three Bibles, on Fleet Bridge;8 but after the Fire of London he joined Andrew Crooke when the latter set up his new shop 'at the sign of the Green Dragon, without Temple Bar' (near Devereux Court, on the south side of the Strand just beyond the end of Fleet St.).9 He remained active as a bookseller, at that address, until his death in 1694. Unlike Andrew, William Crooke never held any office in the Stationers' Company. The books he sold seem generally to have been more miscellaneous, and aimed at a more popular market, than Andrew's stock: a list of seventy-four works available from his shop in 1678 includes popular works on gardening, carpentry, astrology, heraldry, and law; a number of farces, comedies, and romances; and a few works of popular theology.10 Without the intellectual backbone provided by his stock of titles by Hobbes, William Crooke's catalogue would seem very slight. Crooke benefited from Hobbes's loyalty, but suffered from his refusal to countenance the printing of those works, such as Behemoth, which had not been licensed. Only after Hobbes's death was Crooke able to print that work, solemnly announcing that 'My Duty […] has obliged me to procure, pg 825with my utmost diligence, that these Tracts should come forth with the most correct exactness,' and ending his epistle to the reader with the engaging remark: 'These things promis'd, there remains nothing but to wish for my self good sale, to the Buyer much pleasure and satisfaction.'11

William Crooke died in 1694. The business was continued at the same address by Elizabeth Crooke; Plomer presumes that this was William's widow.12 After only two years, however, she ceased trading, and all the remaining stock was sold off.

René Descartes (1596–1650)

Born to a prosperous family of noblesse de robe, Descartes eventually inherited and sold property from his mother's estate; this was to give him financial independence in later life. He was educated at the Jesuit college of La Flèche (1606–14), and graduated in law from the University of Poitiers. In 1618 he went to serve as a gentleman volunteer soldier under Prince Maurice of Nassau; at Breda he met the Dutch mathematician and scientist Isaac Beeckman, who stimulated his interest in physics and mechanics. In November 1619, while serving in the Duke of Bavaria's army at Neuburg on the Danube, he had the meditation in the 'poêle' (stove-room) in which he formed his large-scale project of finding a true philosophical 'method'.

In the winter of 1628–9 Descartes withdrew to The Netherlands to lead a secluded life of writing and studying. His Regulae ad directionem ingenii was written at this time, but left unfinished. In the early 1630s he worked on a scientific treatise, Le Monde; this was ready for publication in 1633, but he decided to suppress it after hearing of Galileo's condemnation in that year. As part of the same scientific project he also sketched a treatise on human anatomy, which remained unpublished in his lifetime.

Descartes's first published work was the Discours de la méthode […] plus la dioptrique, les météores et la géometrie, which appeared in [May/] June 1637, and of which Hobbes (thanks to Sir Kenelm Digby) must have been one of the very first English readers.1 Hobbes was particularly interested in the optical and mathematical sections of this book: pg 826his close study of the 'Dioptrique' is attested to by his own Latin Optical MS, written probably before his departure from England in 1640,2 and by his detailed criticisms discussed in his correspondence with Descartes (via Mersenne) in 1641.3 Hobbes also acquired from Mersenne (either directly or via Sir Charles Cavendish) copies of some of Descartes's letters on mathematics and mechanics: two such letters, written in 1638, survive in incomplete transcripts among Hobbes's papers.4 And Hobbes probably had an opportunity to study the various other mathematical manuscripts by or relating to Descartes which Sir Charles received from Mersenne in 1640: the 'Recueil du calcul qui sert à la géometrie', the 'Notes brièves sur la methode algebraïque de Mr Des Cartes' by Florimond de Beaune, and the treatise 'De la manière de trouver les tangentes des lignes courbes par l'algèbre et des imperfections de celle du Sieur des Cartes' by Jean de Beaugrand.5

In August 1641 Descartes's Meditationes de prima philosophia was published at Paris. Mersenne had sent manuscript copies of the work to several philosophers for their comments: their objections, together with Descartes's replies to them, were printed with the text. The terseness and barely veiled contempt with which Descartes framed his replies to the third set of objections suggest that he had correctly identified the anonymous author of them as Hobbes.6 A couple of years later, when a Jesuit priest asked Descartes for his opinion of De cive (which had been published with only Hobbes's initials, T.H.), he replied:

I think its author is the same person who wrote the third set of objections to my Meditationes. I find him much more clever in moral philosophy than in metaphysics or physics, though I cannot approve at all of his principles and maxims, which are very bad and very pernicious, insofar as he supposes that all men are wicked, or gives them reason to be so.7

pg 827In 1644 Descartes published his major treatise on metaphysics and physics, Principia philosophiae. Sir Charles Cavendish wrote to John Pell from Hamburg in September: 'I beleeve Mr. Hobbes will not like so much of Des Cartes newe booke as is the same with his metaphisickes, but most of the rest I think he will.'8 Three months later, having corresponded with Hobbes again, he reported: 'I perceive Mr. Hobbes joines with Gassendes in his dislike of De Cartes his writings, for he utterlie mislikes De Cartes his last newe book of philosophie.'9 In February 1646 Sir Charles noted that 'Mr. Hobbes confesses Des Cartes to be a goode geometrician';10 but when he met the French philosopher in the following month, he did not dare mention Hobbes's name to him.11 It was against this background of mistrust and hostility that Hobbes implored Sorbière not to let Descartes know that De cive was being reprinted in Holland.12

In May 1648 Descartes returned to France, having received some misleadingly optimistic reports that he would be received at Court and granted a pension. He stayed in Paris for three months: there he was not only reconciled to Gassendi, but also introduced at long last to Hobbes (and Edmund Waller) at the home of the Marquess of Newcastle. 'Mr: de Cartes and Mr: Hobbes have met', related Sir Charles Cavendish in August, 'and had some discourse, and as they agree in some opinions so they extreamelie differ in others, as in the nature of hardness.'13

In the following year Descartes published his little treatise on psychology, Les Passions de l'âme. This was as close as he would ever come in print to setting out his views on moral philosophy (though he had previously touched on such matters in his private correspondence with the learned Princess Elizabeth of Bohemia). When Sorbière had visited Descartes in 1642, and had rashly asked him whether (as Sorbière suspected) he was the author of De cive, he had replied 'that he would never publish anything on moral philosophy'.14

pg 828Also in 1649 Descartes's friend Pierre Chanut, the French Ambassador to Sweden, transmitted to him Queen Christina's request that he travel to Stockholm to give her philosophy lessons. By November of that year he was installed in Stockholm and attending her at her appointed hour for tutorials of 5 a.m. In January/February 1650 he caught pneumonia, and on 1/11 February he died. Sorbière, learning of his death, wrote to Saumaise that he was one of the greatest algebraists and geometers in the world, and that he was recognized as such by Hobbes.15 Aubrey echoed this judgement: 'Mr. Hobbes was wont to say that had Mieur Des Cartes (for whom he had a high respect) kept himselfe to geometrie, he had been the best geometer in the world; but he could not pardon him for his writing in defence of transubstantiation, which he knew was absolutely against his opinion and donne meerly to putt a compliment on the Jesuites.'16

Sir Kenelm Digby (1603–1665)

Digby's father, Sir Everard, became a convert to Catholicism and was executed in 1606 for his involvement in the Gunpowder Plot. Nevertheless, Kenelm was also brought up as a Catholic.1 His mother managed to salvage some property from the estate (which otherwise was confiscated by the Crown), and his branch of the family kept up its connection with that of his more prosperous kinsman Sir John Digby (later first Earl of Bristol). In 1617–18 Kenelm accompanied Sir John on the latter's embassy to Madrid. Later in 1618 he entered Gloucester Hall, Oxford, where his tutor was the famous alchemist and astrologer Thomas Allen, friend of John Dee and Thomas Hariot; other pupils of Allen at roughly the same time included Thomas Aylesbury (who was later Walter Warner's patron) and Robert Payne.2 When Allen died in 1632 he left the bulk of his valuable library, and his 'concaue large burning glasse', to Digby.3 Digby left Oxford in 1620; he had fallen in pg 829love with Venetia, daughter of Sir Edward Stanley, but his mother opposed the marriage and persuaded him to travel abroad. He spent two years in France and Italy (where he delivered several 'Orations' on language, happiness, and the human soul to the Accademia dei filomati in Siena),4 before travelling to Spain again at the invitation of his kinsman Sir John. There in 1623 he met Prince Charles and the Duke of Buckingham, and joined the Prince's household; on his return to England he was knighted by James I.

Having married Venetia Stanley in 1625, Sir Kenelm spent more than a year (in 1627–9) as a 'private adventurer'—i.e., in effect, a licensed pirate—in the Mediterranean.5 It was probably during this voyage that he wrote his semi-autobiographical courtly romance, Loose Fantasies.6 Not long after his return to England he was made a Commissioner of the Navy.7 In 1630 he was converted to the Church of England, though he became a Roman Catholic again in 1635; and it was probably during the years 1630–3 that he first attended the gatherings of poets, Court wits, and liberal Oxford divines at Lord Falkland's house at Great Tew. In May 1633 Venetia Digby died. Rumour had it that Sir Kenelm had made her drink viper wine to preserve her beauty. Griefstricken, he retired from public life for two years, living in Gresham College, 'where he diverted himselfe with his chymistry, and the professors' good conversation'.8

From September 1635, however, Digby was on the Continent again.9 He went to Paris and was based there throughout 1636, returning to London by July 1637.10 Letter 20 (1 [/11] October 1636) is the earliest certain evidence of his friendship with Hobbes;11 Digby was so well known in English intellectual, literary, and Court circles that there can be little point in trying to guess who had been responsible for the introduction—assuming that they had already met in England. (If they met for the first time in France, the most likely point of contact was pg 830Charles du Bosc, who was a friend of Digby, and who had known Hobbes and the Cavendish family since the 1620s.12) Nor would it be anything more than mere guesswork to argue that Digby introduced Hobbes to Mersenne, or vice versa, or that Mersenne introduced the two to each other.13

In 1639, having joined the circle of Catholic courtiers around Queen Henrietta Maria, Digby became involved both in schemes to raise money for English Catholics to support the King's expedition to Scotland, and in plans to negotiate on her behalf with the Pope. He was summoned before Parliament in early 1641, and, after a visit to Paris in the summer of that year, was imprisoned in London from November 1642 to July [/Aug.] 1643, when he was released and expelled from the country.14 During these years, stimulated perhaps by his friendship with the Catholic philosopher Thomas White (who is known to have stayed in Digby's lodgings in London in 1639),15 he wrote his major philosophical work, Two Treatises (published eventually in Paris in 1644). It is characterized by a combination of Aristotelian and Neoplatonic metaphysics with elements of the mechanistic 'new science'. Also during his imprisonment in London he wrote a criticism of Sir Thomas Browne's Religio Medici, which was published without his authorization.16

Back in Paris in 1643–5, Digby doubtless renewed his friendship with Hobbes. It may have been then that Hobbes presented him with a copy of the first edition of De cive (Digby having been in England when it was published), inscribed 'To Mr Kenelm Digby, most distinguished by his birth, his virtues, his knowledge, and his deeds, as a tribute from the author'.17 Jacquot and Jones have claimed that Digby had been shown the MS of De cive in the presence of Sorbière and Abraham du pg 831Prat.18 This claim rests, however, on a misreading: what Sorbière wrote was not 'Digbaeo', as Tönnies conjectured, but 'Diseroto'—referring to du Prat's friend Diserot.19

Between 1645 and 1648 Digby was accompanied by Thomas White when he undertook two missions to Rome, to negotiate with the Pope on behalf of Queen Henrietta Maria.20 It was while staying in Rome on the first of these trips that Digby became acquainted with François du Verdus.21 He was in Paris again for most of the period 1648–54; there he would have been able to renew his friendship with both Hobbes and (from 1651) du Verdus, though one English visitor recalled that Digby led a secluded life: 'I was acquainted with Sir Kenelm Digby who lodged in the Colledg of Bon Coeur [ … ] he lived in Paris like an Anchorite in a long gray coat accompanied with a great English masty [sc. mastiff] and his beard down to his middle.'22 In 1654 Digby returned to England, and was soon rumoured to have become one of Cromwell's confidants, discussing with him the possibility of toleration for Roman Catholics. He was given a passport to travel to France again; he was in Toulouse and Bordeaux (where he met du Verdus again) in early 1657,23 and later that year he delivered a lecture at Montpellier on the 'sympathetic powder', a method of curing wounds at a distance for which he tried to supply a mechanistic explanation.24

Despite his Cromwellian links, Digby was well received by the King at the Restoration. Soon thereafter he made an appeal to the King for the abolition of all anti-Catholic laws.25 But his energies during his final years were mainly devoted to science. In the late 1650s he had corresponded with John Wallis on scientific matters, praising Wallis, Wilkins, and Ward as a 'worthy triumvirate'.26 Digby was one of the first Fellows of the Royal Society (joining in December 1660); he gave a lecture on vegetation to the Society in January 1661, and was on the Council in 1662–3.27 In 1664 he was banned from Court. During his last year (he died in 1665) he continued to hold gatherings of learned men in pg 832his lodgings, and, it has been claimed, 'often "wrangled" with Hobbes there'.28 This claim may be based on Wood's report that Hobbes and Thomas White held wrangling disputes while both in their eighties, though Wood says that these disputes took place in White's lodgings in Westminster.29 But it is very likely that Digby and Hobbes still saw each other: Digby's lodgings were on the north side of Covent Garden, and Hobbes stayed with the Cavendishes at Little Salisbury House in the Strand, a couple of hundred yards away. When Sorbière's friend Balthazar de Monconys visited London in 1663 he saw both Hobbes and Digby several times, sometimes on the same day.30

The theories of Digby and Hobbes may have overlapped on some points, but there was plenty of scope for disagreement between them. When Seth Ward accused Hobbes of borrowing his theory of sensation from earlier writers including Digby, Hobbes replied: 'And for Gassendus, and S. Kenelme Digby, it is manifest by their writings, that their opinions are not different from that of Epicurus, which is very different from mine.'31 In the following year, 1657, when Digby received a copy of Ward's criticism of Hobbes, In Thomae Hobbii philosophiam exercitatio epistolica, he told Wallis that he had 'greedily read it over with much content and pleasure'.32

Samuel Fermat (1632–1690)

Samuel's father, the mathematician Pierre Fermat, was a lawyer who became a conseiller of the Parlement of Toulouse and a commissaire (magistrate) in the Chambre de l'Édit at Castres.1 The date 1630 which is sometimes given for Samuel's birth2 is incorrect; Pierre Fermat was married on [22 May/] 1 June 1631. Little is known of Samuel Fermat's early life, except that he studied law and gained a doctorate: in a document of 1661 he was described as 'docteur et avocat'.3 He pursued a pg 833legal career, and eventually inherited his father's office of conseiller at Toulouse.

As Letter 124 shows, it was de Martel who effected Samuel Fermat's introduction to Hobbes in 1657; de Martel may have known Fermat through mutual acquaintances at Castres and Toulouse. It is clear from Fermat's letter that he also knew Abraham du Prat,4 and before the end of 1657 he had received a present of a book from Sorbière, to which he replied with an elegant Latin poem 'De mirandis Batauiae'.5 Fermat's skill as a Latinist was also later demonstrated in a volume of poems, Variorum carminum libri IV (1680), and in his only other original work, Dissertationes tres (1680), which included a Latin poem on marine biology, 'De mirandis pelagi'.6 After his father's death in 1665, Samuel (who was the sole heir and executor, according to Pierre Fermat's will of 1660)7 began to prepare his father's mathematical papers for publication. These were eventually issued as two books: Diophanti Alexandrini arithmeticorum libri sex (1670), and Opera varia (1679).

Samuel was not himself active as a mathematician, but he kept up an interest in the physical sciences. In 1668 he corresponded with Henry Oldenburg, praising the activities of the Royal Society and describing scientific meetings which he was attending in Toulouse.8 And in 1670 he received a volume by Boyle from Oldenburg—probably Paradoxa hydrostatica—which he also highly praised.9 His range of interests as lawyer, classicist, and scientist is indicated by his Dissertationes tres, which, apart from the Latin poem already mentioned, consisted of a treatise on Roman laws relating to soldiers, an essay on references to Homer in the works of classical legal theorists, and a detailed criticism of passages in Bacon's Sylva sylvarum,10 in which he referred to research by the Cartesian scientist Rohault and to Boyle's Essay about the Origine & Venues of Gems.11 He also published a French translation of two classical works on hunting.12

pg 834Pierre Gassendi (1592–1655)

Gassendi's family background was humble: he was born in the village of Champtercier in Provence, where his father was a peasant farmer, and was taught at first by his uncle, the curate of the local church. He entered the College of Digne in 1599, and the University of Aix in 1609, where he studied philosophy and theology. In the years 1614–17 he was ordained a priest, received his doctorate in theology from the University of Avignon, became a canon of the church of Notre Dame du Bourg in Digne, and was appointed Professor of Philosophy at the University of Aix.1 During the next few years he evidently read widely in scholastic and modern philosophy (especially modern neo-Stoic and sceptical writers such as Lipsius and Charron), adopting an iconoclastic, anti-Aristotelian stance in his lectures, Gassendi's first published work was provocatively anti-scholastic: entitled Exercitationes paradoxicae adversus aristoteleos, it appeared anonymously in Paris in 1624 with a preface explaining that this was only the first of a set of seven books on the subject. Of these, Gassendi had certainly already written book 2, but he seems to have taken fright after the public condemnation of several other authors in the same year for maintaining anti-Aristotelian and atomistic theses, and suppressed it; it eventually appeared in the posthumous Opera omnia of 1658.2 He continued to work, however, on his overall project of dislodging Aristotelianism from its privileged position in philosophical history. Letters written in 1626 and 1628 show that, in his attempt to redraw the map of ancient philosophy, he was now beginning to take a special interest in Epicurus.3

From 1628 to 1632 Gassendi stayed in Paris, giving private lessons in philosophy, pursuing his biographical and textual research on Epicurus, and forming close friendships with the sceptical humanist scholars Gabriel Naudé and François de La Mothe le Vayer. He also got to know Mersenne, whom he supported in his controversy with the hermeticist philosopher Robert Fludd by publishing a criticism of Fludd, Epistolica exercitatio, in 1630. Gassendi's other works of this pg 835period were on astronomy: Parhelia, sive soles quatuor (1630) and Mercurius in sole visus (1632).

Having returned to Provence in 1632, Gassendi devoted more time to the study of Epicurus, discussing his findings with the scholar, philosopher, and scientist Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc, in whose house at Aix he was a frequent guest, But when Peiresc died in 1637 Gassendi put aside his work on Epicurus for several years; his next major work was a biography of his friend, Viri illustris Nicolai Claude Fabricii de Peiresc [ … ] vita, published in 1641. Two short scientific works followed: an epistemological essay on an astronomical topic, De apparente magnitudine solis, and a tract setting out a theory of inertia and acceleration, De motu impresso a motore translato (both 1642), This last work was attacked for its Copernican implications by the mathematician and astrologer Jean-Baptiste Morin, in a book entitled Aloe telluris fractae (1643); a reply written by Gassendi circulated in manuscript and was eventually published as Apologia in Io. Bap. Morini librum (1649).

In 1641 Gassendi had come back to Paris, and before long (probably via Mersenne) he had become acquainted with Hobbes. When exactly they first met is not known; Gassendi regularly attended Mersenne's weekly meetings at the Minim convent, and it was thanks to Mersenne that both Hobbes and Gassendi contributed sets of objections to Descartes's Meditationes, published with Descartes's text in 1641. The answers to the objections which Descartes supplied there prompted Gassendi to write a further set of counter-replies in 1642: these circulated in manuscript before being published (by Sorbière) in 1644 as Disquisitio metaphysica seu dubitationes et instantiae. Of this work, Sorbière later wrote, Hobbes was an enthusiastic admirer: he said that Gassendi was never greater than when 'beating back ghosts', that is, demolishing the entities of false metaphysics.4 Gassendi was in turn an admirer of De cive; when he heard in April 1646 that Sorbière was planning to republish it, he wrote that, leaving aside its criticisms of the Roman Catholic Church, he could think of no author who had examined the subject more profoundly than Hobbes.5 From Hobbes's surviving letters to Gassendi it is clear that their relationship was not merely one of mutual admiration, but also of warm personal friendship; Gassendi pg 836was renowned for his gentle good nature, and his friendship was prized by all who knew him.

In 1644 Gassendi was elected Professor of Mathematics at the Collège de France. He also taught astronomy there, and published a work based on his lectures, Institutio astronomica, in 1647. That year also saw the publication (by a friend, against his wishes) of his De vita et moribus Epicuri, which he had intended as an introduction to his magnum opus on Epicurus and his philosophy.6 He was eventually persuaded by his friends to publish much of the material he had accumulated on this topic in the form of a commentary on the early biography of Epicurus by Diogenes Laertius, Animadversiones in decimum librum Diogenis Laertii (3 parts in 2 vols., Lyon (1649)). But he remained dissatisfied with this work, and remodelled it extensively: the final version, Syntagma philosophicum, was published for the first time in the posthumous Opera omnia of 1658.

Gassendi resigned his chair at the Collège de France and, shortly after Mersenne's death in September 1648, returned to Provence, spending the next four and a half years in the south of France. His public controversy with Morin revived after the publication of his Apologia in 1649: Morin published a Réponse [ … ] à une longue lettre de M. Gassendi (1650); an attack on Morin appeared under the name of Gassendi's pupil François Bernier in 1651 (Anatomia ridiculi mutis); Morin replied with Defensio suae dissertationis in the same year; another work under Bernier's name returned to the attack (Favilla ridiculi maris, 1653); and Morin replied again with Vincenti Panurgi epistola de tribus impostoribus in 1654. In this last work Morin claimed that the real author of the two works attributed to Bernier was Gassendi himself, a claim which Sorbière, a loyal follower of Gassendi, evidently thought correct.7

In 1653 Gassendi returned to Paris. Lodging in de Montmor's house, he helped to ensure that his rich patron would gather round him those friends and admirers of Gassendi (and of Hobbes), such as Sorbière, Abraham du Prat, Charles du Bosc, and François de La Mothe le Vayer, who were later to form the de Montmor 'academy'. After a long illness (for which his treatment by Guy Patin involved, to Sorbière's disgust, frequent bleedings), he died on 14/24 October 1655. On his deathbed, Sorbière relates, he had received a copy of De corpore from Abraham du Prat, and greeted it with a kiss.8

pg 837 Mr Glen

The first editor of Letter 17, Francis Peck, took the names of George Glen (MA Edinburgh, 1624) and Luke Glen (MA Edinburgh, 1664) from Wood's Fasti, and suggested that 'one of these, I presume', was the recipient of the letter.1 Molesworth, following Peck, settled for George Glen;2 he is certainly the less improbable of the two candidates, since Letter 17 was written twenty-eight years before Luke Glen took his MA. George Glen was a Scotsman (his entry in the Edinburgh University registers lacks the distinguishing note 'Anglus'),3 and it might be imagined that he had some connection with Christian Cavendish's own family, the Bruces. But George Glen's subsequent career as an Anglican priest does not suggest any link with the Cavendish family. He was never promoted to any Cavendish livings, being vicar of Doveridge (1635) and Marston-upon-Doore (1663), as well as a prebendary of Worcester (1660).4

The recipient of Letter 17 was probably the 'Mr Glen' who was a member of the Cavendish household at Hardwick and Chatsworth, receiving half-yearly wages of £10 in 1636.5 The Countess of Devonshire's chaplain, Robert Gale, received £20 in the same set of payments, and it is highly unlikely that she was employing two chaplains, one at half the wages of the other. We may guess that Mr Glen was a clerk, or perhaps a tutor to the Countess's younger son; but otherwise he remains entirely obscure.

Pierre Guisony

Little is known of this obscure doctor and scientist. In the preface to Gassendi's Opera omnia (1658) Sorbière included Guisony in a list of friends and pupils of Gassendi: he described him as a young man and a native of Cavailion (near Avignon).1 That Guisony was on good terms with both Sorbière and du Prat by the time he travelled to England in the first half of 1659 is evident from Letter 136. A letter from Jean pg 838Chapelain to Christiaan Huygens of [10/] 20 August 1659, about the meetings of the de Montmor 'academy', described him as follows: 'You ask me to tell you about this M. Guisony: I don't know him personally at all. I only know that he comes from Provence, and that he has a talent for physical speculations. One day at M. de Montmor's he gave an address on vegetation [ … ] which was very well received and seemed very sound.'2 Encouraged, perhaps, by these comments, Huygens sent Guisony a copy of his Systema Saturnium.3 Guisony's reply does not survive, but full contact between them had clearly been established by [18/] 28 November 1659, when Huygens wrote on Guisony's behalf to Gottfried Aloys Kinner von Löwenthurn to say that the 'Nobilissimus' M. Guisony was planning a trip to Austria ('Germania') with a friend, and that he would be able to remove any doubts Kinner might have about the truth of Huygens's arguments in Systema Saturnium.4

As Guisony relates in his earliest surviving letter to Huygens, he was unable to track down Kinner in Vienna; but on travelling subsequently to Italy, he did pass on another copy of Huygens's book to Giambattista Riccioli in Bologna, and had a long discussion with the Dutch scientist's rival, the telescope designer Eustachio Divini, in Rome. He also mentioned that he was a close friend of Claude Clerselier (the editor of Descartes's letters),5 and, in another letter, referred to 'the late M. Gassendi, my good friend'.6 Guisony spent much of 1660 in Rome, corresponding with Huygens and sending him books and reports of astronomical observations, some of them with the Jesuit scientist Honoré Fabri.7 Before returning to Avignon he begged Huygens to write a letter to the mathematician Michelangelo Ricci in Rome, which he promised to forward.8 More than four years later Guisony was still in contact with Ricci: in May 1665 Ricci told Grand Duke Leopoldo of Tuscany that he had received a letter from Guisony (whom he described as 'Medico e Matematico') in Avignon, containing news of pg 839Huygens's work on longitudes and claiming to have found a mechanical explanation of the strangest phenomena of magnetism.9

Guisony published one book, a short treatise in the form of a letter (dated Avignon, [2/] 12 February 1665) criticizing the use of Paracelsian chemical theories in medicine: Petri Guissonii Doct. Med. epistolica dissertatio de anonymo libello (circa abbreviatum verae medicinae genus) ubi potissimum eventilatur principiorum chymicorum hypothesis. It was published at Avignon (1665) and Frankfurt (1666). He was thus probably practising medicine at Avignon during this period. The treatise displays wide reading in contemporary research on chemistry and medicine, citing the works of Barlet, Willis, Digby, Boyle, and Glauber among others.10

The Hon. Edward Howard (1624–c.1698)

Edward Howard was the fifth son of the first Earl of Berkshire; although the sixth son, Sir Robert, was entered at Magdalen College, Oxford, it is not known whether Edward had preceded him there.1 Nothing is known of his early life except that he took part, on the royalist side, in the 1643 campaign in the West Country.2 Like two of his brothers (Sir Robert and James) he became a playwright: his tragedy The Usurper was performed at the Theatre Royal in January 1664,3 and published in 1668. His second or third play, The Change of Crownes, was performed at the Theatre Royal on 15 [/25] April 1667, to an audience which included the King and Queen, the Duke and Duchess of York, and Samuel Pepys—who thought it 'the best that I ever saw at that House, being a great play and serious'.4 Unfortunately the comic actor Lacy added some indiscreet lines about the corruption of the Court, and Charles II banned all further performances of the play.5

In 1669 Howard published The Brittish Princes: an Heroick Poem, which celebrated the liberation of Britain from the Romans by three native-born rulers, Vortigern, Albanius, and Bonduca. In addition to Hobbes's comments (Letter 183), the prefatory material included poems by Sir John Denham and Lord Orrery. Three more plays were published (one of them, The Six Days' Adventure; or, The New Utopia, a pg 840fantasy-comedy in which women take over the government), and in 1689 Howard's piously royalist epic poem Caroloiades was printed. But the work which tells us most about Howard's own character is the collection of essays published in his Poems and Essays: with a Paraphrase on Cicero's Laelius; or, Of Friendship (1674). His essay 'The Dubitant', on his religious beliefs, shares some of the attitudes of Dryden's Religio Laici and has something of the tone of Browne's Religio Medici, with, here and there, a Hobbesian metaphor: 'I neither believe all, nor doubt all; what I finde my reason cannot swallow, I cannot perfectly digest.'6 In his essay 'Of my Selfe', he mentions an early interest in mathematics;7 and his essay entitled 'Mathematicks' contains the following tribute to Hobbes:

that high and noble endeavour of squaring the Circle, is very commendable, because were the Demonstration agreed on, it would furnish us with means to ascertain the proportion betwixt a straight and a circular Line, which were exceeding useful. And here I cannot but commend the worthy endeavours of Mr. Hobbes, who, say what his Detractors please, has come nearer it by a Geometrical way [ … ] than any that have yet attempted it.8

Howard's last published work was his prefatory poem to Dryden's translation of Vergil (1697), and he is presumed to have died soon thereafter.

Christiaan Huygens (1629–1695)

Huygens was born into an intellectual dynasty: his father, Constantijn, was a famous poet, Latinist, and diplomat, who worked as secretary to Prince Frederick Henry of Orange. The boy was educated at home by his father and by tutors who included Bruno, the author of a Latin poem in praise of Hobbes printed in the 1647 De cive.1 In May 1645 Huygens entered Leiden University, where he studied mathematics (with Frans van Schooten) and law. He was also encouraged by his father to correspond with Mersenne on problems in mechanics and mathematics.2 From March 1647 to August 1649 he studied law at the pg 841University of Breda (where John Pell was Professor of Mathematics). On completing his formal studies he returned home to The Hague; he showed no inclination to follow his father in a public career, and devoted himself instead to a wide range of mathematical and scientific researches.

Huygens's first published work, Theoremata de quadratura hyperboles, ellypsis et circuli (1651), showed his mastery of an area of geometry which already had a special fascination for Hobbes, When his younger brother, Lodewijk, was in London in February 1652 he called on Hobbes, 'who at once began to speak about my brother Christiaen's De Quadratum Parabolis et Hyperbolis, etc., which Mr Brereton had given him a few days earlier. He praised it abundantly and said that in all probability he would be among the greatest mathematicians of the century if he continued in this field. He had heard Père Mersenne speak of him for some years already.'3 Brereton, who had got to know the Huygens family while studying mathematics with Pell at Breda, confirmed this when he wrote to Huygens a month later about the high praise expressed by Hobbes and Sir Charles Cavendish for his work;4 Huygens sent two copies of the book to England, intending them as presents for Hobbes and Sir Charles, but for some reason he changed his mind and asked his brother to direct the first copy not to Hobbes but 'à Oxfort'—perhaps to Wallis.5 In 1655 Brereton sent Huygens a copy of De corpore: it reached The Hague after Huygens had left for France, and he does not seem to have had a chance to read it until after his return to The Hague at the end of the year.6 By the time he looked at it (in February or March 1656) he was already equipped with a copy of Wallis's Elenchus; writing to Wallis, he made no comment on the non-mathematical parts of the book, merely remarking that 'I am surprised that you thought it deserved such a lengthy refutation.'7

The five months Huygens spent in Paris in 1655 were very stimulating: he met Gassendi (just before his death), Roberval, Boulliau, Auzout, Mylon, Sorbière, and other scientists, and was told about current work by Desargues, Pascal, and Fermat—in particular, on problems related to games of chance. This led him to write a short treatise of his own on the laws of chance, which was translated into pg 842Latin by van Schooten and published in 1657.8 He also intensified his own study of astronomy; having received advice from lens-makers in Paris, he improved the design of his own telescope at The Hague and made important discoveries, first concerning Saturn's moon, Titan, then concerning the strange apparent shape of Saturn itself, which he identified as that of a planet surrounded by a ring. The first of these discoveries was announced in the pamphlet De Saturni luna observatio nova, of which Mylon sent a manuscript copy to Hobbes in April 1656.9 The second was discussed in Systema Saturnium, published in 1659. During the late 1650s he also worked on the design of pendulum clocks and the laws of motion and impact.

In October 1660 Huygens revisited Paris. Over the next six months he met Desargues and Pascal, demonstrated a new design of microscope, and was presented to the King. From March to May 1661 he was in London, where he met Oldenburg, Willis, and Sir Robert Moray. Later that year Sir Robert sent him a copy of Hobbes's Dialogus physicus: Huygens was unimpressed, finding 'nothing solid' in the arguments against Boyle, and not even bothering to look at the duplication of the cube at the end of the book, since 'Mr Hobbes lost all credit with me, in matters of geometry, a long time ago.'10 In July 1662 Sir Robert sent him Hobbes's Problemata physica, asking him to send Hobbes his comments on the mathematical propositions at the end of that volume; Huygens complied with Letter 148. From Letter 149 and another letter from Moray it appears that Hobbes then sent Huygens a printed sheet in reply; this work was identified by the editors of HOC, but no subsequent research has uncovered a single copy of it.11 Huygens's opinion of it is clear enough, however, from Letter 149, which was sent to Hobbes with a copy of Huygens's little book of 1654, De circuli magnitudine.12

Huygens was at The Hague between May 1662 and April 1663, working mainly on mathematics, clocks, and (a new interest, derived from Boyle) vacuum-pumps. From April 1663 to May 1664 he was in Paris again, with the interruption of another trip to London from June to September 1663. This time his English visit coincided with Sorbière's; pg 843on 22 June [/2 July] they were both made Fellows of the Royal Society,13 and on 25 July [/4 August] they joined Hobbes as guests at the dinner-table of the French Ambassador.14 The nature of their discussion is, sadly, not recorded, Hobbes's efforts to pursue his geometrical dispute with Huygens took the form of a text entitled 'Epistola anonymi', which Sorbière conveyed to Amsterdam, for inclusion in the Blaeu Opera philosophica: Hobbes seems to have changed his mind more than once about this, first deciding to address it more openly to Huygens, then abandoning it altogether,15

On his return to Paris Huygens received a pension for scientific work from Louis XIV. When, three years later, the Académie royale des sciences was founded, he accepted an offer of a formal appointment. He travelled to Paris in May 1666, was given an apartment in the Bibliothèque royale, and lived there (with only two short visits to The Hague, for health reasons) until 1681. His great work on pendulum clocks was published in Paris in 1673,16 and his treatise on light was also completed there in 1678, having been stimulated, perhaps, by a long correspondence with Henry Oldenburg about Newton's theory of colours.17

In 1681 Huygens went back to Holland, again for health reasons. But this time political circumstances prevented him from returning to France. His work continued unabated, however; he managed one more trip to England, in 1689, when he finally met Newton, and he also started to correspond with Leibniz. He died in 1695, leaving a major work of speculative cosmology for posthumous publication.18

Robert Leeke (1604 or 1605–after 1666)

Robert Leeke seems to have worked for most of his life as an agent and estate administrator for Sir Gervase Clifton. He came from a minor Nottinghamshire gentry family, branches of which included the Leekes of Grandby, Halam, Normanton, and Balderton. Sir Gervase was related by marriage to another Leeke family: his third wife, Mary, had a son by her first marriage to Sir Francis Leeke of Sutton Scarsdale. But pg 844although the pedigree of Robert Leeke's family is included with that of the Leekes of Sutton Scarsdale in the pedigree of Leeke entered at the College of Arms in 1717,1 they shared no common ancestry. In a letter to Sir Gervase of 14 [/24] May 1637 Robert Leeke merely referred respectfully to Sir Gervase's stepson as 'Mr Leeke',2 and in a period when even the most tenuous of connections seemed to justify the use of the term 'cousin', Robert Leeke never made any claims of kinship on Sir Gervase, always signing his letters to him with 'yor most dutifulle and bounden servt',3 or some such phrase.

His date of birth is supplied by the record that he was aged 61 in 1666;4 his father, Thomas, had married Emma Leeming, who inherited her father's property at Wilford (between Nottingham and Clifton). Another Robert Leeke (perhaps an uncle, but not recorded in the College of Arms pedigree) was farmer of the rectory of Wilford in 1604,5 In 1634 Robert Leeke (described as 'of Clifton, gent.') was licensed to marry Mary Goodwyn of Clifton, and the bond was entered by his father (described as 'Thomas Leake, parish of St Mary's Nottingham, clerk').6 In 1640 he married a second wife, Barbara Bowyer, daughter of George Tate of Sutton Bonington.7 His eldest son, Gervase, was born at Clifton in 1641.8 His work on behalf of Sir Gervase Clifton sometimes took him to Yorkshire, where Sir Gervase rented estates belonging to Trinity College, Cambridge,9 and by September 1648 Robert Leeke had acquired an estate of his own at Horbury, near Halifax.10 He was resident there in March 1652, when he signed a petition as one of the chief parishioners of Horbury, requesting a minister for the parish.11 Leeke is described as 'of Horbury in the County of York' in the College of Arms pedigree, and his grandsons Gervase and Robert were born at Horbury in 1666 and 1671.12 He was one of the three executors named in Sir Gervase Clifton's will of 2 [/12] October 1662, which added: 'And I give and bequeath to my Trusty freind and old pg 845servant Robert Leeke one Annuity or yearely Rent of Twenty Pounds dureing his naturall life in case he take upon him the Execution of this my last will and Testament,'13

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646—1716)

Leibniz was born at Leipzig, where his father was Professor of Moral Philosophy at the university and a practising notary. The young Leibniz had a precocious and huge appetite for reading, and entered the university at the age of 14. His dissertation for the bachelor's degree in philosophy, Disputatio metaphysica de principio individui, was published in 1663: in this work he showed that he already had some acquaintance with the metaphysical and logical theories of De corpore, describing Hobbes as even more of a nominalist than William of Ockham.1 He spent the summer term of 1663 at the University of Jena; there he came under the influence of the mathematician and philosopher Erhard Weigel, whose work attempted to reconcile Aristotelian philosophy with the theories of Bacon, Gassendi, and Hobbes.2 Leibniz was probably encouraged by Weigel to engage in a closer study of Hobbes's works: there are references to De corpore and De cive in his marginal notes (which have been dated to 1663–4) to books by Daniel Stahl and Jacob Thomasius.3 Leibniz returned to Leipzig in 1663 to study law; he proceeded Master of Philosophy in early 1664, and received his bachelor's degree in law later that year. For obscure reasons he was refused a doctorate in law at Leipzig two years later,4 and moved instead to the University of Altdorf, where he published his dissertation, De casibus perplexis in jure, in November 1666, and was awarded the degree three months later.

Also in 1666 Leibniz published the most important of the philosophical works of his student years, the Dissertatio de arte combinatoria. This was an attempt to develop the mathematical theory of combinations into a kind of universal logical calculus; it also included a demonstration of the existence of God. Leibniz paid special tribute in this work to pg 846Hobbes: 'That profoundest examiner of basic principles in all matters, Thomas Hobbes, correctly proposed that every operation of our minds is a computation.'5

In late 1667 or early 1668, thanks to the patronage of the statesman Baron Johann Christian von Boineburg, Leibniz entered the service of the Elector of Mainz, Johann Philipp von Schönborn, From 1668 to 1670 he collaborated with one of the Elector's senior judges, Hermann Andreas Lasser, in a project to recodify and rationalize the corpus of Roman law. Manuscripts from this period, on the related topic of the foundations of natural law, reveal a continued preoccupation with Hobbes;6 in his correspondence during 1670 Leibniz referred to Hobbes's 'almost divine subtlety', praising him as the only person to have constructed anything like a demonstrative science of moral philosophy, and only regretting that he had misused his intellect to produce unacceptable conclusions on some matters.7 It is clear that by 1670–1 Leibniz was familiar with De corpore, De homine, De cive, and the other works contained in the 1668 Blaeu edition of Hobbes's Latin works.8 In an important unpublished letter of [27 April/] 7 May 1671 to Lambert van Velthuysen, Leibniz wrote that 'I am immersed as deeply as anyone in the philosophy of Hobbes's De cive. For me, all his points are diligently considered and thoroughly reasoned.'9

Stimulated by the recent work of Wren and Huygens on the impact of bodies, Leibniz composed his first major work on physics in 1669–70: this was published in 1671 under the title Hypothesis physica nova, and consisted of two essays, Theoria motus concreti and Theoria motus abstracti, dedicated respectively to the Royal Society in London and the Académie royale des sciences in Paris. In his attempt to explain here how motion could be continuous, he based his entire theory on Hobbes's concept of 'conatus' or 'endeavour'; one modern study of his writings on physics of this period comments that they yield 'an impressive harvest of close paraphrases of the corresponding Hobbesian sentences'.10

pg 847In March 1672 Leibniz travelled to Paris, on a diplomatic mission for the Elector of Mainz. Later that year he met Huygens, who stimulated his interest in geometry. In January 1673 he travelled on to London; there he visited the Royal Society, displaying a model of a calculating machine he had invented, and was introduced to Hooke, Boyle, and Pell. While he was in London he learned of the death of the Elector of Mainz, and in February/March he returned to Paris in some uncertainty about his future position. He spent part of 1673 tutoring von Boineburg's son in Paris, and corresponded with Duke Johann Friedrich of Brunswick-Lüneburg at Hanover, who eventually offered him employment. Having renewed his acquaintance with Huygens, Leibniz mainly devoted himself during 1674–5 to mathematical and physical researches. He accepted the Duke of Brunswick-Lüneburg's offer of a job in January 1675 but stayed on in Paris, supporting himself by taking legal and political briefs from various German princes. Only in late 1676 did he finally travel to Hanover, spending a few days in London en route in October.

Leibniz spent the rest of his life in the service of the ducal family, as legal counsellor, scientific adviser, librarian, and dynastic historian. In 1682 he helped to found the Acta eruditorum, a learned journal at Leipzig, and he was a prolific contributor to both this and the Journal des sçavans in Paris, Having been appointed historiographer to the House of Brunswick in 1685, he travelled widely in Germany, Austria, and Italy in 1687–90 in search of historical materials, making further contacts with scientists and philosophers in those countries. In 1693 he published a collection of legal documents in support of the claims of the Empire against the French, Codex iuris gentium diplomaticus, with a preface in which he set out his theory of international law. He later became involved in legal, diplomatic, and political work on behalf of several royal and princely courts. His most important philosophical works were written in the last two decades of his life: the Nouveaux essais sur l'entendement humain (a response to Locke's Essay concerning Human Understanding, written in 1703–5 but not published until 1765), the Essais de théodicée (published in 1710), and La Monadologie (written in 1714, published in German translation in 1720 and in the original French in 1840). He died at Hanover in 1716.

pg 848Thomas de Martel (b. 1618 or 1619?, d. 1679–1685?)

Thomas Martel or de Martel (the latter being the form he usually used) was a member of one of the leading families of the Protestant town of Montauban (north of Toulouse). His great-grandfather André and his grandfather Jean were both bourgeois of the town.1 André de Martel was described after his death as having possessed 'much property, both chattels and real estate, of great and considerable value',2 and the old maison Martel was an important building opposite the Hôtel de Ville in the centre of the town: in 1609, shortly after the death of Thomas's grandfather, it was compulsorily purchased by the town council and demolished to make way for an extension of the town's principal Protestant church.3 Thomas de Martel's was the senior branch of the family; the junior branch, descended from André's younger son, included André Martel (1618–98), a prominent Huguenot minister, Thomas's second cousin and close contemporary. This André Martel became a minister at Montauban in 1646 and Professor of Theology at the Protestant Académie there in 1652; he was rector of the Académie when it was transferred to Puylaurens in 1659, where he remained before fleeing in 1685 to Switzerland.4 He wrote poetry, a manuscript philosophical treatise, a volume of Theses theologicae (1653), and a Réponse à la méthode de Richelieu (1674) dedicated to Hervart, which was one of the last full-scale defences of Protestant theology to be published in France.

Thomas de Martel's father, Jean, studied theology,5 but later pursued a career as a lawyer. In 1618 he married Marguerite de Thomas: her father, Antoine, was premier conseiller in the Protestant town of Castres (east of Toulouse), and her sister was the wife of Samuel de Scorbiac, a conseiller of the Chambre de l'Édit there.6 Some time before June 1627 Jean de Martel began practising as a lawyer in the Chambre de I'édit at Castres; that is the earliest date in a long series of references to cases conducted by him in that court (which met both in pg 849Castres and in neighbouring towns) between 1627 and 1657.7 By 1657 he was described as dean of the lawyers of the court, and 'celebre Iurisconsulte'.8 Various documents relating to his estates show that he lived mainly in Castres, though retaining properties in Montauban as well.9 His will was drawn up at Montauban in 1657;10 a final codicil of 1660 describes him as 'de Castres'.11 The only sons mentioned in these documents, however, are Clément, Paul, and Dominique. Thomas appears to have been the eldest son;12 it is probable that, as the first-born, he was named in honour of his mother's family (de Thomas)— like his cousin Thomas de Scorbiac. It is uncertain whether his full name was Thomas-Clément or Clément-Thomas, or whether he was omitted from the will because the French legal conventions of the period made it necessary for a will to specify only those intended beneficiaries who would not otherwise inherit automatically under the law. This is, unfortunately, one of many uncertainties among the biographical details of Thomas de Martel.

Thomas does not feature in the baptismal registers of the Protestant church at Montauban.13 Nor can his name be found in the surviving registers for the Protestant church at Castres;14 but these begin in 1620, two years after Jean de Martel's marriage, so it is possible to assume that Thomas was born in 1618–19.15 His name is absent from the list of students at the Protestant Académie of Montauban.16 The earliest trace of his existence is his diploma as bachelor of civil law from the University of Cahors: this document, dated [21 November/] 1 December 1638 and signed by Gérard de Carcavi, Chancellor of the university, states that he was examined by Antoine France and describes him as 'Thomas Martel of the city of Castres'.17 Cahors was a Catholic pg 850university; but Thomas's presence there probably reflects only the fact that law was not taught at the Protestant Académie. There is no evidence that he or his father ever abjured Protestantism; he was described by du Verdus as a Protestant in 1656,18 and his father left a benefaction of 300 livres to the Protestant consistory of Montauban.19

Within a few years of finishing his studies at Cahors, de Martel was in Paris. In the winter of 1641–2 he performed dissections there with the sceptical Gassendian scientist and ex-monk Laurent Neuré.20 This indicated an interest in medical studies which was to remain a dominant feature of de Martel's intellectual life. In the summer of 1642 he visited Holland, bringing with him a letter of recommendation addressed to André Rivet from Jean Daillé, the Protestant minister at Charenton.21 He also visited Sorbière in Amsterdam, writing to him from Vlissingen on his return journey and regretting that he had known Sorbière only slightly in Paris.22 On his return to the French capital he sent Sorbière news of the latter's friend Abraham du Prat.23 In other letters to Sorbière of 1642–3 he discussed Thomas White's De mundo,24 Descartes (whose supercilious tone in his replies to the objections to his Meditationes he found irritating),25 and de La Mothe le Vayer, whose recent work (probably De la vertu des payens) he highly recommended.26 It was de Martel who sent one of the rare copies of the first edition of De cive to Sorbière, probably in May 1643,27 and gently disagreed with Sorbière's complaint about the off-putting style in which it was written.28 De Martel also sent books via Sorbière to Bornius in Utrecht, with whom he had apparently struck up an acquaintance on his visit to Holland.29

During 1643–4 de Martel was an intermediary between Gassendi and Sorbière, helping to arrange the printing and publication of Gassendi's Disquisitio metaphysica.30 In the prefatory epistle to Sorbière pg 851(dated [30 May/] 9 June 1643), Gassendi wrote that de Martel, 'that distinguished young man, your friend', would have told Sorbière already about the delays which had been caused by the circulation of Gassendi's manuscript between other hands.31 And in a letter of [18/] 28 November 1643 to Sorbière, Gassendi wrote of 'the most dutiful de Martel, a young man who is indeed extremely dear, deservedly, to all of us'.32

The first sign of de Martel's personal acquaintance with Hobbes comes in a letter from de Martel to Mersenne of [28 October/] 7 November 1643, in which he mentions that Hobbes has called on him to ask him to return to Mersenne a manuscript by Marin Cureau de la Chambre (a commentary on Aristotle's Physics).33 Obviously Hobbes too was charmed, like Gassendi, by his young admirer. In the early summer of 1646 he accepted de Martel's invitation to stay at Montauban, where he hoped to complete his work on De corpore;34 but the arrival of the Prince of Wales altered Hobbes's plans, and de Martel left Paris without him.35 De Martel now showed his characteristic streak of uncommunicativeness: Sorbière complained to Bornius in March 1647 that he had heard nothing from him,36 and remarked in August 1647 to Abraham du Prat that de Martel seemed to have forgotten all his Paris friends,37 In [October/] November of that year Mersenne told Sorbière that he had had no news of de Martel for the last six months; de Martel was staying in Bordeaux, where he was pursuing a family lawsuit.38 While in Bordeaux, de Martel was put in touch (by Mersenne) with François du Verdus; in [April/] May 1648 du Verdus wrote to Mersenne that 'his conversation is so learned and sweet that I am utterly charmed by it'.39 Letter 59 shows that Hobbes received one letter from de Martel in Bordeaux, and attempted to reply to him; but in a letter later that summer (still from Bordeaux) de Martel told Mersenne that he had written several times to Hobbes without receiving any answer.40 He also said in that letter that he was hoping to return to Paris soon; when he did so he renewed his acquaintance with Hobbes, and may well have been responsible for introducing du pg 852Verdus to him.41 But at some point during Hobbes's illness in August and September 1651 he had to return to Montauban, and for some time was unable even to correspond with Hobbes.42 By 1654 he was back in Paris.

From Letter 84 we learn that de Martel was a delegate from Langue-doc to the Court of Louis XIV in early 1656. This implies that he had been a member of the Third Estate in the Estates-General of Languedoc in the previous year; it was the custom for a committee of the Estates to draw up a list of articles of grievance at the end of their sessions and have it taken to the Court by envoys elected for that purpose.43 William Beik observes that 'these articles were taken very seriously. The trip to Paris was an occasion for real bargaining with ministers of state,'44 However, since the town deputies at the Estates-General never served for more than two annual sessions in a row, de Martel's office in 1655 does not indicate anything that might be called a political career. Evidently he spent much of 1656 in Paris: in a letter of October of that year Sorbière sent de Martel's greetings, and added that de Martel was his guest in his house there.45 Michel de Marolles recalled that he was introduced to de Martel (and to Abraham du Prat) by du Verdus in Paris;46 in late 1656 Sorbière pronounced a 'discours' in a gathering of learned men, attacking de Marolles's claim that Paris was the best city and addressing himself to de Martel.47 We learn indirectly from Sorbière that he, de Martel, du Prat, and de La Mothe le Vayer were meeting at du Bosc's house in Paris in early 1657,48 and in 1659 du Bosc forwarded a copy of De homine to de Martel from Hobbes.49

The two main sources for information about de Martel in the 1660s are the correspondence of Henry Oldenburg and the Parisian diary of the Danish scholar Ole Borch. Obscurity has been added unnecessarily both by the editors of the latter work, who identify him only as 'Martel, a French surgeon', and by the editors of OC, who persistently pg 853misidentify him as Jean-Pierre de Martel, a physician from Bordeaux. It is clear from the correspondence between Oldenburg and de Martel that they were personally acquainted; they must have met during Oldenburg's visits to France in 1658–60 as tutor to Richard Jones, the nephew of Robert Boyle. In the winter of 1658–9 Jones and Oldenburg visited Castres, took part in the meetings of the Académie there, and became acquainted with the Castrais scientists Pierre Saporta and Pierre Borel,50 It is thus possible that the German met de Martel at the Académie (of which de Martel's cousin Thomas de Scorbiac was a prominent member);51 but there is otherwise no evidence that de Martel belonged to the Académie, and his name does not feature in the surviving lists of attendance there.52 It is more likely that Oldenburg met de Martel in Paris, to which Oldenburg and Jones travelled in the spring of 1659 for a stay of roughly one year. In [April/] May 1659 Oldenburg wrote to Saporta that he would seek out the friendship of de Montmor and du Prat in Paris;53 so we may guess that it was through them, and through attendance at de Montmor's scientific gatherings, that he was introduced to de Martel.

Back in London, Oldenburg wrote to de Martel in September and October [/November] 1660, discussing a range of scientific matters;54 and before 22 June [/2 July] 1663 he received the third of a series of letters from de Martel in Paris, from which (in a letter of his own to Robert Boyle) he quoted some passages in praise of Boyle, adding that de Martel was the author of a discourse on heat.55 A comprehensive set of notes on this work is preserved in the travel diary of Ole Borch,56 who had first met de Martel at the abbé Bourdelot's academy in December 1663.57 Borch had frequent discussions of medical matters with de Martel;58 he went with him on an excursion to Arcueil, to inspect the aqueduct;59 and he also took copious notes from a chemical and metallurgical manuscript treatise communicated to him by de Martel.60 In May 1664 Borch dined with de Martel, Auzout, and Huygens as guests of Melchisédech Thévenot,61 and his last dated pg 854meeting with de Martel, on [21 February/] 3 March 1665, was also at Thévenot's house, at a discussion which was also attended by du Verdus's friend from Bordeaux, d'Espagnet,62 In July or August 1665 a Parisian friend of Oldenburg wrote to him (Oldenburg) that Petit, Auzout, de Martel, Thévenot, and others were all concerned about his health while the plague raged in London.63

In April 1669 de Martel wrote to Oldenburg from Montauban, apologizing for such a long silence, and explaining that he had been 'overwhelmed by troublesome business'.64 Both this and his next letter (also from Montauban) were sent via Marc-Antoine Benoît, who was born at Montauban and had spent most of his life in the service of the Earl (now Duke) of Newcastle.65 The second of these letters contained a long disquisition on the causes of physical degeneration in old age, which was published in translation in the Philosophical Transactions,66 It also contained observations made by de Martel on a recent trip through south-west France; he mentioned that he had undertaken 'various journeys', and that he was subject to 'various tiresome distractions'; and he sent his best wishes to Hobbes.67

The nature of de Martel's distractions is not known. He seems to have played little part in public affairs. A litigant's declaration of [24 November/] 4 December 1667 refers to him as 'le Sieur Thomas Martel ad[uoca]t, de Montauban':68 the bare description 'advocat' suggests that he was not practising at any particular court.69 The only other office he can be shown to have held is that of Keeper of the Archives of the royal domain in the Montauban region; in 1675 his successor, Pierre Leclerc, was appointed,70 and on [31 January/] 10 February 1679 Leclerc signed a receipt recording that de Martel had handed over the relevant documents to him.71 That is the last dated document indicating that de Martel was alive and living in or near Montauban. Thereafter he disappears from the records entirely. It seems likely that he died some time between then and the revocation of the Edict of Nantes pg 855in 1685. He is not mentioned in any of the lists of Protestant fugitives from Montauban after 1685,72 nor in the list of those citizens who had not yet made their abjuration in 1687.73 Nor is he mentioned in any of the procès-verbaux concerning the estates of fugitives in 1689, though his brother Dominique does appear there: Dominique stated that his own properties were inherited from his late father, whose estate had been divided in a 'generale distribution' administered by Thomas de Scorbiac.74 If Thomas de Martel did die between 1679 and 1685, it was not at Montauban, however. Elusive to the end, his name is absent from the burial registers of that period.75

Haag suggests that Thomas de Martel emigrated to England, and was the ancestor of the Jacques and Isaac Martel who were directors of the French Hospital in London in 1757 and 1778;76 but this claim seems to be based only on the fact that de Martel's remarks on old age were published in the Philosophical Transactions. Unaware of the origins of this text in de Martel's letter to Oldenburg, Haag seems to have thought that de Martel was living in London in 1670, The presence of Martels in London in the eighteenth century is not significant; the records of the Huguenot church at Threadneedle St. show that there were various different families of Martel in London throughout this period.77 Henri de France notes the presence of several Martels in both England and Prussia after 1685.78 Gaston Tournier records that Dominique de Martel emigrated to Holland in 1688,79 but this is contradicted by the evidence of the procès-verbal of 1689, already quoted,80

Robert Mason (1588 or 1589–1662)

The son of George Mason of New Windsor, Berkshire,1 Robert Mason entered St John's College, Cambridge, as a scholar in 1606, proceeding BA in 1610 and MA in 1613.2 It seems likely that he made the acquaintance of William Cavendish, the future second Earl of Devonshire, pg 856when the latter was studying at the same college in 1608, Cavendish proceeded MA in July of that year;3 he was joined in Cambridge by his new tutor-cum-companion, Hobbes, who incorporated at St John's College;4 and in November of the same year Hobbes brought his charge by coach from Cambridge to Derbyshire.5 It seems also likely, therefore, that Hobbes's acquaintance with Robert Mason dates from 1608.

Mason was a Fellow of the college from 1610 to 1632, and Senior Proctor in the academic year 1619/20.6 As Letter I shows, he had a keen interest in affairs of state; and within a few years of that letter he was participating in them actively himself. In early 1625 Secretary of State Edward Conway wrote to the Master and Fellows of St John's: 'I understand that Mr Robert Mason Fellow of your House, being to have an employment into France in his Maj:ties Service, is to have some Dispensation from you, both for leave to be absent, & for enjoying the full benefitt of his Fellowship, during his absence.'7 Mason appears to have been a member of the retinue of the Duke of Buckingham when he visited France in May–June 1625 as Ambassador Extraordinary, charged with conveying the future Queen, Henrietta Maria, to England. Further employment—perhaps a mission to the resident Ambassador in Paris, Sir Edward Herbert, and further work for Buckingham on the latter's trip to The Hague in November—seems to have followed later in the year: in December 1625 Buckingham wrote to the Master and Fellows of St John's that 'the Bearer hereof my Servant Robt: Mason, one of the Fellowes of your Colledge, hath since the first of May last been thrice employed in his Maj:ties Service beyond the Seas'.8 Mason was secretary to the Duke of Buckingham on the ill-fated naval expedition to the Isle of Rhé in the summer and autumn of 1627; leave of absence was again obtained from his college, this time by royal command.9 And in March 1628 he was rewarded for his services when a further letter from the King announced a special dispensation for Robert Mason, 'holding the place of a Physitian in our S[ai]d Colledge', to proceed Doctor of Civil Law.10

pg 857After the death of his ducal patron in 1628 (and a bequest of £500 in the Duke's will),11 Mason seems to have decided that a legal career was the best path to further advancement. In 1629 he was admitted an Advocate of Doctors' Commons, and In 1633 he entered Gray's Inn.12 In the same year he married Judith, daughter of Sir Christopher Buckle.13 His subsequent career was one of solid success rather than special distinction: he was chancellor to the diocese of Winchester by 1635,14 judge of the Vice-Admiralty Court for Hampshire and the Isle of Wight by 1636,15 and later Master of Requests.16 In 1661 he was knighted. He died at Bath in 1662, having gone there to take the waters, and was buried at Bath Abbey on 27 June [/7 July].17 There are no traces of any further connections between him and Hobbes after their correspondence of 1622.

Adrian May (1603 or 1604–1670)

Adrian May belonged to a numerous family. His grandfather Richard May was a London merchant. One of Richard's daughters, Elizabeth, married Baptist Hicks, first Viscount Campden: she left Adrian a legacy of £1,000.1 Baptist May, the notorious courtier to Charles II, was also a nephew of the Viscountess, and thus Adrian's cousin. Adrian's father, John May, had an estate at Rawmere in Sussex, and was described as a gentleman ('armiger') when Adrian matriculated at St John's College, Oxford, in November 1621, aged 17.2 By 1633 Adrian had the position of 'groom of the privy chamber' to Charles I.3 This was a coveted post, though it ranked below that of 'gentleman of the privy chamber'; Edward Chamberlayne later described it as follows: 'Grooms of the Privy-Chamber in Ordinary, in number 6, all Gentlemen of Quality; these (as all Grooms) wait without Sword, Cloak, or Hat; whereas the Gentlemen wear alwayes Cloak and Sword,'4 A sign that Adrian May pg 858was held in good esteem came in January 1638, when he and his brother Richard were granted the reversion of the office of Clerk of the Statutes.5 And a sign of his growing prosperity was his purchase in 1641 of the estate of Little Dunmore, Essex, which was worth £294 per annum.6

During the Civil War, May was a trusted servant of the King: a letter of 4 [/14] May 1645 from Charles I (in Oxford) to Henrietta Maria (in France) begins: 'Dear Heart, the Rebels new brutish Generall hath refused to meddle with forrain Passes, so as yet I cannot despatch Adrian May to thee by the way of London which if I cannot very shortly, I will send him by the West.'7 However, May seems to have remained trapped in Oxford, and in April 1646 he applied to compound with Parliament for his estates.8 Eventually he was allowed to compound on the terms laid down in the 'Oxford articles', the articles of surrender of the royalist garrison in that city;9 this suggests that he had still been at Oxford when it finally surrendered in June 1646. Some time after this he took up residence at Henrietta Maria's Court-in-exile, as the reference to attending Prince Charles at Saint-Germain in Letter 49 makes clear. However, he was back in England to compound for his estate by June 1649; he was fined £572, but this was reduced to £252 when he settled all the tithes belonging to his estate at Little Dunmore on the minister there.10 In August 1650 he was living in Chichester; he was still classified as a 'delinquent', and official permission was needed for him to travel to London to give evidence in a legal dispute on behalf of his uncle Thomas (who had succeeded John May at Rawmere).11 In September 1651 he was presented with a further charge of £250 by the Committee for the Advance of Money, but this was dropped in December when he presented his certificate of composition.12

Wearied, perhaps, by these indignities, and having secured the residue of his estate, May returned at some time in the 1650s to Charles II's Court-in-exile. Writing to Robert Boyle in April/May 1658, Samuel Hartlib quoted an extract from a letter he had received from pg 859Zurich (most probably from John Pell), which referred to May at Charles II's Court in the Spanish Netherlands: 'It was observed in the court, that A.M. (which, I hear, was Adrian May) was wont to foretel the change of weather confidently and infallibly.' May had revealed his meteorological secret to the King: he had confined a 'great toad' in a corner of the garden, and went several times a day 'to see how her colours change'.13

May returned to England, presumably in the entourage of the King at the Restoration. That he had a penchant for gardens is suggested both by Hartlib's anecdote, and by his reference in Letter 49 to attending Prince Charles in his 'walks' at Saint-Germain; and in December 1661 he was appointed supervisor of the French and English gardeners employed at the royal palaces of Whitehall, St James's, and Hampton Court, with a salary of £200.14 His brother Hugh had already been appointed Paymaster of the Works,15 and was to play a prominent role in both rebuilding royal residences and designing new town and country houses, helping to introduce a new Anglo-Dutch neoclassical style,16 Adrian's career was the outdoor equivalent of his brother's: in 1663 he was described officially as 'surveyor of the King's gardens',17 in 1665 he was paid £1,200 for 'levelling, planting, and other works' in Greenwich Park,18 and in 1669 he was appointed 'conservator of the waters' of Hampton Court.19 Adrian May remained a courtier as well as an estate manager: in 1663 he was listed once again as a 'groom of the privy chamber in ordinary'.20 More tantalizingly, he was paid £1,000 in October of that year for 'secret services'.21 And he also enjoyed a profitable legal sinecure, the office of Clerk of Recognizances to the Chief Justices of the courts of King's Bench and Common Pleas.22 He died on 25 April [/5 May] 1670; his will does not survive, but on 6 [/16] October of that year administration of the estate of Adrian May, 'of the parish of St Martin's in the Fields', was granted to his brother, Hugh.23

pg 860Cosimo de' Medici, Grand Duke of Tuscany (1642–1723)

Cosimo's father, Ferdinando II (1610–70), was an enlightened ruler who took a special interest in the encouragement of the sciences. Together with his brother Leopoldo, Ferdinando patronized the Accademia del cimento, which began meeting at the Pitti Palace in Florence in 1657 and lasted for nearly ten years. Ferdinando wanted his son to receive a liberal and scientific education; but Cosimo's mother was determined that he should receive a much more traditional upbringing at the hands of the clergy, and she had her way.

When Cosimo was 16 the Lucchese ambassador at Florence reported that 'he is dominated by melancholy to an extraordinary degree, quite unlike his father'.1 His melancholy was added to, rather than diminished, when three years later he was married off, by proxy, to a 15-year-old French princess (Marguerite-Louise, daughter of Louis XIV's uncle, Gaston d'Orléans) who had made evident her wish not to be married to him. She bore him a son, Ferdinando, in 1663, but relations between husband and wife remained awkward and unloving: in 1664 Princess Sophia of Hanover wrote that 'he sleeps with his wife but once a week, and then under supervision of a doctor, who has him taken out of bed lest he should impair his health by staying there overlong'.2 Violent quarrels between them were common, and Marguerite-Louise spent some time under virtual house arrest at the country villa of Poggio a Caiano.

It was to take Cosimo's mind off his domestic troubles that his father decided, in 1667, to send him on a foreign tour. He travelled first to Germany and The Netherlands; in Amsterdam in December of that year he visited Johan Blaeu's shop several times to look at maps and travel books, and Pieter Blaeu acted as a guide to the city.3 On his return to Florence Cosimo found his wife still unreconciled to him, so in the autumn of 1668 he set off on his travels again. This time he sailed to Spain, landing at Barcelona in late September, and travelling to Madrid a month later.4 He spent part of January and February in Lisbon, and made a brief visit to Coïmbra University, before sailing pg 861from Coruña to Plymouth (via Ireland) in March.5 From Plymouth he travelled to London, arriving there on [5/] 15 April 1669.6 Three days later he was visited by the Earl of Devonshire and Edmund Waller; and on [15/] 25 April he was received with due honour at the Royal Society.7 This, and the fact that he was later taken to see the telescopes which Sir Robert Moray had erected in St James's Park,8 gave English observers the false impression that Cosimo was as deeply interested in the sciences as his father.

Cosimo's brooding melancholy was not apparent, however—Pepys described him as 'a comely, black, fat man'9—and he kept up a busy schedule as a tourist. In early May he travelled first to Cambridge, then to Oxford, where the republican theorist Henry Nevile met him and became attached to him as a guide.10 On [19/] 29 May Cosimo came to lunch at the Earl of Devonshire's London residence, Little Salisbury House in the Strand;11 it seems likely that he was introduced to Hobbes on this occasion, thus prompting the dedication by Hobbes of his Quadratura circuli, cubatio sphaerae later in the year.12 On the following day Cosimo was entertained by Anthony Ashley Cooper, thus possibly scoring a rare double—meeting Hobbes and Locke (who was Cooper's secretary) on successive days. Cosimo left London on [1/] 11 June, and returned to Florence.13

Ferdinando II died a year later, and Cosimo succeeded him as Grand Duke. For four years his marital problems continued to plague him, until in 1674 Marguerite-Louise returned to France. (She was placed in a nunnery at Montmartre, where she chased the abbess with a pistol and a hatchet; she was then moved to a convent at Saint-Mandé, becoming Mother Superior in the place of an absconding transvestite.14) For a while Cosimo kept up his superficial interest in the sciences: in 1670 Sir Samuel Morland sent him examples of the speaking trumpet he had invented, and in 1679 he sent him one of his pg 862'arithmetical machines'.15 But Cosimo's correspondence with Henry Nevile (from 1671 to 1689) shows no curiosity at all about intellectual developments in England, his main preoccupation being the plight of English Roman Catholics.16 Tuscany under Cosimo's rule was turning into an increasingly repressive confessional state, with strong penalties for sexual crimes, and new ant-semitic legislation (forbidding Jews to send their children to Christian wet-nurses, for example).17 Lecturers at Pisa University were forbidden 'to read or teach, in public or in private, by writing or lecturing, the philosophy of Democritus'; Cosimo's former secretary Viviani (the drafter of Letter 188) was reduced to hiding Galileo's manuscripts in a haystack.18 Despairing at the fruitless marriages of his two homosexual sons, Cosimo contemplated turning Tuscany into a republic; but he abandoned this idea in 1711. He died in 1723.

Marin Mersenne (1588–1648)

Of fairly humble origin (his father was an overseer of farm workers),1 Mersenne studied at the Jesuit college of La Flèche from 1604 to 1609. Descartes was at La Flèche for some of those years, but Mersenne was eight years older, and there is no evidence that they knew each other there.2 Mersenne then spent two years studying theology at the Sorbonne, and entered the order of Minim friars in 1611. From 1619 he lived in a Minim convent near the place Royale (now place des Vosges) in Paris. In his first published works, Quaestiones celeberrimae in Genesim and Observationes et emendationes ad Franc. Georgii ueneti problemata (1623), he attacked those whom he regarded as magicians and deists—in particular, the English hermeticist Robert Fludd in the former work and the Venetian occultist Francesco Zorzi in the latter. His criticism of Fludd brought him the attention, and friendship, of Gassendi. In 1624 he published L'Impieté des déistes (a criticism of the libertin poem the 'Quatrains du déiste'), and in the following year his defence of scientific certainty, La Vérité des sciences, contre les septiques ou Pyrrhoniens. One year pg 863later the first of his scientific compilations was published, Synopsis mathematica, a collection of ancient and recent mathematical texts. By then Mersenne had already begun holding weekly scientific discussions at his convent, and developing the correspondence with learned men throughout Europe of which the surviving letters now occupy the seventeen fat volumes of MC. His close friendship with Descartes apparently dates from the latter's long stays in Paris in the 1620s, and when Descartes moved to Holland at the end of 1628 he entrusted Mersenne with directing all his French correspondence, Robert Lenoble has written that Mersenne 'discovered' the mechanistic world-view in 1634;3 but it can be argued that his interest in this kind of explanatory theory had undergone a more gradual awakening, having been stimulated in particular by a visit to Isaac Beeckman in The Netherlands in 1630. Mersenne made a careful study of Galileo's Dialogo in 1633, and in 1634 he issued a translation of Galileo's unpublished treatise on mechanics, Della scienza mecanica, together with two other treatises of his own (all paginated separately, but issued as a single volume): Questions théologiques, morales, physiques et mathématiques and Les Préludas de l'harmonie universelle.

It was at some time during the first part of his continental journey of 1634–6 that Hobbes was introduced to Mersenne4 —perhaps via those French mathematicians, such as Mydorge, who were already in touch with Sir Charles Cavendish, On his return to England Hobbes brought, probably from Mersenne, a copy of Galileo's Della scienza mecanica, which was translated into English for Sir Charles by Robert Payne on 11 [/21] November 1636.5 Hobbes later recalled that he had corresponded with Mersenne after his return to England in 1636;6 but Mersenne's occasional references to Hobbes in other letters do not indicate much direct communication between them, and it is possible that Hobbes's correspondence with Mersenne only began in earnest in 1640, through the good offices of Sir Charles Cavendish or Sir Kenelm Digby. By November of that year, Mersenne had prompted Hobbes to write the lengthy critique of Descartes's optical and physical theories which formed the basis of the correspondence between Hobbes and pg 864Descartes in 1641.7 Despite his old loyalties to the French philosopher, Mersenne was obviously keen to help and encourage the unknown Englishman: he invited him to write objections to Descartes's Meditationes (1641); he organized the printing and private distribution of De cive (1642); he made a careful study of Hobbes's long critique of Thomas White's De mundo (1642–3);8 and when he published two scientific compilations in 1644, he included material by Hobbes in both volumes. In Cogitata physico-mathematica he included work by Hobbes in the preface to the 'Ballistica' and in proposition 24 of that section,9 and in Universae geometriae synopsis he printed a short treatise on optics (a version of part of Hobbes's long letter of November 1640),10 and a discussion of telescopes.11

Once these two volumes were published, Mersenne was able to fulfil a long-standing ambition and travel to Italy, He was away from Paris from October 1644 to September 1645, In Florence he met Torricelli, and in Rome he got to know other scientist-priests such as Kircher, Maignan, and Magni, and renewed his friendship with du Verdus. From April to August 1646 he was away from Paris again, this time in the south and south-west of France, For much of 1647 his life was clouded with illness, but he managed to publish a further scientific compilation, Novarum observationum physico-mathematicarum tomus tertius. During his final months he was especially interested in the theory of light, but his two treatises on optics and reflection, L'Optique et la catoptrique, did not appear until 1652, when Roberval supervised their publication as an appendix to Nicéron's Perspective curieuse. Mersenne died on [22 August/] 1 September 1648.

The comparative paucity of correspondence between Hobbes and Mersenne is due to the simple fact that for most of the period when they were personal friends, they were able to see each other often and did not need to write letters. In his autobiographies Hobbes reserved special praise for Mersenne, calling him 'the best of men, extremely skilled in all kinds of philosophy', 'a learned, wise, and exceptionally good man'.12 Mersenne's undoubted Catholic piety was no bar to his pg 865friendship with Hobbes (nor vice versa), though there is some evidence that Hobbes's negative theology may have shaken Mersenne's confidence in the power of reason to prove the contents of faith.13 When Hobbes was ill and, as his friends thought, on his deathbed in 1647, Mersenne visited him and tried to convert him to Catholicism; Hobbes, according to his own later account, merely changed the subject and asked for news of Gassendi.14 This story fits the nature of his friendship with the gentle friar rather better than the anecdote given by Aubrey: 'When Mr T. Hobbes was sick in France, the divines came to him, and tormented him (both Roman Catholic, Church of England, and Geneva). Sayd he to them "Let me alone, or els I will detect all your cheates from Aaron to yourselves"'.15

Alexandre Morus (1616–1670)

Alexandre's father, a Scottish Calvinist theologian, settled in France and became principal of the Huguenot college at Orange. In 1616 he transferred to the college of Castres, where Alexandre was born in September of that year.1 Since both father and son used the Latin name Morus in France, it has always been assumed that their original name was More. But Alexandre signed himself Moriss; it seems likely, therefore, that Morus was used because of its similarity (when pronounced by a Frenchman) to Morris. When John Evelyn met him as a young man he recorded that his name was Morise.2 Alexandre's first language was French, and the evidence of Letter 173 suggests that he did not know English at all.

Morus was educated first at Castres (until 1636),3 then at Geneva, where, in August 1639—at the age of 22—he was appointed Professor of Greek.4 In 1641 he became a minister, though not without arguments in the Council of Geneva about his dangerously liberal theological tendencies.5 It was at about this time that he introduced his friend Samuel pg 866Sorbière to the 'federal' theology (i.e. the doctrine of a conditional covenant between God and the believer) of the Saumur theologians Cameron and Amyrault.6 Nevertheless, in 1642 he was appointed Professor of Theology, and in 1646, Rector. He made many enemies in Geneva, and even his modern biographer and apologist admits that 'he had too great a portion of sarcastic wit, of irritability, and impatience, for his own peace'.7 In 1648 Morus accepted an invitation from Queen Elizabeth of Bohemia to become pastor and Professor of Theology at Middelburg, This invitation had been procured for him by the Huguenot scholar Claude Saumaise; but although Saumaise admired and befriended him, the formidable Mme Saumaise took against him and began to spread the rumour that he had seduced her maid. Morus took the case to a civil court to clear his name, and further accusations were considered by a synod of the Walloon Calvinist Church at Utrecht: both of these found in his favour.8 In 1651 he considered applying for a post at Montauban, and acquired testimonials from Geneva for that purpose;9 he also got recommendations from Middelburg10 and planned to travel to Montauban, but this journey never took place. Instead, in 1652 he moved to Amsterdam, to take the chair of ecclesiastical history.

That year saw the publication of an anonymous work which was indirectly to cause him great harm: a fierce attack on the English regicides, and on their apologist John Milton, entitled Regii sanguinis clamor ad caelum adversas parricidas anglicanes. The author was almost certainly Pierre du Moulin; but Milton attributed it to Morus and composed a reply, Pro populo anglicane defensie secunda (1654), which raked up the story of Mme Saumaise's maid and added some further scurrilous accusations against Morus's private life.11 Morus replied with a long and understandably aggrieved volume packed full of testimonials: Fides publica, contra calumnias Ioannis Miltoni (1654). But the damage had been pg 867done, and a dormant local scandal had been turned into a virulent international one.

In 1658 Morus moved to the Huguenot church at Charenton, outside Paris; he was summoned to answer more charges at another Walloon synod in 1659, but declined to appear on the grounds that he was no longer subject to their jurisdiction. For this he was banned from ministerial office in the Walloon Church.12 At Charenton he was a controversial presence; as one of the most gifted preachers of the age he had a strong following, but another faction was fiercely opposed to him. Morus travelled to London in December 1661 and was well received at Court.13 On 12 [/22] January 1662 Evelyn recorded: 'afternoone at St James's Chapell preached or rather harangued the famous Orator Monsieur Morus […] in French: at which was present the King, Duke, French Ambassador, […] & a world of Roman Catholics, drawne thither to hear the eloquent Protestant'.14 It was probably during this visit that he made the acquaintance of Hobbes—thanks, no doubt, to a letter of introduction from his old friend Sorbière. He returned to Paris later in 1662,15 was suspended from preaching at Charenton, and suffered further disputes and indignities until he submitted his case to the Huguenot synod in 1664, which vindicated his name. Rehabilitated at Charenton, he spoke a moving funeral sermon for Raymond Gaches in 1668.16 In these final years he enjoyed the patronage of the duchesse de Rohan, and it was in her house in Paris that he died, aged only 54, protesting his innocence of all the accusations against him.17

M. de la Moulinière

The name of the author of Letter 139 (enclosure) is supplied by Hobbes in Letter 140. I have been unable to find any trace of any person of this name in the rest of Sorbière's correspondence, published or unpublished; nor does the name appear in the published correspondence of Descartes, Mersenne, Patin, Fermat, Pascal, Huygens, or Oldenburg. De la Moulinière did not apparently publish anything, and his name is also absent from the AN 'minutier central' (the consolidated index of notarial records for the Paris region).

pg 868Claude Mylon (1617 or 1618–1660?)

The third son of Benoît Mylon, Louis XIII's contrôleur-général des finances, Claude was admitted as an advocate before the Parlement of Paris in 1641, although aged only 23. His interest in mathematics was obviously well developed by 1641–2, when Frans van Schooten visited Paris, discussed mathematical problems with him, and was introduced to Pierre de Carcavi in Mylon's house1 Mylon studied mathematics with Roberval in the early 1640s, and his friendship with du Verdus must date from the years 1641–3, when du Verdus was also Roberval's pupil. One version of du Verdus's compilation of Roberval's teachings bears annotations in Mylon's hand.2 Claude Mylon was well known to Mersenne by the winter of 1644–5, when the Minim friar sent him several letters from Rome; in reply, he gave details of Roberval's latest work, asked for news of du Verdus, and sent the best wishes of Roberval, Desargues, and de Carcavi to both of them.3 On [29 March/] 8 April 1652 Mylon observed an eclipse with Roberval in Paris.4

In the early 1650s Mylon served as secretary to the 'Académie parisienne', the post-Mersenne group of mathematicians (under the direction of Jacques Le Pailleur) which received Pascal's Adresse in 1654, and when Le Pailleur died in late 1654 it was Mylon who looked after the group's mathematical and scientific papers.5 He was visited in Paris by Huygens in 1655: after Huygens's return to The Hague, Mylon wrote offering to keep him informed of the latest mathematical and scientific work being done in Paris, but modestly adding that he feared there would not be enough material, and that he would have to 'consult my records and make use of them to send you propositions which are ten or twelve years old, and which you have not yet seen'.6 But he was able to send Huygens news of the latest work by Boulliau, Fermat, and de Carcavi,7 as well as sending theorems by Frénicle, de Beaune, and Le Pailleur to van Schooten.8 Mylon kept up a frequent correspondence with Huygens, mainly reporting other people's work (and, pg 869in June 1656, his own correspondence with Hobbes),9 but occasionally putting forward theorems of his own. In June 1658 he offered a solution to the quadrature of a type of curve known as 'de Sluse's pearls', and in January 1659 he put forward a proof of Wren's solution to the problem of the length of the cycloid.10 'These efforts', writes Pierre Costabel, 'stand as a monument to his inadequacies as a mathematician.'11 His last letter to Huygens is dated [20/] 30 January 1660;12 he is presumed to have died later that year.

Henry Oldenburg (b. 1617–20?, d. 1677)

Little is known of Oldenburg's early life. He was born in Bremen, where his father taught at a school, the 'Paedagogium', from 1610 to 1630. Oldenburg was educated first under his father, then at the 'Gymnasium' or high school, which he is known to have entered in 1633 (hence the inferred and approximate date of birth).1 He studied philosophy and theology there, before moving to the University of Utrecht in 1641. How long he stayed at the university is not known; nor is there any specific record of his activities between August 1641, when he wrote to G.J. Vossius that he intended to find work as a tutor, and 1653, when he was sent by the city of Bremen on a diplomatic mission to Cromwell. Given his evident command of English, French, and Italian, it is assumed that he had travelled in those three countries, perhaps as a tutor to English children.

Anthony Wood states that the third Earl of Devonshire's elder son was taught by Oldenburg.2 Although Wood implies that this happened after 1656, it may in fact have occurred during 1654, when, his first diplomatic mission completed, Oldenburg stayed on in London as a private citizen. An entry in the privy purse accounts of the steward of the third Earl for early July 1654 records: 'To Mr Oldenburgh allowed by my Ld. £3 10s'3 'My Ld.' here indicates the third Earl's elder son, and 'allowed' suggests something more than a casual gift, but less than a payment of regular wages. Oldenburg was perhaps giving occasional language lessons. His acquaintance with Hobbes probably dates from pg 870this period. Indeed, it is quite possible that it was Hobbes who introduced him to the Cavendish family, having met him through Sir Robert Honywood. Sir Robert, who lived in London in the 1650s and was later a member of the government set up by the 'restored Rump' at the end of the Interregnum, had many European diplomatic connections: he had been steward to Queen Elizabeth of Bohemia in 1625, and was in the service of the Dutch States-General from 1629 to 1659. Hobbes may have been introduced to Honywood in 1652 by William Brereton, or he may have known him already through his own friends at the Queen of Bohemia's Court (such as Dr Samson Johnson): when Lodewijk Huygens was leaving London in 1652, he 'went to see […] Mr Honywood at whose home I met Mr Hobbes'.4 Oldenburg appears to have been tutoring Honywood's sons by the summer of 1654, and staying at Honywood's country house in Kent in May of the following year.5

Also from July 1654 (the date of the future fourth Earl of Devonshire's payment) there survives a letter to Oldenburg from Milton, indicating earlier acquaintance between them and containing the compliment 'You have indeed learnt to speak our language more accurately and fluently than any other foreigner I have ever known.'6 Later that year Oldenburg was employed again by the city of Bremen to invoke Cromwell's help as a mediator in a dispute between Bremen and Sweden. In May 1655, while staying at Honywood's house, he wrote a letter to the pious Lady Ranelagh, sister of Robert Boyle.7 He may already have made Boyle's acquaintance either through Lady Ranelagh or through another German émigré, Samuel Hartlib;8 so it is quite possible that Boyle was the 'friend' referred to in Oldenburg's letter to Hobbes of the following month.9 In early 1656 Oldenburg spent some time in Oxford, where, according to Wood, he 'studied […] in the condition of a sojourner'.10 He became tutor to Lady Ranelagh's son, Richard Jones, in the summer of that year, and resided with him in Oxford for the Michaelmas term. During 1656 he seems to have established, through Boyle, links with leading Oxford scientists and future Fellows of the Royal Society such as Wilkins, Ward, and Goddard.

In 1657 Oldenburg embarked on a Grand Tour of Europe with his pg 871pupil: they spent the rest of that year in Saumur, then travelled in 1658 through Switzerland and Germany, before returning to Castres and Montpellier for the winter. In early 1659 they went to Paris, where they had introductions to Abraham du Prat and de Montmor;11 they attended de Montmor's scientific gatherings several times, and Oldenburg became acquainted with both Sorbière and de Martel.12

Oldenburg returned to England in May 1660, and at the end of that year his name was included in a list drawn up by the twelve founders of the Royal Society of persons 'judged willing and fit to joyne with them in their design'.13 He probably joined on 26 December 1660 [/5 January 1661].14 Thereafter, with the exception of a few months in 1661 when he travelled to Bremen (meeting Huygens and Spinoza on the way back to England), his life was entirely dominated by the Royal Society. He was named as one of the two Secretaries of the Society in the royal charters of 1662 and 1663; he took charge of the minutes and the letter-book; he started to publish the Philosophical Transactions in 1665, and also encouraged the Society to undertake the publication of separate works by its Fellows. Through Joseph Williamson he arranged for his foreign correspondents' letters, addressed to 'M. Grubendol, London', to be delivered free of charge, in return for which he would supply Williamson with any foreign political news they contained. It seems to have been some rash political comment in Oldenburg's own letters during the Dutch war in 1667 which led to his imprisonment for two months in the Tower of London.15 But he was soon rehabilitated, and resumed his tireless work for the Royal Society, continuing to manage its voluminous correspondence until his death in 1677.

The references to Hobbes in Oldenburg's own letters of the 1660s and 1670s show that he shared the generally low opinion of Hobbes's mathematical abilities expressed by other Fellows such as Brouncker and Wallis. Describing to Huygens Hobbes's latest attempt to square the circle in a letter of 1670, he referred to him with jovial contempt as 'le bon homme Hobbes'—a phrase not adequately translated by the editors of OC as 'the good Hobbes'.16

pg 872Robert Payne (1595 or 1596–1651)

That only one letter between Payne and Hobbes has survived is particularly unfortunate, in view of the fact that he was one of Hobbes's closest friends.

Robert Payne was born in Abingdon, Berkshire; his father (also Robert) was a prosperous woollen draper who was four times mayor of the town.1 From his father Payne was eventually to inherit several 'houses gardens orchards Mault howses and their appurtenances' in or near Abingdon.2 In July 1611 he matriculated at Christ Church, Oxford, aged 15; he proceeded BA in 1614 and MA in 1617.3 In 1617 he studied and transcribed several treatises by Roger Bacon in the possession of Thomas Allen, Brian Twyne, and John Prideaux.4 The only work by Payne published in his lifetime appeared in 1619: a short Latin poem on the burial of Queen Anne, in a collection of memorial poems by dons and graduates of Oxford.5 In 1624 he became a founding Fellow of Pembroke College;6 his family connections were no doubt important here, since the Corporation of Abingdon played a major part in the foundation of the college.7 He was probably also the 'Mr Paine' who, in the same year, was an unsuccessful candidate for the Gresham chair of astronomy, losing to Henry Gellibrand.8 Another disappointment is recorded in a humorous poem of C.1626, entitled 'On the loss of C. Church proctorship, when mr Payne stood'.9

In 1630 Robert Payne became rector of Tormarton, Gloucestershire,10 though he does not seem to have spent much time there. In March 1632 he travelled there 'uppon summons from our Archdeacon, under peine of suspension, to appeare in person at his visitation';11 and in February 1646 the Committee for Plundered Ministers was to eject him from Tormarton, partly on the grounds that he had been absent for three years.12

pg 873The earliest record of Payne's connection with the Welbeck Cavendishes is his copy of Thomas Hariot's Artis analyticae praxis (edited by Walter Warner and published in 1631), in which Payne wrote: 'A gift from the most noble Sir Charles Cavendish, 18 [/28] December 1631'.13 By 22 March [/1 April] 1632 he was employed as chaplain to the Earl of Newcastle. In a letter of that date sent to the Earl at Welbeck 'from your Lordps house in Clerken-well' he complained that 'some haue uniustly traduc'd me to your Lordp. I know my obligations to your Lordp are so many, and so greate, that were I guilty in that kinde, I should not need a more rigid confessor, then mine owne iudgment.'14 But his relations were generally very good with the Earl, who later described him as 'a Good Philosopher, and a Witty Man'.15 Most sources agree that Payne was an exceptionally pleasant, good-natured person; in an undated letter of 1633 or 1634 Ben Jonson wrote to the Earl of Newcastle: 'I received by my beloued friend Mr Payne your Lops timely gratuity […] I am in the number of your humblest seru.ts my Lo: and the most willing; and doe ioy in the good friendship and fellowship of my right learned friend Mr Payne, then whom your Lop: could not haue imployed a more diligent & Judicious Man, or that hath treated me with more humanitie.'16

Some evidence of Payne's intellectual activities comes from the mid-1630s: his correspondence with Walter Warner in 1634 and 1636.17 From these letters (mainly on optics) it appears that Payne was closer to Hobbes than Warner was—an impression which is confirmed by Letter 23. On 17 [/27] October 1634 Warner wrote to Payne: 'For the problem of refractions, which you write of, I pray you by any meanes send it to Mr. Hobbes, together with my most harty love and service, or whatsoever else you shall receive from me that may be thought worth the pg 874communicating.'18 At some time in the early 1630s Payne drew up a list of nearly 900 selected books in the Bodleian Library, arranged according to subject-matter: method, grammar, arithmetic, geometry, music, astronomy, astrology, perspective, various philosophical topics (medicine, the physical sciences, and metaphysics), military matters, and politics.19 This list may have been compiled in 1631 as an aid to Hobbes when he undertook the tuition of the third Earl of Devonshire; alternatively, it may have come into Hobbes's possession only after Payne's death. Another such document drawn up by Payne, datable to 1634, reflects Payne's own earlier philosophical interests: it is a list of medieval manuscripts given by Sir Kenelm Digby to the Bodleian in that year, and it is dominated by copies of works by Roger Bacon and Robert Grosseteste.20 Both of these manuscript lists have previously been attributed to Hobbes; but they are in Payne's own hand, which closely resembled that of his friend. So too is the manuscript of the 'Short Tract on First Principles', a treatise which uses a deductive method to develop a mechanistic theory of human psychology.21 The assumptions of this work are certainly very close to those of Hobbes's early philosophical writings; but since it is in Payne's own hand, it can plausibly be attributed to him.22 In 1635 Payne translated into English a short treatise on hydraulics by Benedetto Castelli, Della misura dell'acque correnti: the manuscript is annotated 'by Mr Robert Payen' in Sir Charles Cavendish's hand, and was presumably written at Sir Charles's request.23 Payne also translated Galileo's Delia scienza mecanica in November 1636—probably from a copy brought to England by Hobbes as a present to Sir Charles from Mersenne.24 It was presumably also in the 1630s pg 875that Payne conducted chemical experiments with the Earl of Newcastle at Bolsover, which the latter described in his 'Opinions concerning the Ground of Natural Philosophy',25 and compiled a brief treatise on a subject close to the Earl's heart, 'Considerations touching the facility or Difficulty of the Motions of a Horse'.26

In 1638 Payne became a canon of Christ Church, and took to residing in Oxford. His friends there included Robert Burton, whose will contains a codicil entitled 'An Appendix to this my Will if I die in Oxford or whilst I am of Christ Church and with good Mr Paynes'.27 It was probably through Payne that Hobbes and Burton became acquainted; the latter's library included Hobbes's translation of Thueydides and his De mirabilibus pecci, both annotated by Burton: 'gift from the author'.28 Payne kept up his connections with Sir Charles Cavendish and Hobbes during these years. On 6 [/16] December 1639 Sir Charles sent him a copy of books 3 and 4 of Mydorge's Conicorum, which he had just received from the author; and in his accompanying letter he thanked him for the loan of a volume by the Dalmatian mathematician Marinus Ghetaldus29 In the following year, as he later mentioned in a letter to Gilbert Sheldon, Payne circulated one of the many manuscripts of Hobbes's Elements of Law.30 In November 1642 Payne was created Doctor of Divinity (together with Jeremy Taylor and George Morley);31 also in that year he presented two gifts to his college, a 'brass instrument' by Gunter and a copy of Galileo's Systema cosmicum (the Latin translation of the Dialogo […] sopra i due massimi sistemi del mondo)32

In 1648 Payne was expelled from Christ Church by the parliamentary Visitation, together with his fellow canons Henry Hammond, Robert Sanderson, and George Morley. According to Anthony Wood he was arrested and taken to London, and on his release went to live with Sir John Buckhurst at Swallowfield in Berkshire. But his letters to Gilbert pg 876Sheldon from 1649 to 1651 show that he was staying with his sister and brother-in-law in Abingdon, with occasional visits to Oxford, London, and Latimers (the Buckinghamshire residence of the third Earl of Devonshire).33 These letters, which discuss university affairs and recent publications by Hobbes, Gassendi, Descartes, and Athanasius Kircher, also make frequent mention of Payne's correspondence with Hobbes in Paris, In a letter of 29 April [/9 May] 1650 he reported that Hobbes 'much desires my company with him there'.34 But they were not to meet again: Payne died in early November 1651, only a few weeks before Hobbes's return to England. His will was proved on 13 [/23] November: it bequeathed his estate to the families of his two sisters and three brothers (one of whom, Francis Payne, became Mayor of Abingdon in 1658).35

Learning of Payne's death, George Morley wrote to Sheldon that he had lost a friend of twenty years' standing: 'His Moralls were as good as his Intellectualls, and his Intellectualis such as I knew noe man had better: and both accompanied with a Modesty allmost to an excesse.'36 On 29 February [/to March] 1652 he also told Sheldon that Hobbes would inherit Payne's papers, 'which he will but scorne': an unlikely claim, in view of Hobbes's evident affection for his old friend.37 In a note written in Payne's copy of Hariot's Artis analyticae praxis John Wallis referred to Payne's manuscript annotations in that volume and added: 'There were divers other Mathematicall Books, at ye same time, brought out of Dr Pains study, [> and now put into ye Savilian Mathematick Study as well as this] most of which have divers notes of his own hand writing in them.'38 No exhaustive identification of these books (now in the Bodleian) has yet been undertaken; but the volumes annotated by Payne do include the following: Castelli, Della misura dell'acque correnti (Savile Bb 2); Mersenne, Harmonicorum libri (Savile Q 13); Galileo, Discorsi e dimostrazioni matematiche (Savile Bb 13); Gassendi, De apparente magnitudine solis (Savile V 13(i)) and De motu impresso (Savile pg 877V 13(ii)); as well as the volumes by Hariot and Mydorge already mentioned.

François Peleau (born c. 1627–31; died after 1672)

Although François Peleau's personal history is almost completely obscure, some details of his family can be established. The Peleaus were the seigneurs of Saint-Genès, an estate near Bordeaux;1 François's grandfather, Arnaud, received his lettres de bourgeoisie of the city in 1590.2 Arnaud's son Jean became conseiller au parlement et commissaire des requêtes in Bordeaux in May 1647.3 This Jean Peleau, François's father, is possibly to be identified with the Jean Peleau who, because of a sudden illness, made a will in September 1637 while he was on a visit to Paris: he is described in that document as 'advocat et parlmtre en la Ville de Bordeaux'.4 However, although legacies to various cousins are specified in the will, no children are mentioned. A M. Peleau, secrétaire du Roi, was a member of the 'Cent et Trente', the council representing the legal and merchant élite of Bordeaux, in 1649.5 A procureur Peleau of the Parlement of Bordeaux was one of the radicals described by a contemporary in the same year as 'seditious people, all of them'.6 Either or both of these records may refer to François's father.

François himself was a young man when he began corresponding with Hobbes in 1656; he described himself as 'a young boy',7 but he also wrote that he had been studying Hobbes's theories (using, presumably, one of the 1647 editions of De cive) for ten years,8 from which one might assume that he was in his mid- to late twenties in 1656. By this time he was already working as a lawyer;9 he was also engaged in translating various works into French, though the details of these projects are not known.10 His family connections seem to have enabled him to assist the publication of du Verdus's translation of De cive: at the end of the 1660 pg 878quarto edition of that translation, the 'Privilège du Roy' and registration of the book are countersigned 'P[E]LEAV'—presumably François's father.11

In 1668 one of Jean Peleau's other children, also named Jean, a conseiller at the Parlement of Bordeaux, married a Cathérine Duval;12 she was perhaps a relative of the M. du Val de Tercis to whom du Verdus left most of his books in his will of 1666.13 Jean Peleau père died at some time between 1665 and 1672: in September 1672 'M[aît]re francois de peleau Escuyer Aduocat en la Cour' litigated against his brother, 'M[aît]re Jean de peleau con[seill]er du Roy' over their father's will, which was dated [13/] 23 June 1665.14 This was not the only legal dispute in the family; a more complicated litigation in the previous month involved a 'Jean peleau docteur en theologie' and 'Jean peleau con[seill]er du Roy' on the one hand, and 'Joseph peleau, cons[eill]er secretaire du Roy', 'Jean de peleau S[ieu]r de Saint genes', dame Maure de Peleau, Estienne, and André Peleau (and others) on the other hand.15 Although the 'Joseph peleau' here has a different title from François, one puzzling piece of evidence suggests that they might be one and the same person. It is the homage to the King of 'Joseph de peleau, escuyer ad[voca]t en la cour' of [25 February/] 7 March 1663, and it refers to 'Sieur Jean de peleau son pere conseiller secretaire'.16 Whilst 'Joseph' is the only Christian name used here, the signature 'Peleau' under this entry is unmistakably that used by François in his letters to Hobbes; one possible explanation might be that he was christened 'François-Joseph' or 'Joseph-François' and used both names. Jean Peleau, François's brother, died in 1698;17 but the date of François's own death is not known.

Abraham Du Prat (1616–1660)

Abraham du Prat was born in 1616, the younger son of Pierre du Prat, Protestant minister at Orthez (in south-west France, between Bayonne pg 879and Pau).1 He studied medicine at the College of Béarn, then moved to Paris, where he was to spend more than half his life.2 By September 1640 he had made Sorbière's acquaintance there,3 and it was probably around this time that he studied medicine under Guy Patin.4 Sorbière later recalled that it was in the presence of du Prat that Mersenne had shown him the manuscript of De cive;5 this must have occurred some time between [21 October/] 1 November 1641 (the date of the dedicatory epistle) and April 1642 (when Sorbière left Paris for Holland). On his departure from Paris Sorbière gave du Prat books which he wanted to return to Gassendi.6

By 1644 du Prat was living in Lyon; in a letter of [20/] 30 September from that city he asked Gassendi about the chyle ducts and expressed great feelings of friendship towards him. He told Gassendi that he was translating the Institutiones anatomicae of the Danish physician Caspar Bartholin (in the edition revised and augmented by his son Thomas Bartholin) into French, and wanted to add some of Gassendi's own anatomical observations.7 However, Gassendi replied non-committally;8 and in later correspondence with Thomas Bartholin in January 1646 du Prat felt obliged to assure the author that he never intended to add observations by Gassendi, knowing that Bartholin would disapprove.9 The translation was published in 1647.

At some time before December 1645 du Prat had found employment, on Sorbière's recommendation, with a member of the van Brederode family; but he was treated badly by his employer, and was soon seeking another post.10 On [3/] 13 December 1645 Sorbière wrote to him suggesting that he seek employment with the Earl of Devonshire.11 In [August/] September of the following year Sorbière asked Hobbes if he could find work for du Prat; at that stage Hobbes had evidently not yet met him.12 Abraham du Prat contemplated joining his brother Pierre in the service of the Protestant maréchal de Gassion, but by April 1647 he pg 880had moved to Saumur in the service of another prominent Huguenot, the financier Barthélemy Hervart.13 Later that year Sorbière dedicated his Discours sceptique sur le passage du chyle to du Prat, in which he summarized some of Gassendi's anatomical theories;14 as Sorbière explained in a letter to Gassendi, the work had been written at du Prat's suggestion.15

By January 1650 Abraham du Prat was back in Paris, still in the service of the Hervart family. There he renewed his acquaintance with Patin, and (taking Sorbière along with him) attended lectures Patin gave to his former pupils.16 He was apparently still seeking better employment; in July 1650 Sorbière wrote to André Rivet to recommend du Prat for a vacant lectureship at the University of Breda, describing him as a friend of Guy Patin and René Moreau and adding that were he not a Protestant he would be expected to have a chair of medicine in Paris.17 It must have been during his stay in Paris in 1650–1 that du Prat finally got to know Hobbes: his subsequent letters to Hobbes imply both friendship and personal acquaintance. Possibly it was through Hobbes that some of du Prat's manuscripts—notes on geography and travel books, and a copy of his brother Pierre du Prat's memoir of his trip to Holland in 1632-3—eventually found their way into a collection of Sir Charles Cavendish's papers.18 After Hobbes's departure from France, du Prat was able to renew his friendship with Gassendi when the latter was living in de Montmor's house from 1653 to 1655. In 1655 it was from du Prat that Gassendi received a copy of De corpore, a few months before his death.19 Du Prat naturally took part in the meetings of scientists and philosophers at de Montmor's house which grew into the de Montmor 'academy'; he pronounced several 'discours' there,20and in 1658 he and Sorbière drew up its rules.21

Despite du Prat's adulation of Gassendi, the description Sorbière gives of his assumptions in physics suggests a Cartesian rather than a Gassendist: 'the plenum and the infinite divisibility of matter being pg 881more to his way of thinking than the vacuum and atoms'.22 And when corresponding with Bartholin in 1646, he had defended Descartes's theory of respiration.23 Du Prat never published any work of his own. Sorbière wrote in 1654 that he was expecting a commentary by him on the aphorisms of Hippocrates,24 but this was apparently never completed. (The origins of this work are a little involuted: in 1646 Sorbière told du Prat that he was preparing annotations to the aphorisms of Hippocrates, which he hoped to publish with a dedication to du Prat, and asked du Prat to send him any new observations on the subject which he might have.25 It may be that du Prat replied that he would like to arrange his own observations in the form of a similar volume.) His pharmacological notebook of the early 1650s reveals a wide range of reading in the medical authorities of the period,26 and also includes a number of remedies derived from his acquaintances: many from Sorbiere, some from the Lyonnais doctor Charles Spon (e.g. fo. 32r), from de Mayerne (fo. 36r), from Dufour (fo. 11r), from Pecquet (fo. 92r), or from de Martel (fo. 124v), and a cure for the tertian ague from Gassendi himself (fo. 126r). An undated jotting at the beginning of the volume records: 'books lent: to M. Sorbière, Leviathan'.27

Abraham du Prat died on [23 February/] 4 March 166028 He was buried in the Cimetière des Saints Pères in Paris, where he was described in the register as a doctor of medicine, royal counsellor, and physician.29

François du Prat (b. c. 1636–40; d. after 1691)

François du Prat's date of birth is uncertain, but several reasons for placing it in the period 1636–40 are given below.

His father, Pierre (son of the Protestant minister of the same name, and elder brother of Abraham), completed his studies in theology at Sedan in 1626, and a few years later became pastor at Lisy in the Ile de pg 882France;1 from September 1632 to June 1633 he studied at Leiden, before returning to Paris via London.2 In June 1634 he married Anne de Gombaud at Charenton.3 However, according to Sorbière the mother of François du Prat was English,4 a claim which the faultless English of some of François's later letters helps to strengthen. He was thus presumably the offspring of a second marriage.

One volume of François du Prat's manuscripts contains a schoolboy exercise, a literary dialogue in Latin between him and his father (dated 1649), from which one would guess his age to have been somewhere between 9 and 13.5 Entries in his commonplace-book (itself dated 1654 but including entries dated 1653 and 1657)6 are in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, displaying wide reading, especially in medicine, classical studies, and history. Gassendi is frequently cited, and so too are approved Protestant scholars such as Saumaise, Heinsius, and Bochart. From this one would guess that he was in his late teens in 1654. He also later recorded having observed two partial eclipses of the sun, one at Samois-sur-Seine (near Charenton) in 1652, the other at Dangeau (south of Chartres in the Beauce region: 'Dangae Belsiae') in 1654.7 During this period Pierre du Prat was probably in the service of the marquis de Dangeau,8 and it was from Dangeau that the young François du Prat wrote a letter to Gassendi on [26 November/] 6 December 1654.9

In 1657, probably through his uncle's connection with Hobbes, he was employed as tutor and travelling companion to the third Earl of Devonshire's elder son, William (the future fourth Earl and first Duke), who travelled to France in May.10 This employment lasted until early 1661: in the autumn of that year François du Prat mentioned that he had been away from Paris for three or four years,11 and when Sorbière talked to him two years later he learned that 'he had already seen almost all of Europe with Lord Cavendish'.12 Having returned with pg 883William Cavendish to England, du Prat received a final payment of wages amounting to £20. 5s. 11d. on 8 [/18] March 1661;13 he was in Paris again before [2/] 12 May.14 His next known employment was in the service of Henry Mordaunt, second Earl of Peterborough, who was appointed Governor of the newly acquired territory of Tangier in September 1661 and travelled there in January 1662: du Prat (who was in London again in September 1661)15 went with him to Tangier as his secretary.16 A notebook in du Prat's hand survives, containing copies of official documents relating to Tangier (for example, statements by merchants for and against the creation of a 'Morocco Company', and a copy of the Earl of Peterborough's commission as Governor), together with 'A Discourse of Oran' dated 7 [/17] January 1663 (on the desirability of gaining control of that port from the Spanish) and 'Sundry particulars relating to […] Tanger' (in which the author, presumably du Prat himself, proposes colonizing the Moroccan coast with Protestants from France, Switzerland, and the Valtelline).17 While at Tangier du Prat must also have come to the notice of Edward Mountagu, first Earl of Sandwich, who had taken possession of the place in early 1661.

In 1663 du Prat returned to England, where the Earl of Peterborough dispensed with his services; he left England with Sorbière in mid-September of that year,18 and returned to Paris. At the Earl of Peterborough's suggestion,19 he was now engaged as tutor-cum-travelling companion to Edward Mountagu, Lord Hinchingbrooke, the eldest son of the Earl of Sandwich. Sandwich's modern biographer writes that du Prat was chosen for this job by Sandwich's cousin Walter Mountagu, the Catholic convert who had become Abbot of Pontoise.20But du Prat was engaged by 21 November/1 December 1663;21 on 2/12 March 1664 he wrote to inform Sandwich about the proposed journey with his son,22 and it was only two months later that Walter Mountagu wrote to Sandwich that 'I find the person very well chosen and your sonns person well suted to such a compagnion rather then a gouernor I pg 884am persuaded he will haue an equall share in the managing discreetly all his occasions.'23

Du Prat and Hinchingbrooke left Paris on [14/] 24 May 1664,24travelling first to Saumur, then to Bordeaux, where they met du Verdus.25 They then journeyed to Montpellier, Lyon, Geneva, Turin, Milan, Bologna, Pisa, Florence, and Rome.26 Having wintered in Rome, they were back in Paris by July 1665 and crossed to England shortly thereafter, landing at Dover on 3 [/13] August.27 Du Prat remained in the service of Sandwich's family at Hinchingbrooke for two more years. On 17 [/27] June 1667 Pepys recorded: 'This night late comes a porter with a letter from Monsieur Pratt to borrow 100 / for my Lord of Hinchingbrooke, […] but I did find an excuse to decline it,'28The entire Sandwich household was short of money during the Earl's absence on his embassy to Spain (1666–8), and the Countess decided to dispense with du Prat's services.29 She suggested a job as tutor to the Earl of Aylesbury's son, and du Prat negotiated with the Earls of Aylesbury and Devonshire to teach their children together—a plan which the Countess of Aylesbury eventually turned down.30

Du Prat finally rejoined the service of the Earl of Devonshire in September 1667: he was to receive wages of £25 for the half-year ending on 1 [/11] March 1668.31 An account book entry for 4 [/14] February 1668 records: 'To mr Dupratt on his bill of Trauelling Charges when he went first into Darbyshire: £3 15s 2d'.32 He remained in the Cavendish household, and thus in constant contact with Hobbes, until mid-summer 1671.33 The personal account book of James Wheldon, Hobbes's amanuensis, also records one shilling 'Given me by Mr du Prat' in January-February 1669.34 The identification of this du Prat with François (and not his brother, whom he had once proposed for the job)35 is rendered certain by a note in François du Prat's commonplace-pg 885book, recording that he observed an eclipse of the sun in Derbyshire on 25 October/4 November 1668.36

Almost nothing is known of du Prat's life after 1671. A fragment of a letter to him survives: it is about the Earl of Sandwich's horses and is dated [23 October/] 2 November 1679.37 This suggests that his former pupil, having become second Earl of Sandwich in 1672, took him back into his service. To his Moroccan notebook du Prat added some extracts from de la Croix's Relation universelle de l'Afrique, which was published in 1688.38 Another notebook, inscribed 'Misc. Observations of Mr du Prat', mentions the death of Pope Alexander VIII in 1691; references in this manuscript to the Earls of Devonshire and Sandwich suggest a connection with François du Prat,39 but the handwriting is unlike that of François himself, and may therefore be that of a son or a brother. One would naturally expect du Prat to have settled permanently in England after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685; and on 5 [/15] March 1691 'Francis Dupratt' received letters of denization from the King.40 But no further trace of him can be found.

Josiah Pullen (c. 1633–1714/15)

Pullen came from a humble background: his status was recorded as 'pleb.' when he matriculated at Magdalen Hall in November 1650 and proceeded BA in May 1654.1 He became a Fellow of the Hall, and proceeded MA in April 1657; later that year he was appointed Vice-Principal by Henry Wilkinson, the Puritan who had been installed as Principal by the parliamentary Visitors in 1648.2 Pullen was to remain Vice-Principal of the Hall for fifty-seven years. One of his duties in that office was the supervision of the library register, which Wilkinson had begun in 1656;3 hence, perhaps, his special responsibility for thanking Hobbes for his donation to the library (Letter 194).

Although appointed by Henry Wilkinson, Pullen was not a Puritan, pg 886nor was he regarded as Wilkinson's creature. When the Earl of Clarendon visited Oxford as Chancellor of the university in 1661 he delivered a public rebuke to Wilkinson: turning down his invitation to a banquet in Magdalen Hall, he 'chid him and told him that "he entertained a company of factious people in his house, […] and but one honest man among them," meaning Mr Josias Pullaine'.4 Pullen was ordained an Anglican priest; he was a close friend of the moderate Anglican divine Robert Sanderson, who, when he became Bishop of Lincoln after the Restoration, appointed Pullen his domestic chaplain. Pullen attended Sanderson during his illness and death in January/February 1663.5 In 1675 he became pastor of St Peter's in the East, Oxford; nine years later he also became rector of Blunsdon St Andrew, Wiltshire.6 Unusually for a cleric and senior academic of this period, he published nothing, not even a sermon; he is known, however, to have had some antiquarian interests.7 After the death of Dr Hyde in 1694, the next Principal, Dr Richard Adams, seldom resided at the Hall, and Pullen was acting Principal in all but name.8 After Pullen's death on 31 December 1714/ 10 January 1715 (apparently as a result of over-exerting himself administering communion at St Peter's in the East on the previous day), Thomas Hearne recorded: 'He lived to a very great Age, being abt fourscore & three, always very healthy & vigorous. He was regular in his way of living, but too close, considering he was a single Man & was wealthy. He seldom used Spectacles, which made him guilty of great Blunders at Divine service.'9

John Scudamore, first Viscount Scudamore (1601–1671)

Scudamore was born into a prominent family of Herefordshire gentry, his father being an MP for the county, a gentleman usher to Queen Elizabeth, and a famous military commander, John Scudamore matriculated at Magdalen College, Oxford, in November 1616; he is believed pg 887to have studied at the Middle Temple in the following year.1 In September 1618 he received a licence to travel for three years,2 and some of his time abroad was probably spent perfecting his knowledge of French; but he was back in England by June 1620, when he was created a baronet. Sir John came into his inheritance at an early age, his father dying in 1619 and his grandfather in 1623. In 1620 and 1624 he was MP for Herefordshire, and in 1625 and 1628 he sat for the city of Hereford. Scudamore had close connections at Court with the Duke of Buckingham, whom he accompanied on his expedition to the Isle of Rhé in 1627; he was also particularly close to Bishop Laud, who corresponded with him during the 1620s and frequently stayed at his house in Herefordshire.3 His devotion to the study of history and theology once earned a memorable warning from the bishop: 'Book it not too much'.4 Under Laud's influence, he spent large sums of money repairing and furnishing churches on his estates, and restoring tithes to parishes.5

In 1628 he was created Baron Dromore and Viscount Scudamore of Sligo, and at the end of 1634 he was appointed Ambassador to France. He travelled to Paris in June 1635, and was to stay there until February 1639; his diligence is reflected in the two surviving series of detailed news-letters which he sent to London, from August/September 1635 to February 1639.6 No doubt it was at some time between June 1635 and October 1636 that he made the acquaintance of Hobbes. In 1636 Scudamore was joined by Robert Sidney, Earl of Leicester, whose seniority in rank entitled him to occupy the embassy house, while Scudamore had to rent a private mansion.7 Leicester had been sent partly in order to restore relations with the French Protestant Church, which Scudamore, following his Laudian principles, had refused to attend. Scudamore was interested in schemes promoted by Protestant eirenicists such as Grotius for a union of the non-Presbyterian Protestant Churches of Sweden, Norway, Denmark, and England, Grotius was also an ambassador in Paris (for Sweden) during this period, and in frequent contact with him: on 2 [/12] October 1637 he wrote to Laud of a recent conversation with Grotius, saying that 'body and soul he pg 888professeth himself to be for the Church of England'.8 When John Milton arrived in Paris in April or May 1638 he quickly obtained an introduction to the Dutch philosopher from Scudamore.9

After his return to England, Lord Scudamore seems to have played little part in public affairs until the Civil War. He joined the royalist army in the West Country in April 1643, but was soon captured; his estates were sequestrated and he was imprisoned for three years. Altogether it was calculated that he lost £37,690, first through the donations he had made to the royal cause, and then through the destruction and confiscation of his possessions. After his release, however, he devoted his energies to supporting ejected Anglican clergymen: those who received his help included John Bramhall, Thomas Fuller, Peter Gunning, and Matthew Wren. He died a broken and comparatively impoverished man in 1671.

Thomas Shipman (1632–1680)

The son of a fervently royalist member of the Nottinghamshire gentry, Shipman was born at Scarrington, near Newark, and educated at Sleaford school and at St John's College, Cambridge, where he entered as a 'pensioner' in 1651.1 Little is known of his personal life thereafter. He married Margaret, daughter of John Trafford, of Dunton, Lincolnshire;2 he seems to have been financially independent, but to have attached himself to some more prominent local families, especially the Chaworths. Loyal to the county of his birth, he was a 'captain of trained bands' for Nottinghamshire;3 he was also a friend of the physician and local antiquary Robert Thoroton, who inserted a Shipman family tree (supplied by Thomas) in his history of the county.4 In the preface to the posthumous collection of Shipman's poems, his close friend Thomas Flatman wrote that he was 'a Man every way accomplish'd: To the advantages of his Birth, his Education had added whatsoever was necessary to fit him for Conversation, and render him (as he was) desirable by the best Wits of the Age. In the Calamities of the last rebellion he was no small Sharer.'5

pg 889The poems in this collection date from 1651 to 1679,6 and their dedications thus provide a rough list of Shipman's friends and patrons throughout his adult life. There are two poems addressed to Cleveland, and one (dated 1667) to Cowley. Many are addressed to members of the Nottinghamshire gentry and nobility, notably Sir Gervase Clifton, his son Sir Clifford Clifton, and several members of the family of Patrick, third Viscount Chaworth. A series of poems to Chaworth's daughter, from 1675 to 1679, with titles such as 'The Rent' and 'Arrears', suggests that Shipman was a tenant of the Chaworths during that period. In 'Arrears 1679' he wrote:

  •   To you I have such Rents to pay […]
  •   Wire-drawing-Wit in Rhyme's ray Trade;
  • And I no store of Bullion have for aid […]
  •   A smutty Fancy, or bald Jest,
  •   Profaneness in Hobb's Livery drest,
  • Serve for a Session's charge, or Churching-Feast.7

Shipman also wrote two tragedies,8 one of which, Henry the Third of France, Stabb'd by a Fryer. With the Fall of the Guise, was performed at the Theatre Royal in 1678 and printed that year with a dedicatory epistle to the Nottinghamshire nobleman and patron of Hobbes Henry Pierrepont, Marquis of Dorchester.9

René-François de Sluse (1622–1685)

De Sluse was born at Visé (near Liège), where his father was a notary. The de Sluses were a prominent bourgeois family in the principality of Liège, and René-François's mother, Cathérine Walthéri, had relations who held important administrative offices both in the local Church and at the Roman Curia.1 The boy was destined from an early age for the Church; he studied first under an uncle (a canon of Visé), then at Louvain University, where he studied civil and canon law. In 1642 he passed from there to Rome, where he proceeded Doctor of Law in October 1643. For the next eight years he lived in Italy, mainly at Rome, pg 890Florence, or Perugia, studying mathematics, the sciences, history, law, and languages, and developing friendships with Italian mathematicians such as Michelangelo Ricci. His expertise as a linguist was put to use when the Pope employed him as translator of letters from the bishops of Armenia;2 but he spurned a career in the Curia, to the disappointment of his influential Walthéri relatives.3 He was provided with two benefices at or near Visé: these were sinecures which did not require residence.

In 1650, however, the Pope granted de Sluse a vacant canonry at the cathedral church of Saint Lambert in Liège. He moved to that city in 1651 and took up his duties in 1653. Thereafter he rose steadily through the hierarchy of the cathedral chapter (to become vice-provost in 1676), his time increasingly absorbed by administrative, legal, and financial affairs. He also became both a privy councillor to Prince-Bishop Maximilien-Henri, the Elector of Cologne (in 1659), and a conseiller on the court of appeal to the highest civil court in Liège (in 1666).4 During his early years as a canon in Liège he had felt frustrated by the lack of contact with the wider intellectual world; but as time went by, and his extensive network of correspondence grew, the frustration was that his many official duties gave him too little time to spend on corresponding with the many scientists of his acquaintance, and exploring all the topics of research which they discussed.5

Contacts were often initiated by visitors coming to Liège: in June 1657 Constantijn Huygens visited de Sluse there, and put him in touch with his scientist son, Christiaan.6 This led to a long correspondence between the two scientists, mainly on mathematical and astronomical questions. Later in 1657 de Sluse also began writing to Pascal, with whom he had probably been put in touch by his Italian friend, the traveller and amateur mathematician Cosimo Brunetti. In 1659 de Sluse's name became known to the learned world when he published his Mesolabum, a treatise discussing methods of solving algebraic equations of the third or fourth degree. Samuel Sorbière's acquaintance with de Sluse, which produced a voluminous correspondence, also began with a visit to Liège, during Sorbière's trip to The Nether-pg 891lands immediately after his stay in England in 1663.7 It is possible that Sorbière visited de Sluse on the recommendation of either Balthazar de Monconys or Christiaan Huygens, both of whom had been with Sorbière in London that summer.

On his visit to de Sluse, Sorbière showed him a copy of the duplication of the cube which Hobbes was planning to have printed in his Opera philosophica; Sorbière hoped to arouse a mathematical 'skirmish' between the two men, which he would then send to de Carcavi or Fermat for a final adjudication, and publish with some further editorial material of his own.8 He persisted in this ambition even after de Sluse had assured him that the matter did not deserve the scrutiny of either of those mathematicians;9 he was still hoping to involve Fermat as an adjudicator up until the latter's death in January 1665.10 De Sluse's own dismay at the blunders committed by Hobbes can be seen in his answer11 to the reply Hobbes had sent to his first set of comments. In the letter to Sorbière which accompanied that answer, he expressed himself more bluntly: 'I cannot describe my feelings on reading the letter written by the most distinguished Mr Hobbes […]. I was sufficiently aware that this man was not very good at mathematics, even though he is extremely learned in other matters; but I would never have persuaded myself that he was so ignorant of geometry.'12 Even Sorbière must have been a little unsettled by de Sluse's letter, since although he promised de Sluse that he would send it off to Hobbes on [3/] 13 February,13 it stayed on his desk until [20/] 30 April. Hobbes made no further reply to de Sluse, but on [27 September/] 7 October Sorbière referred to the dispute again in a letter to de Sluse and added that 'I am awaiting a recently published little work by Hobbes on this subject.'14 De Sluse replied somewhat wearily: 'I have not seen the little work by the most distinguished Mr Hobbes, and I should be sorry if he were to pg 892provoke me to write another reply.'15 He also wrote to Huygens to ask whether he had seen such a work;16 but further enquiries by the Dutch scientist uncovered no traces of it.17 The exchange of letters via Sorbière remained, so far as is known, the only contact between Hobbes and de Sluse.

As this episode showed, de Sluse was a competent mathematician. In 1668 he added to his published work with a second edition of Mesolabum, containing ten new chapters, mainly on complex curves such as spirals and conchoids. Perhaps he had been stimulated to produce this edition by the first letter he received from Henry Oldenburg (dated 6 [/16] February 1667), which said: 'Your Mesolabum is well known here, but copies of it are greatly sought for.'18 A regular correspondence between the two men developed, and one fruit of this was the publication of a long letter on tangents in the Philosophical Transactions in January 1673;19 a shorter letter, on a construction known as 'Alhazen's problem', was also published later in the same year.20 On 16 [/26] April 1674 de Sluse was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society, having been proposed by Oldenburg; but his name was dropped from the printed lists of members after 1677.21 His scientific interests were certainly as wide as those of any of the Fellows: his research ranged from mathematics to astronomy, chronometry, chemistry, medicine, embryology, the development of the thermometer and the barometer, and the transfusion of blood.22 His literary work also included a defence of the Latin language, written at Sorbière's request (in reply to a 'discours' by le Laboureur to the de Montmor 'academy' on the advantages of French), and published in a little volume edited by Sorbière.23

pg 893Samuel Sorbière (1615–1670)

Sorbière was born at Saint-Ambroix in Languedoc on [7/] 17 November 1615,1 the nephew of the well-known Protestant theologian Samuel Petit. Orphaned at an early age, he was taught by his uncle at Nîmes, and was sufficiently instructed in theology by July 1638 for Petit to suggest that he become a minister in the Vivarais region; but he preferred to go to Paris and perfect his studies there instead.2

In Paris Sorbière got to know Mersenne, Guy Patin, the Dupuy brothers, Denis Petau, and other learned men, and became interested in the works of Galileo, Kepler, and Descartes.3 He was particularly interested in mechanistic physical theories, and corresponded in 1639 with Claude Guiraud and William Boswell on the related topics of atomism, the propagation of light, and the existence of vacuums.4 He also corresponded on terms of warm friendship with Alexandre Morus at Geneva, who guided him away from orthodox Calvinism towards the more liberal doctrines of the Saumur school.5 This in turn led, as Sorbière later recalled, to a study of Arminian and Socinian authors.6 He even translated into French the Vindiciae pro religionis libertate of the Socinian J. Crellius; and in 1640–1 he was reproved for his theological leanings both by Pierre du Prat (brother of Abraham and father of François) and by Samuel Petit, with whom he broke off relations in 1640 for many months.7 By 1641 he had decided to pursue a medical career; he had made Gassendi's acquaintance, through Mersenne, and took part in the former's anatomical investigations together with Thomas de Martel.8 Also in 1641 Sorbière became a convinced Socinian, and at the end of that year, with his friend Abraham du Prat, started a correspondence with the famous Socinian theologian Martinus Ruarus in Danzig.9 In 1642, through the Parisian Socinian Edmond Mercier, he was also introduced to Grotius.10 At some time between November 1641 and April 1642 Sorbière was shown the pg 894manuscript of De cive by Mersenne, in the presence of Abraham du Prat and du Prat's friend Diserot. As he later told de Martel, 'the little which I read quickly for a quarter of an hour made an extraordinary impression on me'; he was not told the name of the author, and guessed that it might be Descartes.11

At the end of 1641 Sorbière was denounced for his dangerous theological views by Pierre du Prat to the elders of the Protestant church at Charenton; it seems likely that du Prat's real worry was that his brother, Abraham, was being led astray. Although Sorbière managed to placate the Charenton consistory, the harm this episode did to his reputation deprived him of any chance of earning a living as a tutor in a Protestant, household in Paris, and in late April 1642 he left France for Holland.12 I here he was welcomed by his cousin Étienne de Courcelles, Professor at the Remonstrant College in Amsterdam, and was visited for a while by de Martel later in the summer. It was de Martel who, back in Paris in the first half of 1643, sent Sorbière a copy of the first edition of De cive. In a letter to de Martel of [29 May/] 8 June Sorbière declared that although the author was evidently a person of great ability and judgement, there was something about the way in which it was written which he found difficult and off-putting.13 Sorbière's main interests at this time were still in the physical sciences: he had observed sunspots through a telescope in late 1642, and in July 1643 he passed on observations on the satellites of Jupiter, which he had received from Gassendi, to Samson Johnson at The Hague.14 Later, even when he had changed his mind about the philosophical style of De cive and was enthusiastically supervising the printing of the second and third editions in 1647, he made it clear to his friends that his main reason for undertaking that task was to encourage Hobbes to send him the earlier parts of his philosophical 'elements' as well.15

During his first years in Holland Sorbière supported himself partly by working as a tutor for the Rijngraf van Salm, who was governor of Sluis from 1642 to 1644.16 and partly by occasional work for the Amsterdam printer Blaeu.17 A French translation of More's Utopia by Sorbière, completed by November 1642, was published in 1643. By 1644 pg 895Sorbière was evidently planning to pursue a medical career in Holland: he wrote to André Rivet that he was devoting all his time to medical studies and to learning Dutch.18 In 1645, after the death of his uncle Samuel Petit, Sorbière revisited France: the main reason for the trip was to act as executor for his uncle's estate, especially his valuable library, but he also combined this task with employment as a tutor to a young Dutchman, a M. Quirinssen, whose behaviour was so ungovernable that they parted company in Lyon.19 But at some point on this trip Sorbière did revisit Paris, where he renewed his acquaintance with Guy Patin.20 It was then that he was introduced for the first time, by de Martel, to Hobbes; and on his return to Holland he was entrusted with the copy of the first edition of De cive in which Hobbes had written additional notes in the margin.21 On [14/] 24 June 1646 he married Judith, daughter of Daniel Renaud, a French Protestant (also from Saint-Ambroix) living in The Hague.22 Also in 1646 he enrolled as a student of medicine at Leiden University;23 having studied there for two years, he returned to The Hague to practise as a physician. During his stay at Leiden he had organized the printing of the two 1647 editions of De cive; and in 1649 he published his own translation of that work into French.24 Also in that year he edited a theological work by his late uncle;25 this no doubt helped to secure him the post of rector of the Protestant academy at Orange, to which he moved in 1650.

Sorbière spent three full years at Orange, supplementing his income by medical practice.26 Early in 1653 he published a French translation of the fiercely royalist history of the English Civil War by George Bate, Elenchus motuum nuperorum in Anglia.27 Whether the work had been recommended to him by Hobbes is not known; Sorbière's interest in it pg 896probably reflects the revulsion common among Huguenot scholars and theologians (such as Saumaise) at what had been done and defended by their fellow Presbyterians in England. But before the end of the year Sorbière had ceased to be a Protestant, He resigned his rectorship in October,28 and travelled to Paris in March 1654. There he published (as convention dictated) a Discours […] sur sa conversion à l'église catholique, dedicated to Mazarin. In it he explained that since his arrival in Orange he had been befriended by Joseph Marie de Suarez, the Roman Catholic Bishop of Vaison, and that it was Suarez who had effected his conversion.29 (In recognition of this, he added 'Joseph' to his own Christian name.) Guy Patin, who met Sorbière in Paris in February 1654, had a more cynical explanation: he noted that Sorbière had come to Paris to look for pensions from the Catholic clergy, and described his conversion as 'one of the miracles of our age which are rather more political and economic than metaphysical'.30 Sorbière was given a pension of 400 livres, and then set off for Rome in 1655, in search of further spiritual and material rewards: Alexander VII eventually granted him two small benefices in France.31 Back in Paris later in 1655 he attended Gassendi during his final illness in de Montmor's house, and he devoted much of his energy over the next three years to organizing the publication of the six-volume Opera omnia of Gassendi, to which he contributed a prefatory life of the author.

The circle of friends of Sorbière and admirers of Gassendi (and of Hobbes) which included Abraham du Prat, Thomas de Martel, Charles du Bosc, and François de La Mothe le Vayer formed the nucleus of the 'academy' which met at de Montmor's house after Gassendi's death and acquired the formal rules set out in Letter 133 in 1658. They were joined by some of the mathematicians and astronomers (such as Boulliau) who had taken part in the post-Mersenne mathematical gatherings at the house of Jacques Le Pailleur; but the de Montmor gathering was more interested in physics, scientific method, and, especially, medicine. Sorbière himself described it as an 'assembly of physicians', and recorded that Pecquet had performed a dissection there to demonstrate the existence of the chyle ducts.32 Several of the 'discours' which Sorbière delivered to the de Montmor group in 1659, pg 897on such subjects as the nature of truth and the shivering experienced in intermittent fevers, were published in his Lettres et discours in 1660.33 This work, like its companion volume, Relations, lettres et discours (also 1660), was a collection of literary exercises and letters to prominent people; the latter work also included a long and valuable account of contemporary science in Holland.34

In 1660, thanks to his studious self-publicizing and his careful cultivation of Mazarin, Sorbière was appointed 'Historiographe royal'. He had a pension of 800 livres from the clergy, a benefice worth 500 livres from Mazarin, and a pension of 1,000 livres from the King.35 Although his position was a little weakened by the death of Mazarin in 1661, the early 1660s show Sorbière at the peak of his success. In June 1663 he travelled to London, where he visited first Hobbes, then the Royal Society. He already knew Henry Oldenburg from the latter's visits to the de Montmor 'academy' in 1659, and on 22 June [/2 July] 1663 he was created a Fellow of the Royal Society. He visited Oxford, where he met John Wallis and was struck by his ridiculous appearance ('with his flat hat on his head, as if he had put his wallet there'),36 and he had an audience with Charles II, who showed him the Samuel Cooper miniature of Hobbes in his study.37 After a stay of three months he returned to France with François du Prat in mid-September. He then travelled on to Amsterdam, partly in order to negotiate with Blaeu over the publication of a Latin edition of Hobbes's collected works.

Back in Paris in November, Sorbière wrote the Relation describing his English journey, of which the dedicatory epistle, to Louis XIV, is dated [2/] 12 December. The publication of this work, in May 1664,38 had disastrous consequences. The Danish minister at the French Court, the abbé de Saulmeyer, took exception to the book's comments on the treatment by the Danish Crown of one of Sorbière's old benefactors, Cornifidz Ullefeldt, who had been banished from Denmark on suspicion of treason. (Sorbière had known Ullefeldt when he was Danish Ambassador in Holland, and had dedicated his translation of De cive to him.) De Saulmeyer wrote to Sorbière, asking him to issue a retraction of those comments; Sorbière replied at the beginning of July that he would consult with his friends about the matter, adding that 500 pg 898copies of the book had been printed and that most of them had gone out to bookshops already.39 Meanwhile a friend of de Saulmeyer's showed a copy of the book to the marquis de Lionne, Louis XIV's minister for foreign affairs, who was struck by its injurious remarks about Edward Hyde, the Lord Chancellor of England, and about the English national character.40 By a decree of the Conseil d'État of [29 June/] 9 July, all copies of this 'bold and foolish satire' were confiscated, and its further publication was prohibited.41 Sorbière was banished to Nantes, in lower Brittany. Gaston de Commenge, the French Ambassador in London, reported that this action, and the publication of the decree (which he had shown to Hyde), had caused great satisfaction in England.42 Eventually it was Charles II himself (prompted, apparently, by de Grammont) who sought Sorbière's pardon from the French King in September/October 1664.43

In Paris again, Sorbière picked up the pieces of his career, publishing a Discours sur la comète, dedicated to the Bishop of Constance, in 1665. The long critique of Cartesian physics in this work shows that he had not abandoned his scientific interests. In 1667 his luck seemed to have turned when an old friend, Cardinal Rospigliosi, became Pope Clement IX. Sorbière hastened to Rome, where he received a friendly welcome from the new Pope but no material gains apart from a small contribution to his travelling expenses.44 On his return to Paris, however, he set his 17-year-old son to work transcribing letters from his collection of correspondence with famous men—above all, letters he had received from Rospigliosi. A selection was published (in a very small edition) in 1669 as Illustrium et eruditorum virorum epistolae: Sorbière claimed that his son had done this to satisfy the curiosity of others, but there was little doubt about the real motive of the exercise.45 Nevertheless, modern scholars must be grateful both to Sorbière's vanity and to the patience and industry of his son, which produced the huge volume of transcribed correspondence from which most of the surviving letters between Sorbière and Hobbes are derived.

pg 899Sorbière died in Paris in 1670; rumour had it that he hastened his own release from a painful illness by taking an overdose of laudanum.46 Two years later his son performed another act of piety by publishing a set of essays by Sorbière on the practice of medicine;47 but two other manuscripts, a treatise 'De pace et concordia inter Christianos concilianda' and a translation of De causis mortis Christi by the Socinian writer Crellius, remained unpublished and are now lost.48

Henry Stubbe (1632–1676)

Stubbe was born in Lincolnshire, the son of a Puritan (and, later, Presbyterian) minister. In 1641 his mother brought him to London, where she is said to have supported him 'by her needle'.1 She entered him at Westminster School, where he was brought to the notice of the radical politician Henry Vane the younger, who became his patron and sent him to Christ Church, Oxford, in 1649. There he won a reputation for brilliance in Latin and Greek (he discoursed fluently in both languages); in 1651 he published two paraphrases of biblical stories in Greek verse, and a set of Greek translations of epigrams by English poets.2 He also gained a reputation for impertinence, for which he was 'whipt […] in the public refectory' by the censor.3 In 1650, as a protégé of Sir Henry Vane, he was given the task of bringing the engagement oath to Oxford; Wood quotes him as saying that he did not take the oath himself because he was only an undergraduate, and that 'I saved the remains of the cavaliers of Ch. Ch. and Queen's coll. and gave them opportunities to live securely.'4

Stubbe proceeded BA in July 1653 and then spent two years with the parliamentary army in Scotland. He returned to Oxford in 1655 or 1656,5 and proceeded MA in December 1656. At some time during 1655 or early 1656 he had made Hobbes's acquaintance. The original point of contact between them is not known; but Stubbe's reference to John Davies,6 and his remark that he (Stubbe) was obliged to Hobbes for 'yt pg 900esteeme, I had found at London',7 suggest that they had met in the free-thinking, anticlerical circles in London to which John Davies belonged.

As a supporter of the Independents, and perhaps through his Westminster School connections as well, Stubbe had come under the patronage of Dr John Owen, Dean of Christ Church and Vice-Chancellor of the university. His role as confidant to Dr Owen and assistant to his polemical writing against the Presbyterians can be studied through his letters to Hobbes, In 1657 this patronage bore fruit when he was appointed Deputy Keeper of the Bodleian Library, under Thomas Barlow. That year also saw the publication of Hobbes's Markes, which included Stubbe's criticism of John Wallis's competence in Latin and Greek. Stubbe's remarks, though printed anonymously, were quickly attributed to his pen; and later that year the Presbyterian writer Daniel Cawdrey, in a polemical work directed against John Owen, accused Stubbe of Hobbism.8 Stubbe was disingenuous to the point of cowardice in self-defence. In his own further reply to Wallis later in 1657 he wrote, of Hobbes:

Though I have an entire respect for his person, a great esteem of his learning, and honourable resentments for his civility at that one visit I gave him […] yet I durst not adventure a line to him by way of censuring his Antagonist, lest it might distaste those, who would not stick to entitle me to all his Heterodoxyes, (to which I am so great a stranger, that I know no more of them than common talk hath acquainted me with, having never had leisure to examine his books,).9

And in a private letter to Cawdrey on 17 [/27] March 1658 he insisted that 'Had he [sc. Wallis] written agt mr Hobs so as had befitted ye vniversity & his quality, I should haue rejoyced in ye confutation of Mr Hobs's opinions.10

By 1659, however, Stubbe was evidently more prepared to stick his neck out: he published two strongly pro-republican and anti-Presbyterian works, A Letter to an Officer in the Army and An Essay in Defence of the Good Old Cause. In the latter work he revealed his admiration for, and personal acquaintance with, James Harrington.11 In the same year he also published a polemical defence of the Quakers, A Light Shining out of Darkness, which was apparently written in collaboration with his old patron, Sir Henry Vane.12 In this work he abandoned pg 901his support for John Owen and the Independents, attacking 'the Doctours that are got amongst them' for 'Their stickling for the upholding of the present formalized University, and a Tythe-receiving Ministry.'.13 The abuse against the university in this volume gave the new Dean of Christ Church in 1660, Edward Reynolds, the excuse he needed to eject Stubbe from the college.

Having left Oxford, Stubbe began to practise as a physician in Stratford-upon-Avon; he was now under the patronage of George Morley, Bishop of Worcester, and in September 1661 he subscribed to the articles of the Church of England.14 It has been suggested that it was through Morley's influence at Court that Stubbe obtained a royal appointment as a physician in Jamaica, where he lived from 1662 to 1665.15 In 1662 he published a treatise on hot chocolate, The Indian Nectar; or, A Discourse concerning Chocolata, in which J. R. Jacob has detected an anti-Presbyterian purpose.16 On his return to England Stubbe resumed his medical practice in Warwickshire, and published a semi-naturalistic account of the miracle cures performed by the healer Valentine Greatorix or Greatrakes.17 In 1670 Stubbe became embroiled in a public dispute with the Royal Society when he published two attacks on Sprat's History of the Royal Society, especially criticizing those passages which advocated a form of non-dogmatic 'rational religion'.18Two further attacks on the Society (and on its other chief publicist, Joseph Glanvill) followed.19 He also extended his hostility to Bacon, whose medical opinions he criticized in his Discourse concerning the Sweating-Sickness.20 But Stubbe's most important work of this period was his study of Islam in relation to early Christianity, An Account of Mohametanism, which was written probably between 1671 and 1673.21 It circulated in several manuscript copies, and was plagiarized by Charles Blount in his letter to Hobbes of 1678.22 In 1673 Stubbe was arrested and imprisoned for a pamphlet attacking the marriage of the Duke of York to Mary of Modena. He died by drowning on 12 [/22] September pg 9021676 and was buried at Bath, A manuscript catalogue of his library survives; in a list of roughly 1,700 books it includes a number of anti-Hobbesian titles by Boyle, Cumberland, Eachard, Tenison, and Ward, but not a single work by Hobbes.23 So it seems that in his efforts to achieve respectability in post-Restoration England, Stubbe had removed from his shelves all traces of his old connection with the author of Leviathan. Hobbes's opinion of Stubbe in this final period was recorded by Aubrey: 'Mr. Henry Stubbes, physitian, whom he much esteemed for his great learning and parts, but at latter end Mr. Hobbs differ'd with him for that he wrote against the lord chancellor Bacon, and the Royall Societie.'24

Philip Tanny or Tandy (b. c.1612–15; d. after 1682)

Tanny proceeded BA at Gloucester Hall, Oxford, in November 1632.1 He appears to have been living in Ireland in 1641, and to have been active as a lay preacher up until c.1646. In 1655 he was to write, in his only published work, that 'It is now almost nine years, since I appeared in a Pulpit.'2 When he applied for a junior administrative post in London in December 1649 (Registrar-Accountant to the Accounts Committee), John Rushworth described him as 'knowne to mee for a godly honest man', and Colonel John Lambert wrote: 'This bearer hath bin long knowne to mee, hee hath suffered much in Ireland, by the insurrection, in England for his Conscience.'3

In the early 1650s Tanny was promoted to positions of considerable trust. In 1652 he became 'Auditor of debts' to the 'Commissioners for removing obstructions in the sale of delinquents' land and estates'.4 By an Act of Parliament of 18/28 November 1652 he, Edward Greene, and another man were appointed 'Register Accomptants' for the sale of estates forfeited for treason;5 and in another Act, dated 7/17 October 1653 and entitled Act for Accompts, and Clearing of Publique Debts: and for discovering Frauds or Concealments of any thing due to the Commonwealth, he pg 903and six others were appointed commissioners for investigating 'Claims and Discoveries'.6

In early 1655 a large conspiracy was discovered among various public officers to counterfeit bills, warrants, and debentures. People were implicated at the Prize Office, the Admiralty Commissioners, and Drury House (the office of the registrars for the sale of forfeited estates). Those seized and imprisoned in Newgate Jail included Jonathan Fugill and Abraham Granger: on 10 [/20] January the latter submitted a long list of other culprits, in which he claimed that one of the registrars at Drury House, Edward Greene, had amassed £20,000 or £30,000, and added: 'There is also M.r Tandy, the Examiner at those Offices growne to a vast Estate, whome Fugall and others can accuse if they please, and were in pursuite thereof, but lett it fall againe, vpon what termes I know not.'7

That Tanny had amassed a fortune seems hardly likely; a document of 8 [/18] May shows that he and Sir George Rawdon had taken a six months' loan of £100 from Sir John Clotworthy, on a bond of £200.8 Nor are there any further records to suggest that he was imprisoned or interrogated. On 13 [/23] March 1655 the Trustees for the sale of lands and estates forfeited for treason petitioned for a new registrar to replace Tanny, on the grounds that 'the said Philip Tandy for diuers Monthes past, hath beene, and still continues distracted, and so vncapable to discharge the dutie of his place'.9 The version of this text printed in CSPD gives 'distrusted';10 but the original manuscript clearly says 'distracted'. Tanny was probably both: his career as a civil servant ended in April 1655, and the full title of the work he published in May that year indicates another set-back: Christ Knocking at the Doore; or, The Substance of a Sermon Intended to be Preached in Pauls upon the Sabbath Day which fell upon the Fifteenth Day of April last; but not preached by reason of a suddain Obstruction of that Liberty which was promised him, being indeed unworthy to be the Servant of Jesus Christ in any such Ministration for ever.

In his dedicatory epistle (to Cromwell) he explained that he had been appointed to preach at St Paul's 'in Dr Burgess his substitutes room; but he being surprised on a sudden, with some strange relations touching me [ … ] I was [ … ] denied the liberty which was very civily promised me'.11 From that day, he continued, he was 'hopelesse for a long time pg 904together (though I must confesse at the beginning of my despair, I received the greatest support by your Highnesse speaking to me, that ever I had from any man living,)'.12 The nature of the 'strange relations' against him is not stated; but later in the epistle he writes that he wants the world to see 'that I am no sower of sedition'.13 In the text of the sermon itself he remarks that 'I trust Jesus Christ […] will vindicate me from the charge of being guilty of other mens transgressions.'14

After devoting much effort during the next two or three years to petitioning for arrears of his salary, Tanny was finally paid off with a lump sum in 1658.15 He then travelled to Ireland, where he was appointed to a Presbyterian lectureship at Lisburn in September.16There he was regarded at first as 'a rare preacher', but in the following year he became embroiled in a public feud with Jeremy Taylor, whom he denounced for using the sign of the Cross at a christening: Taylor described him as 'a Presbyterian and a madman'.17 After the Restoration he seems to have stayed on at Lisburn as a dependant of Lord Conway; in 1665 Lady Conway asked him to bring the miracle-healer Valentine Greatorix or Greatrakes to England to treat her migraines.18 An inventory of Lisburn House in 1682 includes a list of furnishings in 'Mr. Tandye's Roome': that is the last trace of his existence.19

François du Verdus (1621–1675)

François Bonneau or de Bonneau, sieur du Verdus, came from an old landed family of the Bordeaux region, originally from the Saint-Émilionnais.1 In the mid-sixteenth century the estates were divided between two branches of the family: the 'grand Verdus' and the 'petit Verdus'. François du Verdus's branch was the 'petit', with estates centred on the village of Ambarès.2 A Jean Bonneau, probably pg 905François's great-grandfather, was a jurat (governing magistrate) of Bordeaux three times, in 1548, 1559, and 1563,3 and the family was ennobled in 1594.4 It was probably François's grandfather that was the conseiller du Verdus who had a famous quarrel in 1602 with the autocratic Henri de Sourdis, recently installed as Archbishop of Bordeaux. Sent to investigate a dispute over jurisdiction between de Sourdis and the chapter of Saint-André, he rashly answered back when spoken to sharply by de Sourdis, and was excommunicated.5 He died a few years later, apparently reconciled to the Church, and in November 1606 François du Verdus's father, Jean, inherited the office of conseiller of the Parlement of Bordeaux from his late father.6

François du Verdus was born on [15/] 25 April 1621.7 His father died a few months later, and on [11/] 21 August Jean du Verdus's office of conseiller was passed, in François's name, to a Jean Dubernet.8 On [28 April/] 8 May 1625 François's mother signed a marriage contract with the sieur de Tirac, but a little over two years later she died.9 By then François had already been put in the care of Lancelot de Calmeil, the stepson of François's paternal grandmother.10 The details of du Verdus's education are obscure; in 1636 he was attending an 'académie', where such things as riding and fencing were taught.11 He also studied philosophy and law under the Jesuits—probably at the Jesuit College in Bordeaux, the only place of higher education in the city that was not in an inactive or moribund condition.12 In April 1641 du Verdus went to live in Paris, 'to complete his education in manners and letters'.13 There he made the acquaintance of Mersenne and Roberval,14 and was soon taking geometry lessons from the latter. Mersenne was to describe du Verdus as Roberval's best pupil.15

It was probably in 1643 that du Verdus summarized what he had learned from Roberval in a treatise, 'Observations sur la composition des mouuemens & sur le moyen de trouuer les touchantes des lignes pg 906courbes', which survives in several manuscripts. One early version is in Frénicle's hand, with annotations in Roberval's hand.16 In 1668–9 Roberval presented this text in the form of weekly lectures to the Académie royale des sciences,17 and it was later published.18 The original date of du Verdus's compilation cannot be established exactly, and one piece of evidence might suggest that it was written after his stay in Italy of 1644–5: on [11/] 21 May 1644 du Verdus told Torricelli that Roberval had never taught him his method of finding tangents (which is one of the main subjects of the treatise).19 But this deceptive remark must mean that Roberval, who was notoriously jealous in such matters (and was soon embroiled in an argument with Torricelli about plagiarism) had commanded his pupil not to reveal the method to the Italian mathematician. In a long letter written to Torricelli in late 1646 or early 1647 Roberval referred to du Verdus's manuscript treatise on this very topic: 'I made public my universal proposition about tangents in about the year 1636. The lessons I gave on this subject were written up by my pupil, the most noble M. du Verdus, and copied out by many people; they still exist and are in circulation.'20 (At the time of writing this, Roberval had not seen du Verdus since 1643.) Another, expanded version of du Verdus's treatise is presumably one of the many copies Roberval refers to here: against a discussion of a curve related to the 'roulette' or trochoid, it bears the marginal annotation 'De M.r de Rober. Le 20e octobre 1645'.21 Du Verdus was in Rome at the time; Roberval was apparently using his treatise as the basis for courses he pg 907was giving in Paris. So the inclusion in this manuscript of a section entitled 'Of the pteroid or "wing"-curve, from Mr Hobbes', which begins, 'Here is the method Mr Hobbes uses to describe this line', may have nothing to do with du Verdus.22

François du Verdus had left Paris for Italy at the end of December 1643, in the entourage of Melchior Mitte, comte de Midans, marquis de Saint-Chaumont, who was on an embassy to the Holy See. He was entrusted by Mersenne with letters to various Italian scientists; in this way he gained the acquaintance of Evangelista Torricelli and Giovanni Battista Doni in Florence, and (through Torricelli) Michelangelo Ricci in Rome.23 He also got to know Sir Kenelm Digby, who was in Rome in 1645–6.24 Du Verdus stayed in Rome from April 1644 to the end of 1645 (with a brief visit to Naples in the autumn of 1645); ten letters survive which were sent by him to Torricelli during this period.25 From these we learn that he had come to Rome in order to study architecture, astronomy, and painting, and that he was already forgetting the geometry which he had learned from Roberval.26 Nevertheless, he tried to satisfy Torricelli's curiosity about Roberval's method of indivisibles, and sent him demonstrations on the subject of the 'pteroid' or 'wing'curve.27 He was also corresponding with Roberval on geometrical matters during the same period.28 Du Verdus showed a strong interest in physical science too, writing about the value of philosophical doubt fortified by experimental science.29 It was du Verdus who first passed the news to France of the Torricellian experiment to create a vacuum: Michelangelo Ricci showed him two letters from Torricelli describing the experiment, and he sent extracts from them to Mersenne, via Mersenne's friend and fellow Minim Jean-François Nicéron.30 From Mersenne, via Pierre Petit, the news reached Pascal in Rouen, who pg 908then began the series of investigations which culminated in the famous barometric experiment on the Puy-de-Dôme in 1648.31

On [29 December 1645/] 8 January 1646 du Verdus returned to Bordeaux, and set about refurbishing his house at Cansec (in Ambarès) in order to instal there all the books he had acquired in Paris and Rome.32 He soon became entangled in the long-running dispute over the management of his estates which he describes with such feeling in Letter 78. From that letter we also learn that he intended to bear arms as a member of the due d'Anjou's household. But the complications of his financial affairs, the taking of the subdiaconate (probably in 1648– 50), and then the upheavals of the Fronde in Bordeaux, prevented him from taking any such course. We know little else of his life during this period, except that he kept in touch with Mersenne, and was introduced by him to Thomas de Martel; he also corresponded with Claude Mylon, and became acquainted with the Bordelais mathematician and friend of Fermat, Étienne d'Espagnet.33 From Letter 78 we learn too that he renewed his acquaintance with the abbé Bourdelot, who was staying in Bordeaux in 1650–1.34

In 1651 du Verdus came to Paris, and it was probably only then that he met Hobbes for the first time, perhaps through de Martel or Roberval. It is possible, of course, that he had met Hobbes during his previous stay in Paris (1641–3), but there is simply no datable evidence to show that he had.35 Other members of Mersenne's circle who had known Hobbes at that time, such as Digby and de Martel, were evidently unknown to du Verdus in 1641–3. Roberval certainly knew Hobbes by 1644, and so may possibly have known him before du Verdus's departure from Paris (a report of a geometrical discussion between Hobbes and Roberval at Mersenne's convent was printed in the latter's Cogitata physico-mathematica in 1644),36 but this evidence is not sufficient to make the connection with du Verdus.

pg 909From the warmth of their subsequent correspondence, it is clear that Hobbes and du Verdus formed a close friendship. Intellectually, Hobbes must have appealed to du Verdus for several reasons. In 1648 du Verdus had told Mersenne that 'since my return from Italy I have liked nothing so much as our Pyrrhonism';37 this probably meant that he had come to doubt the assumptions of traditional metaphysics and physics, and was therefore unprejudiced against Hobbes's radically un-scholastic position. Du Verdus had the cast of mind of a philosophical libertin: one contemporary recorded that he knew the works of Lucian by heart,38 and Michel de Marolles described him and Bourdelot as 'so disabused of vulgar errors' when they took part (in c.1654) in a discussion of astrology, prophecy, and superstition.39 In particular, Hobbes appealed to du Verdus for his political theory: du Verdus had suffered as a royalist and 'Espernoniste' during the Fronde,40 and his entanglements with the Jesuits and other ecclesiastical bodies in Bordeaux had predisposed him to favour Hobbes's theory of church and state. In 1653 du Verdus obtained a royal licence to print a translation of Bacon's De sapientia veterum, and 'the other translations he has made of philosophical works';41 it seems that he was already planning to translate the whole of Hobbes's tripartite 'elements of philosophy', when it was ready, and for that purpose had persuaded Hobbes to send him proof-sheets of De homine as they came from the printers.42 By 1654, his last year in Paris, du Verdus was in contact with many of the surviving members of Mersenne's circle: from Hobbes's correspondence of that year we learn that in addition to de Martel and Roberval he knew Gassendi, de Carcavi, and those mathematicians who met, in a continuation of Mersenne's weekly gatherings, at the home of Jacques Le Pailleur.43 He introduced Michel de Marolles to Sorbière, de Martel, and Abraham du Prat:44 so by this stage, in 1654, the most devoted of Hobbes's French disciples were at last all known to one another.

In September 1654 du Verdus returned to Bordeaux,45 and became pg 910caught up again in his various legal and ecclesiastical disputes. One form of solace was the study of Hobbes's works as they appeared, and learning English in order to read Leviathan.46 By the end of 1655 he had translated De corpore into French; but publication of this translation was postponed indefinitely, probably because Hobbes wanted to revise some of the geometrical chapters of the book.47 When du Verdus's translation of De cive was eventually published (without the section on religion) in 1660, it carried a note from the printer stating that du Verdus had already prepared translations of De corpore and De homine;48 but these, like the translation of Leviathan, were never published. However, the translation of De cive had two editions in 1660, and a third, under the title Maximes heroïques de la politique moderne au roy, in 1665.49

Of du Verdus's intellectual life during the 1660s we know almost nothing apart from what his letters to Hobbes tell us. He was cut off from most of his fellow Hobbists in France, by death (Gassendi, du Bosc, du Prat), disillusionment (de Martel), or poor communications (Sorbière), But he was not entirely isolated; he was able to share his enthusiasm with François Peleau, and in the winter of 1663–4 he studied Hobbes's works with the astronomer Jean Picard.50 It is quite likely that du Verdus attended the weekly gatherings of scientists, doctors, and mathematicians at the home of François-Henri Salomon de Virelade which took place in the 1660s and have been described as a Bordeaux 'Académie des sciences'.51 One of those attending these gatherings was the mathematician Étienne d'Espagnet; his father, Jean, a physicist, alchemist, and hermeticist, was the author of Enchiridion physicae restitutae (1623), which was to be described by Bayle as the first anti-Aristotelian work on physics written in France.52 Étienne, whom du Verdus had known since 1648, was left all du Verdus's mathematical pg 911works in his will of 1666.53 Other members of de Virelade's group included Arnaud de Pontac (1599–1681), the premier président of the Parlement of Bordeaux, whose son was named by du Verdus as one of his literary executors.54 and the physician Pierre de Galatheau, one of whose 'discours' to this gathering was published as Discours […] touchant les forces de l'imagination in 1669.55 Galatheau is named with du Verdus (and d'Espagnet) in a document concerning the election of a new Professor of Mathematics at the Collège de Guyenne after the death of Pierre Prades in 1664. On [4/] 14 March 1665 a committee (which had listened to lectures given by the candidates) met to make a recommendation; it consisted of Hiérosme Lopès (du Verdus's other literary executor),56 Dr Brassier (regent of the University of Bordeaux), the mathematician Ignace-Gaston Pardies, and 'les sieurs de Maleret, du Verdus, d'Espagnet et Galatheau, docteurs en médecine'.57

In 1666 du Verdus drew up his will.58 It is a melancholy document, tinged by the elements of paranoia and religious fervour which one finds in his final letters to Hobbes: 'God had given me friends, and He has taken them away. They have left me; so I leave them, and make no mention of them.'59 Having listed a large number of relatives, he named as his general heir someone who was apparently not a member of his family, Mme Pitard Marie Tesnière, Dame de Brésillas, in view of 'what she has done for me […] and what people have made her suffer on my account'.60 He left his mathematical books to Étienne d'Espagnet, and 'all my other books, with my globes and spheres' to a M. du Val de Tercis.61 Du Verdus's manuscripts, including, presumably, his letters from Hobbes, were left to two people: François-Auguste de Pontac (son of the premier président), and Hiérosme Lopès. The latter (1617–94) was the son of an eminent doctor and converted pg 912Jew, François Lopès, and the brother of Pierre Lopès, Professor in the Faculté de Médecine at Bordeaux; Hiérosme had studied under the Jesuits (where du Verdus may have been a fellow student), and had become a canon of the cathedral church of Saint-André and Professor of Theology in the University of Bordeaux.62 Du Verdus's instructions were: 'I beg them, the two of them alone, to look at these writings, to keep those which they think are usable, to convey by their own hands to other people those writings which they decide that I had intended for those people, and to burn the rest.'63 Finally, du Verdus wrote that he wished that someone would undertake the publication of three of his own manuscripts: a book in prose and verse entitled 'les Anagrammes' (of which nothing else is known), the poem 'Iride innamorata' (published, eventually, in the present volume: Letter 170, second enclosure), and the translation of De sapientia veterum, with its dedicatory epistles to Louis XIV and Hobbes. Whoever did this, he wrote, would automatically become his sole heir. Du Verdus desired this in order 'to obey the one person in the world to whom I was able to submit myself', and to whom the two former works were dedicated: this act of piety was thus perhaps intended as a final tribute to Hobbes.64

François du Verdus died on [10/] 20 August 1675.65 Within a few months, his litigious relatives and their allies had descended on his estate like locusts. Old debts of the du Verdus family were raked up, some of them going back as far as 1618. Judgment was passed against du Verdus's estate for the sum of 40,000 livres, and on [24 November/] 4 December 1675 his houses and land were seized.66 Of his two intended literary executors, François-Auguste de Pontac had predeceased du Verdus, some time before 1673.67 Hiérosme Lopès died on [19/] 29 April 1694; his will, of 1692, is cited as ADG 'série E, Notaires: Grégoire, no, 300, liasse 21, fo. 494' by the abbé Callen,68 and as 'Minutes de Grégoire, 1694, fo. 494' by E.-V.-E. Teixera de Mattos.69 I pg 913have been unable to locate it using either the former reference (which does not correspond to the modern arrangement of these documents) or the latter (which should correspond to ADG MS 3 E 6772). However, Lopès was a prominent and devout Catholic, and it is unlikely that he would have taken much trouble to preserve the manuscripts of a Protestant free-thinker as notorious as Hobbes—especially since several of Hobbes's letters included explanations of his theory of church and state, in response to du Verdus's queries concerning part 3 of Leviathan, In 1868 a search for du Verdus's manuscripts in Bordeaux was instigated by Prosper Mérimée (at the request of several English scholars); but nothing was ever found.70

Edmund Waller (1606–1687)

Waller came from a well-known gentry family of Hertfordshire and Buckinghamshire. Educated at Eton and King's College, Cambridge, he entered Parliament, at the age of 16. In 1631 he married a rich heiress, and for most of the 1630s he led a comfortable retired life on his family estate at Beaconsfield. His son, Robert, was born in 1633, but in the following year Waller's wife died in childbirth. Thereafter the Christ Church divine George Morley, who was a distant kinsman of Waller,1 became a close friend and frequent visitor to his home; and through Morley he was introduced to Lord Falkland's circle at Great Tew. Waller later told Aubrey that 'he was not acquainted with Ben. Johnson […] but familiarly with Lucius, lord Falkland; Sydney Godolphin, Mr Hobbes; &c.'2 Clarendon described him as 'of admirable parts, and faculties of wit and eloquence, and of an intimate conversation and familiarity with those who had that reputation'.3 Also during the 1630s his reputation as a poet became established; Aubrey was to describe him as 'one of the first refiners of our English language and poetrey'.4 In 1638, together with Falkland, Godolphin, Dudley Digges, and other members of Falkland's circle, he contributed prefatory verses to the second edition of George Sandys's Paraphrases of the Psalms; in the same year he also contributed to the memorial volume Jonsonus virbius, pg 914and wrote a poem on the death of Lady Anne Rich, the sister of the third Earl of Devonshire.

In the Parliaments of 1640–1 Waller was at first a spokesman for the grievances of the Commons; but he did not support extreme proposals such as the call for the abolition of episcopacy, and by the outbreak of the Civil War he was committed to the King's cause. In May 1643 he was involved, together with his brother-in-law Nathaniel Tomkins, in a plot to seize London for the King. When their plan was discovered, Tomkins was executed but Waller pleaded eloquently for his own life and was imprisoned in the Tower, eventually being released and sent into exile in November 1644 on payment of a fine of £10,000. He lived first in Rouen, then in Paris; he was one of the very few exiles to have access to funds in England, and it has been said that 'no Englishman's table at Paris was so sumptuous as Mr Waller's'.5 In 1645 it appears that Hobbes was directing the studies of Waller's son, Robert, and a nephew—probably the son of Nathaniel Tomkins.6 From that year also dates Waller's plan, alluded to by Hobbes and described by Aubrey, to translate De cive into English.7 Waller spent much of the following two years, from January 1646 to September 1647, in Rouen.8

In 1651 Waller petitioned Parliament to revoke his sentence of banishment, and in 1652 he returned home. Waller was not reluctant to pull strings: Cromwell was a cousin of his mother, and another cousin had married Colonel Adrian Scrope, the regicide and parliamentary governor of Bristol. In 1655 Waller was appointed a Commissioner of Trade. Despite this, and despite his heartfelt panegyric ode to Cromwell, he was well received by the King at the Restoration; he resumed his career as an MP, and was to become the only person to have sat in the Parliaments of both James I and James II. He was one of the first Fellows of the Royal Society, having joined in January 1661; but he was a no more than 'slightly active' member in the 1660s, paying his dues in 1661–3 only.9 Also in the 1660s he was a frequent visitor to the Dowager Countess of Devonshire's house.10 His admiration for Hobbes remained undimmed: he told Aubrey that 'what he was most to be pg 915commended for was that he being a private person threw downe the strongholds of the Church'.11 Nevertheless, Waller was too timorous to make his admiration public. As Aubrey also recorded, 'Mr Edm: Waller sayd to me, when I desired him to write some verses in praise of him, that he was afrayd of the Churchmen.'12 Waller died in 1687, having consulted Hobbes's old friend the physician Sir Charles Scarborough in his final illness.13

Sir Joseph Williamson (1633–1701)

The son of a Cumbrian vicar, Williamson was educated at Westminster School and The Queen's College, Oxford, where he matriculated in 1650 and proceeded BA in 1654.1 He then travelled as a tutor to a young nobleman (possibly a son of the Marquis of Ormonde) in France and The Netherlands, acquiring both a good knowledge of foreign languages and some useful contacts among the royalist exiles. He returned to Oxford, becoming a Fellow of The Queen's College in 1657, but left again soon after the Restoration to work in the office of the Secretary of State, Sir Edward Nicholas, In 1661 he was also appointed Keeper of the State Paper Office (a post which he retained until his death)2 and Latin Secretary to the King, In the following year Nicholas was succeeded by Sir Henry Bennet (later Lord Arlington), with whom Williamson developed a close working relationship which was to last throughout Bennet's thirteen years as Secretary of State. John Evelyn was later to give a rather jaundiced account of this relationship: Arlington, he wrote, 'loving his ease more than businesse, […] remitted all to his man Williamson, & in a short time let him so into the seacret of affaires, that (as his Lordship himselfe told me) there was a kind of necessity to advance him; & so by his subtilty, dexterity & insinuation, he got now to be principal Secretary; absolutely my L: Arlingtons Creature, and ungratefull enough'.3

Williamson's work mainly involved acting for Arlington in the latter's capacity as head of the Post Office, and gathering intelligence— some of which Williamson published in the London Gazette, which he pg 916issued from 1666 onwards. It was through Williamson that Henry Oldenburg arranged for his foreign correspondents' letters, addressed to 'M. Grubendol, London', to be delivered free of charge, in return for which Oldenburg would extract any political news from the letters and send it to Williamson.4 Nevertheless, it seems that he was powerless to help Oldenburg when the latter was arrested in 1667, at Arlington's behest, over some indiscreet remarks in Oldenburg's own letters.5

Williamson made several attempts to enter Parliament in 1666–7, succeeding finally (as MP for Thetford) in 1669; he later sat either for Thetford or for Rochester in all the Parliaments (except that of 1689) up until 1701. In 1672 he was knighted and made clerk to the Privy Council,6 and in 1673–4 he served as one of the British envoys to the Congress of Cologne. On his return he succeeded Arlington as Secretary of State; he also entered the Privy Council and was made L LD at Oxford. He was removed from his secretaryship in 1678, as a result of the hysteria of the Popish Plot (he was accused of favouring Roman Catholics), but returned to the Privy Council in 1696, and enjoyed a brief revival of his diplomatic career in the last four years before his death.

Williamson retained his fellowship of The Queen's College until his marriage in 1678; he was known as a man of wide intellectual interests, though Pepys drily described him as 'a pretty knowing man and a scholar, but it may be he thinks himself to be too much so'.7 He became a Fellow of the Royal Society in early 1662, attended regularly in the 1660S, was on the Council of the Society from 1674 to 1690, and was President from 1677 to 1680.8 His library, which he bequeathed to his old Oxford college, contained significant collections of books on 'Mathematicks' (which included astronomy and music) and 'Naturall Phylosophy' (where his collection displays a special interest in Bacon, Gassendi, and Boyle).9 He owned five of Hobbes's works: Leviathan, De corpore, De principiis & ratiocinatione, The Iliads and Odysses of Homer, and Decameron physiologicum.10 However, although Hobbes referred in his second letter (Letter 181) to having spoken to Williamson in person, the pg 917fact that he left a blank for Williamson's Christian name in the address of his first letter (Letter 178), and called him 'John' in the address of his second, suggests that their degree of personal acquaintance was very slight.

Anthony Wood (1632–1695)

Wood was born in Oxford; his grandfather had been a prosperous innkeeper, and his father, who had studied at Oxford, lived on the income from various leasehold properties in that city. He went to school in Oxford and Thame, and matriculated at Merton College in 1647. When he appeared before the parliamentary Visitors in 1648 he tried to avoid answering their question ('Will you submit to the authority of Parliament in this Visitation?'); according to his own account he was saved by his mother's intercession, which ensured that 'he was conniv'd at and kept in his place, otherwise he had infallibly gon to the pot'.1 Wood's family was of royalist sympathies, and his elder brother Thomas had served in the royalist cavalry.

Wood proceeded BA in 1652. He remained at the university and became a 'constant student' in the Bodleian Library, developing his special interests in heraldry, local history, and music.2 He was admitted MA in 1655, and might have been expected to obtain a fellowship at Merton, 'had it not been for his notoriously peevish temper'.3 Instead he continued to live in the family house in Oxford (opposite the gate of Merton); he indulged his passion for music, and was stimulated to start making his own historical collections by the appearance in 1656 of William Dugdale's Antiquities of Warwickshire. 'A. Wood's tender affections and insatiable desire of knowledg', he later wrote, 'were ravish'd and melted downe by the reading of that book.'4

In 1660 Wood was granted access to the university archives, and began studying and revising the huge collection of materials on the history of the city and University of Oxford compiled by the antiquary Brian Twyne, For the next fourteen years he worked intensively on three interrelated projects: a history of the city, a compilation of the annals of the university, and a historical collection of materials relating to the university's buildings, chairs, colleges, and other institutions. The first of these remained in manuscript until after his death, but the pg 918second and third received an offer of publication from Dr John Fell, the Dean of Christ Church, who arranged (in 1669–70) for the University Press to undertake the work and personally underwrote the entire cost of publication. At Fell's suggestion, Wood also began to incorporate brief biographies of prominent Oxford alumni. John Aubrey had become acquainted with Wood in 1667,5 and before long he was contributing a stream of biographical material to his fellow antiquary.

Aubrey obtained from Hobbes a short autobiographical account, which he sent to Wood for inclusion in the section of his book devoted to Magdalen Hall. Wood's work was published in 1674 as Historia et antiquitates universitatis oxoniensis, in two folio volumes. It contained a version of the life of Hobbes submitted by Aubrey (ii, pp. 376–7); but the text had been altered in several places by the overseer of the publication, John Fell. More than two months before publication, Wood wrote to apologize for this abuse to Aubrey (and, via Aubrey, to Hobbes). On 9 [/19] April 1674 Aubrey wrote to Wood: 'Kind Friend! I received yrs [> concerning] Mr T. Hobbes, wch he has; and remembers him kindly to you and will be glad to see you when you come to Towne. But desires you will write to Him a letter of Complaint [> as you did to me] concerning Dr Fell, and he will in an Answer vindicate himselfe'6 Hobbes's letter of protest (Letter 197) was sent to Wood in manuscript; Wood showed it to Fell, who merely remarked that Hobbes 'had one foote in the grave, that he should mind his latter end and not trouble the world any more with his papers'.7 By the time the printing of the book was completed in June, Wood himself had suggested to Hobbes that he should have his letter of protest printed on a single folio broadside for inclusion at the end of the second volume. Aubrey wrote to Wood on 25 June [/5 July] 1674: 'Deare friend! I am glad to heare your Booke is printed: I communicated your l[ette]re to Mr Hobbes who desires to be kindly rememberd to you, and desired me to write by this Post, to let him know by ye next post, How long and broad ye paper must bee? How many Copies you print?'8 Two dozen copies of the letter were sent to Oxford on 1 [/11] July,9 and other copies circulated in London: on 11 [/21] July Thomas Blount wrote to Wood that 'I have seen Mr. Hobbs pg 919letter to you in print.'10 But at the end of the following month Aubrey recorded: 'I am sorry I cannot perswade the Bookesellers to buy & insert Mr Hobbs Epistles.'11 Instead of including this extra sheet by Hobbes, Wood's book was made to include an abusively defiant reply to Hobbes's complaints by John Fell.12

Two years later Wood was still trying to collect materials on Hobbes's life: prompted by Wood, Aubrey was searching for copies of letters by Hobbes.13 Soon after Hobbes's death Wood wrote to the Earl of Devonshire's secretary, Justinian Morse, for a detailed account of his final illness and his burial—which Morse sent him on 9 [/19] January 1680.14 During the next two months Aubrey consulted him repeatedly over the preparation of the 'Vitae Hobbianae auctarium', which Aubrey and Blackbourne published with Hobbes's autobiographies in 1681.15 On 27 March [/6 April] 1680 Aubrey wrote to Wood: 'My good Friend! I thanke you heartily for yr care in my businesse concerning the compleating of mr Hobbes life.'16 Wood was still collecting biographical materials for his own purposes: he was now compiling a full-scale biographical dictionary of Oxonians, Athenae oxonienses, which was eventually published in 1691–2 together with a revised version of the annals of degree ceremonies, etc. (the Fasti oxonienses) previously contained in his Historia et antiquitates. The costs of publication almost ruined him; and worse consequences followed when the second Earl of Clarendon prosecuted Wood in 1692 for libelling his father, (Wood had written that the first Earl sold offices at the Restoration: he had received this information from Aubrey, whom he complained of bitterly as a result.) Wood was expelled from the university in 1693, and the offending pages were burnt. Yet he continued to work on a further collection of Oxonian biographies, and was still engaged in this task when he died in late 1695.

pg 920

Notes

1 Foster.

2 Ibid.

3 [Savile,] Ultima linea Savilii, sig. D2r.

4 Carolus redux, sig. G1r.

5 [Stanhope,] Funerall Elegies, pp. 34–5.

6 [Camden,] Camdeni insignia, sigs. F1v (Aglionby), C2v (Godolphin), A3v–A4r (Burton), C4v (Browne).

7 BL MS Harl. 4955, fo. 188; see the account of this MS in Jonson, Works, vii, p. 767.

8 See the Biographical Register, 'Payne'.

9 Foster.

10 Ibid.

11 ABL i, p. 151; Athenae, ii, col, 567.

12 ABL i, p. 370.

13 Foster.

14 Ibid.

15 Stephens (ed.), Aubrey on Education, p. 160.

16 Stoye, English Travellers Abroad, p. 215.

17 Foster; Matthews, Walker Revised, p. 2.

18 ABL i, p. 370; Foster.

19 Chatsworth, uncatalogued Hardwick MS, Disbursements at Hardwick 1655–67, entry for Dec. 1655.

1 ABL i, p. 35.

2 Ibid., i, p. 332.

3 Powell, Aubrey and his Friends, pp. 44–8.

4 Ibid., pp. 53–8; ABL i, p. 38.

5 Hunter, Aubrey, p. 40.

6 Frank, 'Aubrey, Lydall, and Science at Oxford'.

7 Hunter, Aubrey, p. 43.

8 ABL i, p. 300. For two prescriptions from Harvey for Aubrey, dated 1653 and 1655, see Keynes, Life of Harvey, pp. 439–42.

9 In a list headed 'Amici' at the end of an autobiographical fragment, Aubrey dates his friendship with Hobbes as follows: 'Mr, Hobbes, 165- ' (ABL i, p. 43).

10 Powell, Aubrey and his Friends, pp. 91–4.

11 ABL i, pp, 339–40.

12 Powell, Aubrey and his Friends, p. 101; Letter 143.

13 ABL i, p. 47.

14 Hunter, Aubrey, pp. 37–147. In the late 1650s or early 1660s he undertook a course of lessons with the Danish mathematician Nicolas Mercator: OWC MS 4.9.

15 Powell, Aubrey and his Friends, pp. 108, 149.

16 Ibid., p. 154.

17 Bodl. MS Aubrey 21, fo. 76r.

18 Britton, Memoir of Aubrey, p. 55.

19 Thomae Hobbes angli vita, pp. 21–221 (OL i, pp. xxii–lxxx); cf. Bodl. MS Ballard 14, fos. 127–32.

20 Britton, Memoir of Aubrey, p. 69.

21 Life and Times, ii, p. 117.

22 Hunter, Aubrey, p. 212.

1 Athenae, iii, col. 944.

2 Testimonial dated 7 [/17] March 1656, printed in Bagshaw, True and Perfect Narrative, p. 1.

3 Dissertationes duae anti-socinianae (London, 1657).

4 True and Perfect Narrative, p. 2.

5 Ibid., p. 28

6 'Oratio de philosophiâ peripateticâ', in his Exercitationes duae, pp. 29–36.

7 A. Wood, Life and Times, i, p. 359.

8 ABL i, p. 290.

9 Sig. A2v.

10 Practicall Discourse, p. 14.

11 The 'Exercitatio', published at the end of A Letter to Mr Thomas Pierce, uses passages from Animadversiones, pp. 1615–17, 1619, 1644 (see M.O., Fratres in malo, pp. 13–14).

12 p. 9.

13 Fratres in malo, pp. 2, 5–6.

14 The date is given in Locke, Two Tracts on Government, p. 35; three editions were published in 1660.

15 The Great Question concerning Things Indifferent, pp. 2, 13.

16 Locke, Two Tracts on Government, pp. 117–75; it is dated 11 [/21] December 1660.

17 Exercitationes duae, pp. 1–21.

18 The Second Part of the Great Question (1661); The Necessity & Use of Heresies ( 1662?).

19 Letter to the Earl of Clarendon, p. 2.

20 Ibid., p. 5; Locke, Two Tracts on Government, p. 31.

21 Narrative of the Proceedings in Ireland, pp. 1–4.

22 Ibid., p. 3.

23 Baxter, Reliquiae Baxterianae, i, p. 379.

24 Athenae, iii, cols. 945–6.

25 Ibid., iii, col. 949.

1 Foster.

2 Exercitationes aliquot metaphysicae de Deo, printed with a separate title-page dated 1637, but appended (with continuous signatures) to Barlow's edition of Scheibler's Metaphysica (1638).

3 Barlow, Genuine Remains, pp. 157–9. This claim was also echoed by Barlow's protégé Henry Stubbe: see the Biographical Register, 'Stubbe'.

4 Barlow, Genuine Remains, pp. 324–9.

5 The date 1642 for this appointment, given in DNB and repeated in many other works, is an error.

6 The earliest version is BL MS Harl. 6007, fos. 1–9.

7 St John's College, Cambridge, MS K 38, published in De Jordy and Fletcher, 'A Library for Younger Schollers'; another version is in Bodl. MS Rawl. C 945.

8 Genuine Remains, pp. 1–121; issued separately, and emended, as 'Ἀυτοσχεδιάσματαde studio theologiae (1699).

9 De Jordy and Fletcher, 'A Library for Younger Schollers', p. 49.

10 OQC MS 243, fo. 37v.

11 Boyle, Works, i, p. 49.

12 Published eventually in his Several Cases of Conscience, pp. 1–93.

13 Genuine Remains, pp. 153, 155.

14 OQC MS 204, fos. 137–84, numbered originally pp. 1–94: here pp. 1, 78–9. A copy of Hobbes's tract, with Barlow's annotations, is in OQC MS 449, fos. 118–26.

15 OQC MS 195, fos. 24–70.

16 Cf. OQC MS 204, fos. 134–5.

17 pp. 185–8.

1 Foster.

2 Frank, Harvey and Oxford Physiologists, p. 29.

3 Frank, Harvey and Oxford Physiologists, pp. 30, 106.

4 Ibid., pp. 106–7; [Watkins] Newes from the Dead, p. 3.

5 See Sir Charles's letter to Petty, 9/19 Apr. 1648, Sheffield University Library MS Hartlib 8/29.

6 Humane Nature was entered in the Stationers' Register on 11 [/21] Dec. 1649 (Transcript of Registers, i, p. 332); Thomason received his copy on 21 Feb. [/3 March] 1650.

7 Warton, Life of Bathurst, pp. 222–8.

8 Ibid., pp. 127–210; his theories are discussed in Frank, Harvey and Oxford Physiologists, pp. 108–12.

9 Sprat, History, p. 54.

10 Hoppen, 'Nature of the Early Royal Society', p. 12.

11 Hunter, Royal Society, p. 187.

12 See the DNB article on Bathurst, which dismisses the rumours for that reason.

13 BL MS Loan 57/68, fo. 64v. The fate of the box is unknown, but other papers were later bequeathed by Richard Healy to his grandson, who lent them to Thomas Warton in the 1750s; their present whereabouts are unknown.

1 See de la Fontaine Verwey, 'Het werk van de Blaeu's', p. 2.

2 Ibid., p. 7.

3 De la Fontaine Verwey, 'Het werk van de Blaeu's', p. 7.

4 Kleerkooper and van Stockum, De boekhandel te Amsterdam, i, p. 42.

5 De la Fontaine Verwey, 'Het werk van de Blaeu's', p. 10.

6 Ibid.

7 Kleerkooper and van Stockum, De boekhandel te Amsterdam, i, p. 44.

8 De la Fontaine Verwey, 'Het werk van de Blaeu's', p. 11.

1 A Voyage into the Levant.

2 BL MS Add. 36242, fo. 166r.

3 Hunter, Royal Society, pp. 170–1.

4 ABL i, p. 110.

5 ABL, i, pp. 108–11.

6 Aubrey and Blackbourne, 'Vitae Hobbianae auctarium', in Hobbes, Thomae Hobbes angli vita, p. 186 (OL i, p. lxv).

7 Walber, Charles Blount, Frühaufklārer, p. 16; Charles Gildon implies this in his preface to Blount, Miscellaneous Work, sig. A4r.

8 ABL i, p. 109.

9 Biographia britannica.

10 Walber, Charles Blount, Frühaufkärer, p. 18.

11 BL MS Add. 36242, fos. 77v, 131r.

12 The Censure of the Rota and The Friendly Vindication of Mr. Dryden.

13 J. S. L. Gilmour, the compiler of Blount's bibliography, takes the 'Amsterdam' here to be genuine ('Some Uncollected Authors', p. 184). But had the work really been printed in Amsterdam, there would have been no reason why the date should not also have been given correctly. The ostentatious unreality of the date must throw doubt on the place as well, implying that the book was probably printed surreptitiously in London. A 2nd edn. was printed in London in 1679 (ibid., p. 184).

14 See the discussion of these arguments in Bonanate, Charles Blount: libertinismo e deismo, pp. 17–33.

15 Blount, Oracles of Reason, pp. 117–25; much of the material in this letter was borrowed, like part of Letter 201, from Henry Stubbe's Account of the Rise of Mahometanism.

16 J. R. Jones, 'Green Ribbon Club'; Pepys Library, Magdalene College, Cambridge, MS Misc. VII, fo. 489r (referring to the 'King's Head Club').

17 p. 2.

18 p. 151.

19 Athenaeum, London, casemark 100Ab: 'Blount's Miscellanea MS'. The starting-date is stated on p. 1, which also has jottings dated Apr. and June 1682 and Mar. 1684. I am grateful to the Committee of the Athenaeum for permission to consult this MS, to the Librarian, Sarah Dodgson, for her help, and to Dr Felipe Fernández-Armesto for bringing it to my attention.

20 pp. 142–58.

21 pp. 314–17; here p. 314.

22 p. 6.

23 pp. 25–8.

24 pp. 53, 55–6.

25 ABL i, p. 356.

26 Athenaeum, Blount copy-book, p. 55; the extract begins 'Excommunication is a sword' in the first broadside, and 'When a Pope excommunicates a Kingdom' in the second.

27 Athenaeum, Blount copy-book, p. 56; the extract, from Leviathan, p. 51, is printed in The Last Sayings of Mr Thomas Hobbs.

28 Athenaeum, Blount copy-book, p. 27; the extract is from Decameron physiologicum, p. 19 (EW vii, p. 85).

29 King William and Queen Mary, Conquerours.

30 Luttrell, Parliamentary Diary, p. 379.

31 It was published before Blount's death: Walber, Charles Blount, Frühaufklärer, p. 35.

32 BL MS 36242, fo. 368r.

33 Miscellaneous Works, sig. A4r.

1 'fort jeune': Relations, lettres, p. 289.

2 Chatsworth, MS Hardwick 30, disbursements for Michaelmas 1638—Lady Day 1639.

3 Relation d'un voyage, p. 159.

4 MC ix, pp. 122–3 (14/24 feb. 1640).

5 BN MSS f.fr. 17374–87; some of these extracts are printed, from copies in the Imperial library in St Petersburg, in de la Ferrière, 'Troisième rapport'.

6 Pintard, Libertinage, p. 627.

7 BL MS Add. 4278, fos. 259–60.

8 'Translaté sur l'original Angiois par moy Coner Secr du Roy et de ses finances, et sec.r Interprete de sa Mate en la langue Angloise' (OCC, Evelyn correspondence, Letters to Evelyn, no. 556). 'The King' here must mean Louis XIV. The document translated by du Bosc was a decree by Charles II appointing Sir Richard Browne Receiver-General of Customs.

9 Lettres et discours, p. 151.

10 De la Ferrière, 'Troisième rapport', pp. 39, 20–1.

11 'De vita et moribus Gassendi', sig, *****2r.

12 'il deuoit beaucoup à la fréquente & reïterée lecture de Bacon et d'Epictete'; 'vn scepticisme épuré par les pieux sentimens, & fortifié par la Morale Chrestienne' (Relations, lettres, pp. 290–1, 294).

13 Sorbière, Lettres et discours, pp. 151–81.

14 'd'un naturel si doux et si affable que tout le monde estoit charmé de son entretien' (BN MS f.fr. 23253, fo. 124r).

15 Pugh, Blacklo's Cabal, p. 78.

16 Ibid., p. 98.

17 BN MS f.fr. 23253, fo. 124r; according 10 an annotation on Digby's copy of the letter of condolence he sent to du Bosc (in Feb, 1650), the sister was pregnant when she was killed (Pugh, Blacklo's Cabal, p. 91).

18 Letter 140.

1 Henning, House of Commons 1660–1690, i, p. 727.

2 [Cokayne,] Complete Baronetage, iv, p. 75.

3 Venn & Venn.

4 Rawdon, Life, p. 89.

5 Hunter, Royal Society, p. 178.

6 Ibid., p. 797.

7 Henning, House of Commons 1660–1690, i, p. 727.

8 Ibid., i, pp. 727–8.

9 Ibid., i, p. 728.

10 Hill, Familiar Letters, p. 88.

11 Bodl. MS Lister 34, fo. 16r.

12 Hill, Familiar Letters, p. 95.

13 OC viii, p. 301.

14 Bodl. MS Lister 34, fos. 69–70, 76–7, 61–2.

15 Ibid., fo. 62r.

1 See the Biographical Register, 'Charles II'.

2 BL MS Add. 4180, fo. 54r: printed in Warner, Nicholas Papers, i, p. 285.

3 Carte, Life of Ormond, iv, p. 418.

4 HMC, Ormonde, p. 508.

5 Carte, Life of Ormond, i, p. x.

1 See Trease, Portrait of a Cavalier, p. 21.

2 ABL i, p. 153.

3 Smith, Life and Letters of Wotton, ii, p. 2.

4 Trease, Portrait of a Cavalier, pp. 46–7.

5 Trease, Portrait of a Cavalier, p. 47; Jonson, Works, vii, pp. 776–7 (lines 220–45). The entertainment was written for the christening of a Charles Cavendish; Trease thinks this was a nephew of Sir Charles who died in infancy, but the editors of Jonson suggest more convincingly that it was the second son of the future second Earl of Devonshire (see the Biographical Register, 'The Hon. Charles, Cavendish').

6 Trease, Portrait of a Cavalier, p. 51; Stevenson et al. (eds.), Nottingham Borough Records, v, p. 129.

7 BL MS Add. 70499, fo. 145r: Richard Andrews to the Earl of Newcastle, London, 22 June [/2 July] 1631. Andrews writes in a postscript: 'My seruice to Sr Charles Cavendish; to whome I sent a letter the last weeke, wch came from Mons.r Mydorge from Paris.'

8 'totius Matheseos summè perito, nobisque amicissimo' (sig. *4r); the dedicatory epistle is present in some copies, e.g. Bodl. Savile Q9.

9 Bodl. Savile O 9; see the Biographical Register, 'Payne'.

10 Sig. A4r.

11 MC iv, pp. 365–7; Jacquot, 'Sir Charles Cavendish and his Friends', pp. 14–15.

12 See the Biographical Register, 'Payne'; Halliwell (ed.), Collection of Letters, pp. 65–7.

13 Ibid., pp, 65–6 (BL MS Add. 4279, fo. 182), a letter from Payne to Pell, wrongly identified by Halliwell as from Payne to Warner: it states that Payne and Sir Charles have studied Pell's papers on 'the mid-ship-mould'.

14 Rigaud (ed.), Correspondence of Scientific Men, i, pp. 22–3, 28.

15 Present in some copies, e.g. Bodl. Savile Q 13.

16 Hobbes, Anti-White, p. 14 n.

17 See the Biographical Register, 'Payne'.

18 Sir Charles Cavendish to Payne, 6 [/16] December 1639, tipped into Bodl. Savile Q. 9 at p. 134.

19 BL MS Add. 4417, fo. 39r.

20 BL MS Add. 4278, fos. 161–73.

21 History, ii, p. 753.

22 See von Brockdorff, 'Des Sir Charles Cavendish Bericht', pp. 1–2.

23 Ibid., pp. 2–4; BL MS Add. 4278, fos. 196 (Cavendish's letter, dated 27 June/7July), 200 (Hobbes's theorem).

24 Pell became Professor of Mathematics at Amsterdam in 1643, and Professor of Philosophy and Mathematics at Breda in 1646. Letters from this correspondence (BL MS Add. 4278) are printed in Vaughan, Protectorate, ii, pp. 363–76, Halliwell, Collection of Letters, p. 88, Hervey, 'Hobbes and Descartes', and MC xiv–xv.

25 MC xiv, pp. 286–95, 536; xv, p. 370.

26 BL MS Harl. 6083, fos. 71–4, 194–211; these have not been bound in their correct order (see the detailed account in Pacchi, Convenzione e ipotesi, pp. 18–23).

27 BL MS Harl. 6083, fos. 179–82.

28 Ibid., fo. 177 (printed in Minerbi Belgrado, 'Hobbes "Of Passions"').

29 BL MS Harl. 6083, fo. 167.

30 Ibid., fos. 178–9.

31 BL MS Add, 4278, fo. 291V; cf. fos. 295r, 313r.

32 Grant, Margaret the First, p. 108.

33 K. Jones, A Glorious Fame, pp. 75–6.

34 Vaughan, Protectorate, ii, p. 384.

35 Grant, Margaret the First, p. 109.

1 Grove, Lives of the Earls of Devonshire, p. 17.

2 Chatsworth, MS Hardwick 30, disbursements for Michaelmas 1637—Michaelmas 1638.

3 Nichols, History of the County of Leicester, i, p. 289 n.

4 Foley (ed,), Records of the English Province, vi, pp. 618, 612.

5 H. F. Brown, Inglesi e scozzesi a Padova, p. 151.

6 ABL i, p. 154.

7 Nichols, History of the County of Leicester, i, p. 289 n.

8 ABL i, p. 154.

9 Bickley, Cavendish Family, p. 47.

10 Nailour, Commemoration Sermon, p. 16.

1 [Cokayne,] Complete Peerage, 'Bruce of Kinloss'.

2 Ibid., 'Bruce of Kinloss' and 'Elgin'.

3 Brodhurst, 'Extracts from a Book of Accounts', p. 2.

4 Sefton-Jones, Old Devonshire House, p. 126.

5 Brodhurst, 'Extracts from a Book of Accounts', p. 2.

6 Pomfret, Life of the Countess of Devonshire, pp. 23–4.

7 PRO microfilm Prob. 11/154, fo. 39r.

8 NRO DD P 114/69 is a copy of the indenture; Hobbes is named as a witness.

9 PRO microfilm Prob. 11/154, fo. 38r.

10 Ibid., fo. 39v.

11 Pomfret, Life of the Countess of Devonshire, p. 27.

12 Ibid., p. 36.

13 Chatsworth, MS Hardwick 27, entries for Michaelmas 1628-Michaelmas 1631.

14 See the Biographical Register, 'Aglionby'.

15 Pomfret, Life of the Countess of Devonshire, pp. 33–4.

16 See the Biographical Register, 'The Hon. Charles Cavendish',

17 Bickley, Cavendish Family, p. 45.

18 Chatsworth, MS Hobbes D. 6, fo. 2r.

19 See the Biographical Register, 'William Cavendish, third Earl of Devonshire'.

20 PRO microfilm Prob. 11/154, fo. 38v.

21 VCH Surrey, iv, pp. 79–80; Lysons, Environs of London, i, p. 430; Pomfret, Life of the Countess of Devonshire, p. 70.

22 Lysons, Environs of London, i, p. 431.

23 Pomfret, Life of the Countess of Devonshire, p. 73.

24 Underdown, Royalist Conspiracy in England, p. 192.

25 Magalotti, Relazioni d'Inghilterra, p. 128 n.

26 Sefton-Jones, Old Devonshire House, p. 132.

27 Lysons, Environs of London, i, p. 432.

28 HOC iv, p. 375.

29 HMC, Ailesbury, p. 170.

30 Sefton-Jones, Old Devonshire House, pp. 136–7.

31 'sta in un magnifico palazzo trattandosi da qualche cosa più che da gran principessa. […] Si fa servire da gentiluomini, fa ogni giorno tavola sontuosa. La sua case è sempre piene di visite, Il suo appartamento è pieno di preziose suppellettili e d'argenterie. Ella siede sopra un letto da riposo […] sotto una spezie di baldacchino […]. La contessa non si muove, nè si alza altrimente che sostenuta sulle braccia di due bellissime damigelle. Gli ottantasei anni e'il paralitico ch'ella ha nel collo, onde gira sempre la testa come un tempo d'oriuolo, non le impediscono di portar sottanini di stoffe perlate con fiorami di colori allegri e gran merlette d'argento' (Magalotti, Relazioni d'Inghilterra, pp. 128–9). This suggests that she too, like Hobbes, suffered from the 'shaking palsy'.

32 Sefton-Jones, Old Devonshire House, p. 135.

1 Cavendish, Life of Newcastle, p. 194.

2 Philosophical and Physical Opinions, sig. B3v.

3 Life of Newcastle, pp. 135–6.

4 See the Biographical Register, 'Sir Charles Cavendish'.

5 Philosophical and Physical Opinions, sig. B3v.

6 Grant, Margaret the First, pp, 116–17.

7 Philosophical Letters, pp. 18–97.

8 sig. Ii1v.

1 Smith, Life and Letters of Wotton, i, p. 120; ii, p. 2.

2 ABL i, p. 365.

3 BL MS Harl. 3360, fo. 3r.

4 See the Biographical Register, 'Sir Charles Cavendish'.

5 The MS is printed in full, and its first page reproduced in facsimile, in Strong, Catalogue, pp. 237–40, 55; its present whereabouts are unknown.

6 ABL i, p. 366; Cavendish, Philosophical and Physical Opinions, sig. B3v.

7 Vaughan, Protectorate, ii, p. 366.

8 BL MS Harl. 6083, fo, 177v: printed in Minerbi Belgrado, 'Hobbes, "Of Passions"', p. 737.

9 NUL MS Pw 1. 406.

1 See the Biographical Register, 'Christian, Countess of Devonshire'.

2 Chatsworth, MS Hobbes D. 1. For the relation between this manuscript and Hobbes's Briefe of the Art of Rhetorique, see Harwood (ed.), Rhetorics of Hobbes and Lamy, pp. 2–6.

3 Letter 10 n. 11.

4 Letter 11 n. 2.

5 Letters 12, 21.

6 Chatsworth, MS Hobbes D. 6, fo. 3r.

7 Chatsworth, MS Hobbes D. 6, fo. 3v.

8 Letter 45. He made a similar request to Edmund Waller in 1652: Waller, Poems, ii, p. 198.

9 BL MS Harl. 6942, no. 127: Payne to Sheldon, 7 [/17] March 1650.

10 Warner (ed.), Nicholas Papers, iii, p. 9.

11 Chatsworth, MS Hardwick 14, entries for Oct. 1656.

12 Chatsworth, MS Hardwick 33, entries for Apr. 1659; MS Hobbes E. 3.

13 HMC, Ailesbury, p. 161.

14 Hunter, Royal Society, pp. 164–5.

15 'vne grande connoissance des sciences. Aussi a t-il esté esleué par M. Hobbes, lequel il aime & reuere au delà de ce que ceux de son rang ont accoustumé de reuerer leurs Gouuerneurs lors qu'ils ne sont plus aupres d'eux en cette qualité' (Relation d'un voyage, pp. 159–60).

16 'ta cognizione universale che tiene delle scienze, merci dell'ottima educazione da lut ricevuta dal signor Hobbes' (Magalotti, Un principe in Inghilterra, p. 141).

1 Hutton, Charles the Second, p. 3.

2 Trease, Portrait of a Cavalier, p. 80.

3 Baillie, Letters and Journals, ii, p. 388.

4 Hammond to Sheldon, 25 Nov. [/5 Dec] 1651 ('Blustrations of the state of the Church', xii (1851), p. 92).

5 Hyde, Brief View and Survey, p. 3.

6 Behemoth, p. 175.

7 This MS, described by Hyde in Brief View and Survey, p. 8, is presumably to be identified with BL MS Egerton 1910.

8 BL MS Add. 4180, fo. 53r: printed in Warner (ed.), Nicholas Papas, i, p. 284.

9 Mr Hobbes Considered, p. 28 (EW iv, pp. 424–5).

10 ABL i, p. 340.

11Ibid.

12 's'il eust esté vn peu moins dogmatique, il eust esté fort necessaire à l'Academie Royale: Car il y a peu de gens qui regardent les choses de plus prés que luy' (Relation d'un voyage, p. 97).

13 Ibid., p. 96.

14 Letter 208.

15 Cranston, 'Locke and Aubrey', p. 383.

16 Aubrey to Wood, 23 July [/2 Aug,] 1674: Bodl. MS Ballard 14, fo. 104r.

17 See the general note to Letter 210.

18 Life of Milton, vi, p. 290.

1 Venn & Venn.

2 See the series of very affectionate letters from Newcastle to Sir Gervase, 1632–9, NUL MSS Clifton C 339–44.

3 Acts of the Privy Council 1630–1631, p. 29.

4 Biathanatos, p. xlvii.

5 Ibid., pp. xxxv–xxxvi; Clifton could have been lent the work later by Edward Herbert.

6 NUL MS Clifton C 567. Grattan Flood, 'A Marston Letter', and Brettle, 'Notes on Marston' both discuss this MS but both misidentify the recipient as Sir Gervase Clifton of Leighton Bromswold.

7 Marston, Poems, pp. 44–5.

8 NUL MS Clifton A 301.

9 NUL MS Clifton C 138.

10 NUL MS Clifton C 598.

11 Lady Bruce, 'Ancient Documents', p. 170.

12 Suckling, Non-Dramatic Works, pp. xxxvi–xxxvii.

13 Shipman, Carolina, p. 102.

14 Ibid., pp. 94–104.

15 Antiquities of Nottinghamshire, p. 55.

1 Plomer, Dictionary of Booksellers 1641–1667; Arber, Transcript, iv, p. 194/228.

2 Jackson, Records, p. 305.

3 Dunn, 'Letter'.

4 Stationers' Company, Court Book D (University Microfilms, 'Stationers' Company's Records', reel 1), fos. 246v, 247v.

5 PRO microfilm Prob. 11/367, fos. 176v–177r.

6 McKenzie, Stationers' Company Apprentices, p. 41.

7 Ibid.

8 Plomer, Dictionary of Booksellers 1641–1667.

9 Plomer, Dictionary of Bookellers 1668–1725, entries for William and Elizabeth Crooke.

10 'Books Printed for William Crook', appended to Hobbes, Decameron physiologicum.

11 'The Bookseller to the Reader', in Hobbes, Tracts (1682), sig. [A]4.

12 Plomer, Dictionary of Booksellers 1668–1725.

1 Letter 27.

2 BL MS Harl. 6796, fos. 193–266.

3 On Hobbes's reaction to the Dioptrique see Brandt, Hobbes's Mechanical Conception, pp. 93–9, 137–42; Bernhardt, 'La Polémique de Hobbes'; and Zarka, 'Hobbes lecteur de la dioptrique'.

4 Chatsworth MS Hobbes C.i.6: letters 129 and 138 in A&T (ii, pp. 222–45, 307–38).

5 BL MS Harl. 6796 fos, 178–92r; 267–90; 155–61: see de Waard, 'Un écrit de Beaugrand'.

6 A&T vii, pp. 171–96; OL v, pp. 249–74.

7 'ie iuge que son autheur est le mesme que celuy qui a fait les troisiémes objections contre mes Meditations, & que ie le trouue beaucoup plus habile en Morale qu'en Metaphysique ny en Physique; nonobstant que ie ne puisse aucunement approuuer ses principes ny ses maximes, qui sont tres-mauuaises & tres-dangereuses, en ce qu'il suppose tous les hommes méchans, ou qu'il leur donne suiet de l'estre' (A&T iv, p. 67): the letter is undated, but assigned by the editors to 1643.

8 Halliwell, Collection of Letters, p. 84.

9 Ibid., p. 86.

10 Hervey, 'Hobbes and Descartes', p. 77.

11 Ibid., p. 78.

12 Letter 40.

13 Hervey, 'Hobbes and Descartes', p. 84; ABL i, p. 366.

14 'respondit circa Moralia se nihil vnquam editurum': BN MS f.l. 10352, part 1, fo. 49v.

15 BN MS f.fr. 3930, fo, 262v.

16 ABL i, p. 367. Descartes's argument that his theory of the nature of substance was compatible with the doctrine of transubstantiation appeared in his reply to the fourth set of objections to the Meditationes: A&T vii, pp. 248–56, See also the discussion of his position in Specht, Innovation und Folgelast, pp. 84–91.

1 Bligh, Sir Kenelm Digby, p. 75.

2 See Letter 16 n. 3 (Warner) and the Biographical Register, 'Payne'.

3 BL MS Add. 38175, fo. 61r; see also Feingold, Mathematicians' Apprenticeship, p. 158.

4 BL MS Add. 41846, fos. 118–41.

5 See Digby, Viaggio piratesco.

6 BL MS Harl. 6758; see the introduction to the edition of this work by Gabrieli, p. xvii.

7 Bligh, Sir Kenelm Digby, p. 166.

8 ABL i, p. 226.

9 Petersson, Sir Kenelm Digby, p. 337 n.

10 Bligh, Sir Kenelm Digby, p. 235.

11 The 1634 list of Digby's medieval MSS, preserved at Chatsworth and previously attributed to Hobbes (Chatsworth MS Hobbes E. 1) is in the hand of Robert Payne (see the Biographical Register, 'Payne', n. 20), and thus cannot be used as evidence of direct contacts between Digby and Hobbes.

12 See the Biographical Register, 'du Bosc'.

13 Digby certainly knew Mersenne before the end of his 1635–7 stay in Paris: see MC vit, p. 312.

14 Gabrieli, Sir Kenelm Digby, pp. 174–5; Petersson, Sir Kenelm Digby, pp. 161–3.

15 See Des Maizeaux, Life of Chillingworth, p. 42; cf. MC ix, p. 122. The friendship between White and Digby can be traced back at least as far as 1637: see J. Henry, 'Atomism and Eschatology', p. 217.

16 Observations upon Religio Medici (1643).

17 'Domino Kenhelmo Digby, genere, virtutibus, scientia et factis clarissimo in signum obsequii ab Authore. Tho. Hobbes' (see Hobbes, Anti-White, p. 21 n.). The volume is in the Bibliothèque des universités de Paris at the Sorbonne (pressmark R III 15), but the leaf containing this inscription was unfortunately removed during a recent rebinding.

18 Hobbes, Anti-White, p. 21.

19 BN MS f.l. 10352, part 1, fo. 49v.

20 Lupoli, 'La filosofia politica di White', p. 130 n.

21 Letter 170.

22 Sir John Finch, Journal: HMC, Finch, p. 61.

23 See Letters 115 and 121, which indicate that he was in Bordeaux for two months in Jan.–Mar. 1657.

24 Digby, Discours de la poudre de sympathie; see also King, Road to Medical Enlightenment, pp. 140–50.

25 BL MS Add. 41846, fos. 76–9.

26 Wallis, Commercium epistolium, p. 11.

27 Digby, A Discourse concerning the Vegetation of Plants; Hunter, Royal Society, pp. 164–5.

28 DNB.

29 Athenae, iii, cols. 1247–8, Nor do the dates fit: Hobbes became an octogenarian in 1668, and White in 1673.

30 Iournal des voyages, ii, pp. 11, 25, 33.

31 Six Lessons, p. 58 (EW vii, pp. 340–1).

32 Wallis, Commercium epistolicum, p. 11.

1 Gilles, 'Fermat magistrat'.

2 e.g. OC v, p. 54; Biographie toulousaine.

3 Fermat, Œuvres, iv, p. 22 n.

4 Letter 127.

5 BN MS f.l. 10352, part 2, fos. 144–6: [22 Dec./] 1 Jan. 1658. A letter from Sorbière to Fermat is in ibid., part 1, fo. 501: [5/] 15 Sept. 1668.

6 Dissertationes tres, pp. 99–103.

7 Mahoney, Mathematical Career of Fermat, pp. 16–17.

8 OC v, pp. 54–5.

9 OC, vi, pp. 446–7.

10 Dissertationes tres, pp. 69–97.

11 Ibid., p. 87.

12 Traités de la chasse, composés par Arrian et Oppian.

1 The precise chronology is disputed: see Rochot, 'Gassendi: la vie, le caractère', p. 13; H. Jones's introduction to Gassendi, Institutio logica, p. ix; and DSB.

2 See Rochot's account of the suppression of bk. 2 in his introduction to Gassendi, Exercitationes paradoxicae, pp. viii–ix; Rochot gives a different account, however, in Les Travaux de Gassendi, pp. 9–25.

3 H. Jones, Pierre Gassendi, pp. 25–6.

4 'in retundendis larvis': introduction to Gassendi, Opera omnia, i, sig. ****4r.

5 'neque [ … ] scriptorem agnosco, qui hoc argumentum scrutetur, quàm ille, profundiùs': BN MS f.l. 10352, part 2, fo. 79r, printed in Gassendi, Opera omnia, i, p. 249B and HW ii, p. 85.

6 Pintard, La Mathe le Vayer, p. 37.

7 Letter 105.

8 Gassendi, Opera omnia, i, sig. *****2r.

1 Desiderata curiosa, i, bk. 6, p. 24.

2 EW vii, p. 454 n.

3 [Edinburgh University,] Catalogue, p. 39.

4 Foster.

5 Account of payments, loosely inserted in Chatsworth, MS Hardwick 28.

1 i, sig. i3v.

2 'Ce Monsieur Guisoni dont vous me demandez d'être informé n'est point particulièrement connu de moy. Je scay seulement qu'il est de Prouence, et que c'est vn Genie propre aux Speculations Physiques. Il fit vn jour ches Monsieur de Monmor vn Discours de la vegetation [ … ] qui plut fort et qui parut fort sensé' (HOC ii, p. 468).

3 Ibid., ii, p. 453 n.

4 Ibid., ii, p. 514.

5 Ibid., iii, pp. 45–9: from Rome, [15/] 23 March 1660.

6 'fû Monsieur Gassendj mon bon ami' (Ibid., iii, p. 101).

7 Ibid., iii, pp. 101–3, 116–18, 141–4.

8 Ibid., iii, p. 143. Huygens complied (Ibid., iii, p. 248).

9 Fabroni, Lettere inedite, p. 128.

10 Epistolica dissertatio, p. 14.

1 Howard, Change of Crownes, p. 1.

2 Howard, Caroloiades, p. 177.

3 Howard, Change of Crownes, p. 1.

4 Diary, viii, p. 167.

5 Ibid., viii, p. 168; Howard, Change of Crownes, p. 9.

6 Poems and Essays, pp. 39–40.

7 Ibid., p. 80.

8 Ibid., p. 15.

1 See Letter 43 n. 2.

2 HOC i, pp. 24–95.

3 L. Huygens, English Journal, pp. 74–5.

4 HOC i, p. 176.

5 HOC i, p. 182.

6 HOC i, pp. 352, 392 (where Huygens calls it 'Hobbij Philosophia nova', and the editors misidentify it as Six Lessons).

7 'te miror eum dignum judicasse quem tam prolixè refelleres' (HOC i, p. 392).

8 'De ratiociniis in ludo aleae', in van Schooten, Exercitationum libri quinque, pp. 521–34.

9 See Letter 81 n. 6.

10 'rien de solide'; 'il y a long temps qu'en matiere de Géometrie Monsieur Hobbes a perdu tout credit aupres de moy' (HOC iii, p. 384).

11 See Letter 149 and Letter 156 n. 3.

12 HOC iv, p. 280.

13 Hunter, Royal Society, pp. 184, 186.

14 Jusserand, A French Ambassador, p. 60.

15 See Letters 156, 162, and Schoneveld, Intertraffic of the Mind, p. 44.

16 Horologium oscillatorium.

17 Huygens's work Traité de la lumière was not published till 1690.

18 KКοσμοθεωρός‎, 1698.

1 College of Arms MS 4 D 14, pp. 89–103.

2 NUL MS Clifton C 312.

3 NUL MS Clifton C 307.

4 College of Arms MS 4 D 14, p. 99.

5 NRO M 462, ii (transcript of Archdeaconry Court of Nottingham proceedings), fo. 260.

6 Blagg and Wadsworth (eds.), Nottinghamshire Marriage Licences, i, p. 137.

7 Ibid., p. 180; Squibb (ed.), Visitation of Nottinghamshire, p. 117.

8 Venn & Venn.

9 NUL MS Clifton C 316.

10 NUL MS Clifton D 1469.

11 Clay (ed.), Yorkshire Royalist Composition Papers, iii, p. 35.

12 Venn & Venn.

13 NUL MS Clifton D 1503.

1 Couturat, La Logique de Leibniz, p. 467.

2 Moll, Der junge Leibniz, i, pp. 42–59.

3 Leibniz, Sämtliche Schriften, ser. 6, i, pp. 21–41 (notes on Stahl, Compendium metaphysicae), esp. pp. 22, 25; ibid., pp. 42–67 (notes on Thomasius, Philosophia practica), esp. pp. 60, 67.

4 Aiton, Leibniz, pp. 21–2.

5 'Profundissimus principiorum in omnibus rebus scrutator Th. Hobbes meritò posuit omne opus mentis nostrae esse computationem' (Sämtliche Schriften, ser. 6, i, p. 194).

6 Ibid., ser. 6, i, pp. 432, 447, 453.

7 'subtilitate sua pene divina' (ibid., ser. 1, i, p. 89 (6/16 Apr. 1670); also p. 108 (11/21 Dec. 1670).

8 J. E. Hofmann, Leibniz in Paris, p. 7 n.

9 Christie's (New York) sale catalogue for 16–17 Dec. 1983, lot 495.

10 Bernstein, 'Conatus, Hobbes and the Young Leibniz', p. 27.

1 Tournier, Les Réfugiés du pays castrais, p. 224 n.

2 ADTG MS II E 757.

3 See de France, Le Temple neuf, pp. 39–41.

4 Tournier, Les Réfugiés du pays castrais, p. 223.

5 ADTG MS II E 757, liasse, 'Transaction entre les prétens faits à l'héredité d'André Martel', fo, 2r.

6 Tournier, Les Réfugiés du pays castrais, pp. 224 n., 329 n., 313 n.; Letter 67 n. 3.

7 Boné, Plaidoyers, part 2, pp. 207–65.

8 Ibid., part 2, p. 216.

9 ADTG MS II E 757.

10 ADTG MS II E 765.

11 ADTG MS II E 757.

12 Tournier says this, but without giving any source (Les Réfugiés du pays castrais, p. 224 n.).

13 ADTG MS 12 GG 12–19, for the years 1607–34; an Aymery Martel, son of the avocat Jean, was baptized in 1622 (MS 12 GG 16, fo. 167v), but probably died in infancy.

14 ADT MS 2E 65/15 (i).

15 This supposition is strengthened by du Verdus's remark that he wished to regard de Martel as an elder brother (Letter 84); du Verdus was born in 1621.

16 BSHPF MS 397/1–2.

17 'Civitatis Castrensis': ADTG MS II E 756, unnumbered items. I have been unable to discover what relation this de Carcavi was to the mathematician Pierre de Carcavi, whose family was originally from Cahors (see Henry, 'Pierre de Carcavy', p. 317).

18 See Letter 78, pp. 253, 262.

19 AN MS TT 255, item XL, p. 865.

20 Pintard, Libertinage, p. 332.

21 LUL MS lat. 279, fo. 41.

22 BN MS f.l. 10352, part 2, fo. 48: [5/] 15 Sept. 1642.

23 Ibid., part 2, fo. 53r: [8/] 18 Oct. 1642.

24 Ibid., part 2, fo. 53v: [29 Oct./] 8 Nov. 1642.

25 Ibid., part 2, fo. 61: [10/] 20 June 1643.

26 Ibid.

27 Ibid., part 1, fo. 56v.

28 Ibid., part 2, fo. 62v: [20/] 30 June 1643.

29 Ibid., part 2, fo. 69v: Bornius to Sorbière, [20/] 30 Oct. 1644.

30 MC xii, pp. 305–6, 345.

31 'praeclarus ille Juvenis, tuique amans' (Disquisitio metaphysica, p. 3).

32 'officiosissimus Martellus, iuuenis sanè omnibus nobis merito magno carissimus' (Gassendi, Opera omnia, vi, p. 174B).

33 MC xii, pp. 360–1.

34 Letter 40.

35 Letter 44.

36 BN MS f.l. 10352, part 1, fo. 106v.

37 Ibid., part 1, fo. 113r.

38 MC xv, p. 524.

39 MC xvi, p. 303.

40 MC xvi, p. 436.

41 See the Biographical Register, 'du Verdus'.

42 Letter 69; Patin, Lettres, ii, pp, 593–4.

43 Devic et al., Histoire de Languedoc, xiii, p. 134; Beik, Absolutism and Society, p. 137.

44 Beik, Absolutism and Society, p. 138.

45 BN MS f.l. 10352, part 1, fo. 235r.

46 Mémoires, part 1, p. 199.

47 De Marolles, Suitte des mémoires, pp. 53–79: Sorbière is 'Aléthophile' and de Martel is 'Philotime' (see the list of contents and p. 142).

48 Letter 117.

49 Letter 137.

50 OC i, pp, 224–31.

51 Letter 67 n. 3.

52 Barbaza, L'Académie de Castres, pp. 38–64.

53 OC i, p. 225.

54 OC i, pp. 389, 402.

55 OC ii, pp. 75–6.

56 Itinerarium, iii, pp. 268–80 (notes taken on [19/] 29 Feb. 1664).

57 Ibid., iii, p. 144.

58 Ibid., e.g. iii, pp. 166, 172.

59 Ibid., iii, pp. 380–2.

60 Ibid., iv, pp. 235–63.

61 Ibid., iii, pp. 383–4.

62 Itinerarium, iv, p. 275.

63 OC ii, p. 458.

64 'accablé d'affaires faschantes' (OC v, p. 480).

65 OC v, p. 481; vi, p. 330; Letter 145 n. 2.

66 'An Extract of a Letter written by Monsieur de Martel', Philosophical Transactions, 5/58 (25 Apr. 1670), pp. 1179–84.

67 'divers Voyages', 'diverses fascheuses distractions' (OC vi, pp. 326, 330).

68 ADTG MS C 356, fo. 343r.

69 His name is absent from the statements of appointments to offices in the local Cour des aides for this period (ADTG MS B 1).

70 ADTG MS C 309, fo. 1r.

71 Ibid., fo. 100r.

72 Contained in AN MS TT 255.

73 Ibid., item XLI.

74 AN MS TT 254, pp. 620–1.

75 ADTG MSS 12 GG 50–4.

76 La France protestante, 1st edn., entry for André Martel.

77 Minet and Minet (eds.), Livre des tesmoignages, p. 191.

78 Les Montalbanais et le réfuge, p. 366 n.

79 Les Réfugiés du pays castrais, p. 224 n.

80 Above, n. 74.

1 Drake, Hasted's Kent, part i, p. 81 n.

2 Venn & Venn.

3 Foster (Venn & Venn incorrectly identify this William Cavendish as the future Earl of Newcastle).

4 Foster.

5 Chatsworth, MS Hardwick 29, p. 38, entry following an entry for 23 Nov. [/3 Dec.]: 'To Hobbes by my Lo: appointment to pay in p[ar]te for a Coach to fetch Mr Wm Cauendishe from Cambridge xxs'.

6 Venn & Venn.

7 CUL MS Mm. 1. 38, p. 270.

8 Ibid., p. 271.

9 Ibid., p. 275.

10 Ibid.

11 DNB (at the end of the entry on another Robert Mason, 1571–1635).

12 Drake, Hasted's Kent, part 1, p. 81 n.

13 Ibid.; Venn & Venn.

14 CSPD 1635, p. 319.

15 CSPD 1636–7, p. 177.

16 Drake, Hasted's Kent, part 1, p. 81 n.

17 Ibid.

1 PRO SP 23/215/41.

2 Foster.

3 Ibid.

4 Angliae notitia, p. 254.

5 CSPD 1637–8, p. 173.

6 PRO SP 23/215/41.

7 [Charles I,] The King's Cabinet opened, pp. 3–4.

8 PRO SP 23/3/92.

9 PRO SP 23/215/47.

10 Ibid.; SP 23/101/89; SP 23/6/140; SP 23/231/69. May received help from Bulstrode Whitelocke in negotiating his composition (Whitelocke, Diary, p. 240 (18 [/28] June)). Whitelocke had been married to May's first cousin Rebecca Benet, who died in 1634.

11 PRO SP 23/101/107.

12 Green (ed.), Calendar of the Committee for Advance of Money, iii, p. 1383.

13 Boyle, Works, v, pp. 274–5.

14 CSPD 1661–2, p. 175.

15 CSPD 1660–1, p. 73.

16 Summerson, Architecture in Britain, pp. 109–11. Hugh May's career is confused with that of his cousin Baptist in the DNB article on the latter.

17 CSPD 1663–4, p. 57.

18 CSPD 1664–5, p. 475.

19 CSPD 1668–9, p. 508.

20 'Select Documents', p. 19.

21 CSPD 1663–4, p. 292. Such services were perhaps more likely to involve procuring than espionage.

22 CSPD 1670, p. 195; a fee of 3s. 4d. was paid for each recognizance entered at the courts.

23 PRO microfilm Prob. 6/45, fo. 93r.

1 Hibbert, Rise and Fall of the Medici, p. 287.

2 Acton, The Last Medici, p. 84.

3 Hoogewerff, De twee reizen van Cosimo, pp. 45–6, 53, 67.

4 Sanchez Rivero and Mariutti de Sanchez Rivero, Viaje de Cosme de Médicis, pp. 26, 85.

5 Ibid., pp. 284, 317–19.

6 Magalotti, Un principe in Inghilterra, p. 46.

7 Ibid., pp. 47, 59–62.

8 Ibid., p. 133.

9 Diary, ix, p. 515.

10 Magalotti, Un principe in Inghilterra, pp. 79–91, 97–110; Raab, English Face of Machiavelli, pp. 218–20.

11 Magalotti, Un principe in Inghilterra, p. 141.

12 Letter 187.

13 Magalotti, Un principe in Inghilterra, p. 237.

14 Hibbert, Rise and Fall of the Medici, p. 296.

15 Crinò, Fatti e figure del seicento, pp. 215, 222.

16 Berkshire Record Office, MS D/EN F8/2, letters 12–43.

17 Hibbert, Rise and Fall of the Medici, pp. 297–8; Acton, The Last Medici, pp. 140–1.

18 Hibbert, Rise and Fall of the Medici, p. 297; Acton, The Last Medici, p. 141.

1 MC xvii, p. 17.

2 Lenoble, Mersenne, p. 17.

3 Ibid., p. 38.

4 Hobbes himself later referred to a discussion with Mersenne and de Beaugrand, in Mersenne's convent, which took place in 1634: see Letter 34.

5 BL MS Harl. 6796, fos. 317–39; see the Biographical Register, 'Payne'.

6 Thomae Hobbes angli vita, p. 5 (OL i, pp. xiv–xv).

7 See my discussion of this missing letter in the Introduction, pp. lii–lv.

8 Hobbes, Anti-White, pp. 44–5.

9 Cogitata, pp. 74–82.

10 Universae geometriae synapsis, pp. 567–89.

11 Ibid., pp. 472–5.

12 'in omni genere Philosophiae versatissimo, viróque optimo' (Thomae Hobbes angli vita, p. 5 (OL i, p, xiv)); 'doctos, sapiens, egregiéque bonus' (Thomae Hobbesii malmes-buriensis vita, p. 7; OL i, p. xci has a different wording here, using the revision by Robert Blackbourne).

13 MC xiii, pp. 216–18, 530.

14 Thomae Hobbes angli vita, p. 9 (OL i, p. xvi).

15 ABL i, pp. 357–8.

1 Combes, Particularités historiques, p. 63.

2 Evelyn, Diary, ii, p. 527.

3 Nayral, Biographie castraise, ii, p. 491.

4 Svendsen, 'Milton and More', p. 799.

5 Ibid., p. 800; A. Bruce, Life of Mortis, p. 19.

6 See the Biographical Register, 'Sorbière'.

7 A. Bruce, Life of Morus, p. 30.

8 Ibid., pp. 68–77.

9 Svendsen, 'Milton and More', p. 799.

10 Morus, Fides publica, pp. 185–6.

11 Milton, Prose Works, viii, pp. 565–70; D. Masson, Life of Milton, iv, pp. 461–75. Aubrey was told by Abraham Hill that the Dutch Ambassador informed Milton of the true authorship of the anonymous work before Milton's reply was printed: the poet's response was that 'Well, that was all one; he having writt it, it should goe into the world; one of them was as bad as the other' (ABL ii, p. 69).

12 A. Bruce, Life of Morus, p. 207.

13 Ibid., pp. 245–7.

14 Diary, iii, pp. 310–11.

15 He was in Paris by June (D. Masson, Life of Milton, vi, p. 422).

16 A. Bruce, Life of Morus, pp. 264–5; see Letter 159 n. 5.

17 Nayral, Biographie castraise, ii, p. 507; Morus, Fragmens des sermons, pp. 415, 461–3.

1 MC x, p. 762; xiii, p. 376.

2 MC xiii, p. 350.

3 MC xiii, pp. 377–80.

4 P. Petit, Observationes aliquot eclipsium, p. 12.

5 HOC i, p. 514.

6 'de visiter roes registres et d'y auoir [recours?] pour vous enuoyer des propositions de dix ou douze ans que vous n'ayez pas encor veues' (HOC i, p. 376, [25 Jan./] 4 Feb. 1656).

7 HOC i, pp. 391, 400, 418, 426.

8 HOC i, pp. 405, 439.

9 HOC i, pp. 439–40.

10 HOC ii, pp. 337–8, 335–6.

11 DSB.

12 HOC iii, pp. 17–18.

1 OC i, p. xxx.

2 Fasti, part 2, col, 197.

3 Chatsworth, MS Hardwick 14, p. 17.

4 English Journal, p. 151.

5 OC i, pp. 63, 73.

6 'sermonem nostrum exteris omnibus, quos ego quidem novi, accuratius ac foelicius addidiceris' (OC i, pp. 33–4).

7 OC i, p. 73.

8 OC i, p. xxxv.

10 Fasti, part 2, col. 197.

11 OC i, p. 225.

12 OC i, p. xxxviii; Sorbière, Relation d'un voyage, p. 73; Biographical Register, 'de Martel'.

13 Bluhm, 'Oldenburg', p. 184.

14 Hunter, Royal Society, p. 166.

15 See the Biographical Register, 'Williamson'.

16 OC vi, pp. 458, 460.

1 Greenslade, 'Falkland Circle', p. 155.

2 PRO microfilm Prob, 11/219, fo. 157r.

3 Foster.

4 Bodl. MSS University College 47–9: these include transcripts of the 'Communia naturalia' and Tractatus de speciebus' (MS 48) and the 'Mathematica' (MS 49, fos. 109–56).

5 Academiae oxoniensis funebria sacra, sig, F1r.

6 Macleane, History of Pembroke, p. 200.

7 Preston, Church of st Nicholas, Abingdon, pp. 445–9.

8 Feingold, Mathematicians' Apprenticeship, p. 75.

9 Bodl. MS Douce f. 5, fo, 6v.

10 Foster.

11 BL MS Add. 70499, fo. 68r.

12 Matthews, Walker Revised, p. 175.

13 'Ex dono nobilissimi Equiti Caroli Cauendysshe Decemb. 18 1631': Bodl. Savile O 9.

14 BL MS Add, 70499, fo. 68r.

15 'His Excellency the Lord Marquis of Newcastle His Opinion concerning the Ground of Natural Philosophy', in Margaret Cavendish, Philosophical and Physical Opinions, p. 461.

16 BL MS Harl. 4955, fo. 203r: printed in Jonson, Works, i, p. 212.

17 Printed in Halliwell (ed.), Collection of Letters, pp, 65, 67–9, The letter printed on pp. 65–6 (from BL MS Add, 4279, fo. 182) is misidentified by Halliwell as a letter from Payne to Warner; it can be shown, on internal evidence, that it was from Payne to John Pell. An undated letter on vision by Warner, BL MS Add. 4395, fos. 116–18, has also been misidentified as a letter to Payne (Kargon, Atomism, p. 36); it can be shown, also on internal evidence, that this letter was from Warner to Sir Charles Cavendish.

18 Halliwell (ed.), Collection of Letters, p. 65.

19 Chatsworth, MS Hobbes E. 2: printed in Pacchi, 'Una "biblioteca ideale" di Hobbes'.

20 Chatsworth, MS Hobbes E, 1: printed in Pacchi, 'Ruggero Bacone e Roberto Grossatesta'.

21 BL MS Harl. 6796, fos. 297–308; printed (ed. Tönnies) in Hobbes, Elements of Law, pp. 297–308, and (ed. Bernhardt) in Hobbes, Court traité des premiers principes, pp. 12–56.

22 Tuck, 'Hobbes and Descartes', pp. 17–18. Unfortunately, Tuck has cited in corroboration of the identification of Payne's hand the letters from Payne to Sheldon in BL MS Add. 4162: these are not in Payne's hand, but transcripts in the hand of Thomas Birch.

23 BL MS Harl. 6796, fos. 309–16.

24 Ibid., fos. 317–39. This and the previous MS are discussed in Jacquot, 'Sir Charles Cavendish and Ms Learned Friends'; cf. also Jacquot's introduction to Hobbes, Anti-White, p. 14 n.

25 Cavendish, Philosophical and Physical Opinions, p. 463.

26 Strong, Catalogue, pp. 55, 237–40: this work, also hitherto attributed to Hobbes, is in Payne's hand.

27 Madan (ed.), 'Robert Burton', p. 219.

28 'Ex dono authoris' (Kiessling, Library of Robert Burton, pp. 134, 302–3).

29 Bodl. Savile Q 9: the letter is tipped in at p. 134.

30 BL MS Harl. 6942, no. 126: 'ye Originall MS. wch I lent you, in Oxf.'

31 Foster.

32 Tyacke, 'Science and Religion at Oxford', p. 59, referring to Christ Church Donors' Book, fo. 94.

33 Letters contained in BL MSS Harl. 6942, Lansdowne 93, Lansdowne 841: printed in 'Illustrations of the State of the Church'.

34 BL MS Harl. 6942, no. 126: printed in 'Illustrations of the State of the Church', p. 171.

35 PRO microfilm Prob. 11/219, fo. 157r; Preston, Church of St Nicholas, Abingdon, p. 111.

36 Matthews, Walker Revised, p. 176.

37 BL MS Harl 6942, fo. 151r; no such bequest features in Payne's will, however.

38 Bodl. Savile O 9.

1 Meller, Armorial, iii, p. 103.

2 See le Vacher de Boisvilie (ed.), Livre des bourgeois, sect, 1, p. 122.

3 ADG MS C 3833; le Vacher de Boisvilie gives May 1648 for this appointment ('Liste des membres du parlement', p. 48). For Arnaud's relation to Jean, see le Vacher de Boisvilie (ed.), Livre des bourgeois, sect, 1, p. 122.

4 AN MC ET/LXXIII/347, for 10 Sept. 1637.

5 Westrich, Ormée, p. 150.

6 'Tous gens séditieux' (Kötting, Die Ormée, pp. 95, 97).

7 'vn Jeune garçon' (Letter 93).

8 Letter 85.

10 Letter 90.

11 'Collationné par moy Conseiller du Roy Audiencier de la Chancellerie de Bordeaux, Secretaire de sa Majesté, PLEAV.'

12 Meller, État-civil, p. 251.

13 ADG MS 3 E 12995, fo. 903v.

14 ADG, Parlement de Bordeaux, 'chambres diverses', 19–28 Sept. 1672, file for 24–5 Sept., fo. 24.

15 ADG, Parlement de Bordeaux, 'arrêts', 1–18 Aug. 1672, file for 9–10 Aug.

16 ADG MS C 2326, fo. 66r.

17 ADG MS 1 B 33, fo, 54r.

1 Pintard, Libertinage, p. 333.

2 Sorbière, Relations, lettres, p. 301.

3 BN MS f.l. 10352, part 1, fos. 23–5.

4 Patin, Lettres, ii, p. 44.

5 MC xii, p. 36.

6 MC xi, p. 171.

7 Gassendi, Opera omnia, vi, p. 481.

8 Ibid., vi, p. 204.

9 Bartholin, Epistolarum centuriae, i, p. 316.

10 BN MS f.l. 10352, part 1, fos. 89v–90r. The most distinguished member of that family, Jan Wolfert van Brederode (1599–1655), married Anna, sister of Count William of Nassau, and was field-marshal of the Dutch army.

11 Ibid., part 1, fo. 90r.

12 Letters 44, 48.

13 BN MS f.l. 10352, part 1, fos. 107v–9.

14 The dedicatory epistle is dated [5/] 15 October, and the work was published in 1648.

15 BN MS f.l. n.a. 1637, fo. 166r.

16 Patin, Lettres, i, pp. 511–12; ii, p. 44.

17 LUL MS BPL 302, fo. 303v. On Moreau see Pintard, Libertinage, pp. 158, 166.

18 BL MS Harl. 6796, fos. 28–49,57–80.

19 Gassendi, Opera omnia, i, sig. iiv.

20 Sorbiere, Relations, lettres, p. 314.

22 'le plein & la fraction indefinie de la matiere estant plus à son vsage que le Vuide & les Atomes' (Sorbière, Relations, lettres, pp. 312–13).

23 Bartholin, Epistolarum centuriae, i, pp. 315–16.

24 Sorbière, Viro clarissimo Pecqueto, p. 6.

25 BN MS f.l. 10352, part 1, fo. 96r.

26 BL MS Harl. 1702.

27 'Livres prestés: A Mr Sorbière, leuiathan' (ibid., fo. 1v).

28 Sorbière, Relations, lettres, p. 301.

29 Haag (ed.), La France protestante, 2nd edn.

1 Haag (ed.), La France protestante, 2nd edn.

2 MC xi, p. 172; a copy of his account of his travels, in Abraham's handwriting, is in BL MS Harl. 6796, fos. 43v–6.

3 Haag (ed.), La France protestante, 2nd edn.

4 Relation d'un voyage, p. 174.

5 BL MS Harl. 6750, fo. 213v.

6 Ibid., fos. 111r, 98v.

7 Ibid., fo. 153r.

8 BL MS Harl. 1589, fo. 3v.

9 Gassendi, Opera omnia, vi, p. 533.

10 Chatsworth, MS Hardwick 14, entries for May 1657.

12 'Il auoit desia veu presque toute l'Europe auec Mylord Candisch' (Relation d'un voyage, p. 174).

13 Chatsworth, MS Hardwick 33, p. 118.

16 Sorbière, Relation d'un voyage, pp. 174–5.

17 BL MS Harl. 1595.

18 Sorbière, Relation d'un voyage, p. 174; Guilloton, 'Autour de la Relation', pp. 27–8.

20 Harris, Life of Sandwich, i, p. 235.

22 Bodl. MS Carte 223, fos. 77–8.

23 Bodl. MS Carte 223, fo. 67.

24 Ibid., fo. 87r.

25 Ibid., fo. 94r; Letter 168.

26 Bodl. MS Carte 223, fos. 90–100.

27 Ibid., fos. 98–9; Lomas (ed.), 'Memoirs of Courthop', p. 151.

28 Diary, viii, p. 276.

29 Harris, Life of Sandwich, ii, p. 173.

30 Bodl. MS Carte 223, fos. 101, 107–8.

31 Chatsworth, MS Hardwick 16, entry for that date.

32 Chatsworth, MS Hardwick 36, entry for that date.

33 Chatsworth, MS Hardwick 16, half-yearly wage payments for that period.

34 Chatsworth, MS Hardwick 19, entry for that date.

36 BL MS Harl. 6750, fo. 153r.

37 Ibid., fo. 251.

38 BL MS Harl. 1595, fos. 28–30.

39 BL MS Sloane 939, fos. 76v, 12r, 25r.

40 Shaw (ed.), Letters of Denization, p. 226.

1 Foster.

2 Ibid.; Hamilton, Hertford College, p. 118.

3 Ibid., p. 158.

4 A. Wood, Life and Times, i, p. 415. In the following year Wilkinson was ejected, to be replaced by Dr James Hyde.

5 Athenae, iii, col. 626.

6 Foster.

7 For a detailed description of a medieval English devotional manuscript owned by Pullen (and acquired or inherited by him from Thomas Barlow), see Hearne, Remarks and Collections, ii, pp, 375–7.

8 Hamilton, Hertford College, p. 123.

9 Remarks and Collections, v, p. 8. Foster gives his age as 81.

1 Foster asserts this, though DNB says there is no record of him in the Middle Temple register.

2 [Cokayne,] Complete Peerage.

3 Laud's letters to Scudamore, 1622–8, are printed in Trevor-Roper, Archbishop Laud, pp. 437–56.

4 Lewin, Lord Scudamore, p. 3.

5 Ibid., pp. 7–9; Trevor-Roper, Archbishop Laud, pp. 95–6.

6 BL MS Adds. 35097 and 45142.

7 Masson, Life of Milton, i, p. 700.

8 Lewin, Lord Scudamore, p. 12.

9 Milton, Prose Works, iv, p. 615.

1 Venn & Venn.

2 Ibid.

3 Ibid.

4 Antiquities of Nottinghamshire, pp. 119–20.

5 Shipman, Carolina, sig. A7r.

6 Godfrey, Shipman, p. 4.

7 Carolina, p. 217.

8 Ibid., p. 140.

9 Godfrey, Four Nottinghamshire Dramatists, pp. 6–8.

1 Jongmans et al., Les Sluse, pp. 17–19.

2 See le Paige, 'Correspondance', p. 445.

3 Jongmans et al., Les Sluse, p. 47.

4 Ibid., p. 48.

5 A small selection of his letters is published in le Paige, 'Correspondance'. A full listing is given in Bernés and Lefebvre, 'La Correspondance'.

6 HOC ii, p. 36 n.

7 Sorbière, Relation d'un voyage, pp. 229–30, describing his visit to de Sluse and praising his wisdom and good nature.

8 Ibid., pp. 230–1.

9 BN MS f.l. 10352, part 2, fo. 190r: de Sluse to Sorbière, [27 May/] 6 June 1664.

10 ibid., part 1, fo. 360v: Sorbière to de Sluse, [25 Jan./] 4 Feb, 1665.

11 Letter 165, enclosure.

12 'Exprimere verbis non possum, quo animi sensu Clar.mi Hobbij Epistolam legerim […]. Virum enim alioqui doctissimum non excellere in Mathematicis satis agnoueram, sed adeo ἀγεωμέτρητον‎ esse nunquam mihi persuasissem' (BN MS f.l. 10352, part 2, fo. 180v: [18/] 28 Jan. 1664).

13 Ibid., part 1, fo. 331r: [2/] 12 Feb. 1664.

14 'Scriptiunculam ab Hobbio super hac re recens editam expecto' (ibid., part 1, fo. 354r).

15 'Scriptiunculam Clarmi Hobbij non vidi, et dolerem si me rursús ad respondendum prouocaret' (ibid., part 2, fo. 194v: [17/] 27 Oct. 1664).

16 HOC v, pp. 131–4.

17 HOC v, pp. 175, 196, 225, 235.

18 OC iii, pp. 338–9.

19 De Sluse, 'An Extract of a Letter'.

20 De Sluse, 'Excerpta'; also in OC ix, pp. 218–21.

21 Hunter, Royal Society, pp. 214, 155.

22 Jongmans et al., Les Sluse, pp. 69–109.

23 Le Laboureur, Avantages de la langue françoise, 2nd edn.

1 Not 1610, as some previous writers have thought (see Pintard, Libertinage, pp. 334, 627).

2 BN MS f.l. 10352, part 2, fo. 11v.

3 Pintard, Libertinage, p. 335.

4 BN MS f.l. 10352, part 1, fos. 13–17.

5 Pintard, Libertinage, pp. 335, 627. They were corresponding as early as [June/] July 1639 (BN MS f.l. 10352, part 1, fos. 1–2).

6 Sorbière, Discours sur sa conversion, p. 11.

7 Pintard, Libertinage, p. 336; BN MS f.l. 10352, part 2, fo. 31r.

8 Pintard, Libertinage, p. 337.

9 BN MS f.l. 10352, part 2, fos. 41, 43.

10 Pintard, Libertinage, p. 338.

11 'Paucula quae cursiro legimus per horae quadrantem mirè animum nostrum affecere' (BN MS f.l. 10352, part 1, fo. 49r).

12 Pintard, Libertinage, pp. 339, 628–9.

13 BN MS f.l. 10352, part 1, fo. 56v.

14 Ibid., part 1, fos. 42v, 63–4.

15 Ibid., part 1, fos. 103, 112r.

16 Blok, 'Drie brieven', p. 4.

17 Pintard, Libertinage, p. 339.

18 LUL MS BPL 302, fo. 285v, [2/] 12 Sept. 1644: 'je m'occupe tout entier aux estudes de Medecine, & de la langue Flamande'.

19 Pintard, Libertinage, pp. 339–40, 342, 629; BN MS f.fr. 3930, fos, 236–7.

20 LUL MS BPL 885: to Justus Ryckwaert, [27 Jan./] 6 Feb. 1646.

21 BN MS f.l. 10352, part 2, fo. 79r.

22 BN MS f.ff. 2390, part 2, fo. 124v.

23 G. Cohen, Écrivains français en Hollande, p. 349.

24 Elemens philosophiques du citoyen: the dedicatory epistle is dated [10/] 20 July 1649. Sorbière sent a copy to André Rivet (via Bornius) in Sept. 1649; in Nov. he reported that some people at The Hague were proposing to have the book banned; and later that month he received criticisms of the book from Rivet too (LUL MS BPL 302, fos. 287r, 291r, 293r).

25 S. Petit, Diatriba.

26 Blok, 'Drie brieven', p. 6.

27 Les Vrayes Causes des dernières troubles d'Angleterre.

28 Discours sur sa conversion, p. 183.

29 Ibid., p. 13.

30 'un des miracles de nos jours qui sont plutôt politiques et économiques que méthaphysiques' (Patin, Lettres, iii, pp. 24–5).

31 J.-P. Nicéron, Mémoires, iv, pp. 84, 87.

32 Avis a un icune medecin, pp. 75, 64–5.

34 Discussed in Blok, 'Drie brieven'.

35 J.-P. Nicéron, Mémoires, iv, p. 87.

36 'auec son bonnet plat sur la teste, comme s'il y auoit mis son porte-feuïlle' (Relation d'un voyage, p. 100).

37 Ibid., p. 97.

38 Guilloton, 'Autour de la Relation', p. 5.

39 KBK MS Thott 357 8° ('Pièces qui concernent le voyage de Sorbiere. Tirées des Archives du Departement des Affaires Etrangeres à Coppenhague'), de Saulmeyer's reports of [23 June/] 3 July and [30 June/] 10 July 1064 (3rd and 4th items (unfoliated)).

40 Ibid., 4th item (unfoliated).

41 'cette audacieuse & imprudente Satyre' (Arrêt du conseil d'estat, pp. 4–5).

42 Ravaisson, Archives de la Bastille, iii, pp. 425–7.

43 Ibid., iii, p. 429.

44 J.-P. Nicéron, Mémoires, iv, p. 87.

45 Ibid., iv, pp. 96–7.

46 Blok, 'Drie brieven', p. 9.

47 Avis a un ieune medecin.

48 Sorberiana, p. xii2.

1 Athenae, iii, col. 1067.

2 Horae subsecivae and Miscellanea epigrammata.

3 Athenae, iii, col. 1068.

4 Ibid.

5 Jacob, Henry Stubbe, p. 10.

8 Cawdrey, Independencie a Great Schism.

9 Clamor, rixa, p. 1.

10 Bodl. MS Savile 104, fo. 1r.

11 Sig. **2v.

12 Madan, Oxford Books, iii, pp. 96–7.

13 p. 156.

14 Hereford and Worcester Record Office, Subscription book 1 (732.1 BA 2736), fo. 2r.

15 Holt, Seventeenth-Century Defender of Islam, p. 15.

16 Jacob, Henry Stubbe, pp. 46–7.

17 Stubbe, The Miraculous Conformist.

18 Legends no Histories; A Censure upon certain Passages.

19 Campanella Revived (1670); A Reply unto the Letter (1671).

20 This was appended to his Epistolary Discourse concerning Phlebotomy (1671).

21 Jacob, Henry Stubbe, pp. 65, 76.

22 Letter 201.

23 BL MS Sloane 35.

24 ABL i, p. 371.

1 Foster; hence the approximate date of birth inferred here.

2 Christ Knocking at the Doore, sig. A2r.

3 Aylmer, State's Servants, pp. 63–4.

4 The earliest document in which he appears in this role is dated 30 Sept. [/10 Oct.] 1652; PRO SP 23/81, fo. 425r.

5 PRO SP 18/96/25.

6 A printed copy of the Act, paginated 153–8, is PRO SP 18/41/26; here p. 157.

7 PRO SP 18/94/16.

8 PRO SP 18/71/33.

9 PRO SP 18/96/25.

10 CSPD Commonwealth, viii, p. 122.

11 Christ Knocking at the Doore, sig. A2.

12 Christ Knocking at the Doore, sig. A2v.

13 Ibid., sig. A3v.

14 Ibid., p. 40.

15 Aylmer, State's Servants, pp. 64, 142–3.

16 Seymour, Puritans in Ireland, p. 171. Seymour notes that, according to documents in the Irish Public Record Office, Tanny had previously been first an Episcopalian, then a Seventh-day Baptist.

17 Nicolson (ed.), Conway Letters, p. 159 n.

18 Ibid., p. 261.

19 Berwick (ed.), Rowdon Papers, p. 416.

1 Meller, Armorial, i, p. 134.

2 AMB MS Drouyn 275, pp. 149–50.

3 See le Vacher de Boisvilie (ed.), Livre des bourgeois, sect. 1, p. 11.

4 Meller, Armorial, i, p. 134.

5 Boscheron des Portes, Histoire du parlement de Bordeaux, i, pp. 339–45.

6 ADG MS 1 B 18, fo. 180v.

7 Letter 78.

8 ADG MS 1 B 19, fo. 321v.

9 AMB MS Drouyn 275, p. 179.

10 Ibid., pp. 177–8, 191.

11 Letter 78.

12 Ibid.; BNC MS Gal. 151, fo. 89v, printed in Torricelli, Opere, iii, p. 211; Boutruche (ed.), Bordeaux, pp. 408–9.

13 'pour achever de s'eslever aux lettres et bonnes moeurs' (AMB MS Drouyn 275, pp. 185–6).

14 MC x, pp. 833–5.

15 MC xiii, p. 14.

16 BN MS f.fr. n.a. 5175, fos. 54–64: see the account of this MS by Alan Gabbey in MC xiii, p. 350.

17 Boncompagni, 'Intorno ad alcune lettere', p. 375; MC xiii, p. 350; the Académie's MS copy of these lectures is also annotated by Roberval: Archives de l'académie des sciences, Paris, procès-verbaux, iii, fos. 175–256.

18 Académie des sciences, Divers ouvrages, pp. 67–111; Roberval, Ouvrages de mathématique, pp. 1–70. The MS used as copy for this printing, also identified by Alan Gabbey, is Archives de l'académie des sciences, Paris, carton 5, fonds Roberval 28 (formerly carton 8, chemise 4), This has annotations by Roberval, Mersenne, Mylon, and de La Hire (MC xiii, p. 350).

19 BNC MS Gal. 151, fo. 92v: printed in Torricelli, Opere, iii, p. 182.

20 'propositionem universalem tangentium […] vulgavimus circa annum 1636. Extant adhuc, & circumferuntur hac de re lectiones nostrae a nobilissimo D. du Verdus nostro discipulo collectas, atque a multis exscriptae' (Roberval, Ouvrages de mathématique, p. 370).

21 BN MS f.fr. 9119, fos. 409–64; here fo. 450r. Again, see Alan Gabbey's comments on this MS in MC xiii, pp. 350–1. Another MS, corresponding closely to this one, is LUL MS Vossianus Gallus Q 6.

22 'De la Teroide ou Aisle, de Monsr hobs'; 'Voicy la façon dont Monsr hobs se sert pour descrire cette ligne' (BN MS f.fr. 9119, fos. 451v–3r; here fo. 451v).

23 MC xiii, pp. 14, 135, 139.

24 Letter 170; see the Biographical Register, 'Digby'.

25 BNC MS Gal. 151, fos. 89–102, printed in Boncompagni, 'Intorno ad alcune lettere', pp. 442–56, and Torricelli, Opere, iii, pp. 172–321.

26 BNC MS Gal. 151, fo. 92v: Torricelli, Opere, iii, p. 182.

27 BNC MS Gal, 151, fos. 94, 100–2: Torricelli, Opere, iii, pp. 184–5, 314–6, 320–1.

28 Torricelli, Opere, iii, p. 350.

29 BNC MS Gal. 151, fo. 89: Torricelli, Opere, iii, pp. 210–12.

30 BNC MS Gal. 151, fos. 89v, 97: Torricelli, Opere, iii, pp. 211, 217; MC xiii, pp. 177–81.

31 Pascal, Œuvres, ed. Brunschvicg and Boutroux, iii, p. 275; de Waard, L'Expérience barométrique, pp. 115–16; Beaulieu, 'Torricelli et Mersenne', pp. 44–6.

32 AMB MS Drouyn 275, p. 187.

33 See the Biographical Register, 'de Martel'; MC xvi, pp. 303–4; cf. xiv, p. 425.

34 Gabbey, 'The Bourdelot Academy', p. 93. Pierre Le Gallois included du Verdus in his list of those who had attended Bourdelot's 'academy' in Paris in the 1640s (Conversations de l'académie, p. 56).

35 I have to disagree here with Pintard, Libertinage, p. 356.

36 Hobbes, Six Lessons, p. 59 (EW vii, p. 343). Hobbes was clearly on good terms with Roberval by Apr. 1645, when he procured a geometrical demonstration from him for John Pell (see Hervey, 'Hobbes and Descartes', p. 74).

37 'depuis mon retour d'Italie ie n'ay rien gouté come nostre pyrronisme' (MC xvi, p. 303).

38 Pintard, Libertinage, p. 356.

39 'si desabusez des erreurs populaires' (de Marolles, Mémoires, part 1, p. 276).

40 Letter 78 n. 16.

41 'les autres Traductions qu'il a faites de chose de Philosophie' (Hobbes, Elemens de la politique, 1st edn., sig. Ff3r).

42 Letter 68.

43 Letters 66, 68.

44 De Marolles, Mémoires, part 1, p. 199.

45 Letter 71.

46 Letter 67.

47 Letter 75.

48 Hobbes, Elemens de la politique, 1st edn., sig. i3v.

49 I have not found this 1665 edition in any French library; there is a copy in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich, pressmark Ph. u. 256.

50 Letter 163.

51 Desgraves, La Vie intellectuelle, pp. 103–6; Courteault, 'Une académie des sciences à Bordeaux'.

52 Courteault, 'Une académie des sciences', pp. 150–1. Courteault writes that Jean d'Espagnet attended these gatherings, but this must be an error: Jean d'Espagnet was born in 1564. The date of his death is not known; he is known to have been living in 1637, but can hardly have been active nearly thirty years later.

53 ADG MS 3 E 12995, fo. 903v.

54 Ibid., fo. 903v; Courteault, 'Une académie des sciences à Bordeaux', p. 151.

55 Ibid., p. 15; Perrault, 'Voyage à Bordeaux', p. 193.

56 ADG MS 3 E 12995, fo. 903v.

57 See le Vacher de Boisvilie et al, (eds.), Inventaire sommaire, iii, p. 411.

58 ADG MS 3 E 12995, fos. 902–9.

59 'Dieu m'auoit donné des Amis, et Il me les a ôtés: Ils m'ont laissé: je les laisse, et n'en fais point mention' (ibid., fo. 902v).

60 'Ce qu'a fait pour moy Madame Pitard […] et ce qu'on luy a fait souffrir, à mon occasion' (ibid.).

61 'tous mes autres Livres, avec mes Globes, et Sphères' (ibid., fo. 903v). This legatee was possibly connected with François Peleau, whose brother married a Cathèrine du Val (Meller, État-civil, p. 251). But Peleau himself is not mentioned in du Verdus's will.

62 Lopès, L'Église metropolitaine Sainct-André, i, pp. 5–66.

63 'je les prie de voyr Eus deus seuls ces Ecrits, d'en garder ce qu'ils jugeront que puisse servir, d'en rendre en main propre a autruy ce qu'ils jugeront que j'y eusse destiné, et brûler le reste' (ADG MS 3 E 12995, fo. 903V).

64 'pour obeir a la seule Persone du Monde à qui je peusse me soumetre' (ibid., fo. 904r).

65 ADG, Parish of Saint-Michel, summary of register, 'décès', 1654–1792, 593133.

66 AMB MS Drouyn 275, pp. 191–2.

67 Boscheron des Portes, Histoire du parlement de Bordeaux, ii, p. 233.

68 Lopès, L'Église metropolitaine Sainct-André, i, p. 66.

69 'Les Frères et sœurs du chanoine Lopès', n. 5.

70 Robertson, Hobbes, p. 236 n.; Bigot, 'Une lettre inédite'.

1 Stockdale, Life of Waller, p. xii.

2 ABL ii, p. 275.

3 History, ii, p. 370.

4 ABL ii, p. 275.

5 Stockdale, Life of Waller, p. xlvii.

6 Letter 39.

7 ABL ii, p. 277.

8 OCC Evelyn correspondence, Letters to Evelyn, nos. 1340–8: a sequence of letters from Waller to Evelyn, from Rouen or Dieppe, between those dates. The claim by E. Riske ('Waller in Exile') that Waller and Evelyn were both in Italy from Jan. to Mar. 1646 must be an error.

9 Hunter, Royal Society, pp. 168–9.

10 Waller, Works, p. lxxviii.

11 ABL i, p. 372.

12 Bodl. MS Aubrey 9, fo. 54v.

13 Stockdale, Life of Waller, p. lx.

1 Foster.

2 Sainty, Officials, p. 117.

3 Diary, iv, pp. 38–9.

4 OC iii, p. xxvii.

5 Ibid., iii, pp. xxviii, 444–5; McKie, 'The Arrest of Oldenburg'.

6 DNB; the date given in Millington, Sir Joseph Williamson, p. 11, is wrong.

7 Diary, iv, p. 35 (6 [/16] Feb. 1663).

8 Hunter, Royal Society, pp. 178–9.

9 OQC MS 42, pp. 233–8, 145–9.

10Ibid., pp. 110, 147, 233–8, 269–75.

1 Life and Times, i, p. 144.

2 Ibid., i, pp. 182–3.

3 DNB.

4 Life and Times, i, p. 209.

5 Hunter, Aubrey, p. 73.

6 Bodl. MS Ballard 14, fo. 98r.

7 A. Wood, Life and Times, ii, p. 293.

8 Bodl. MS Ballard 14, fo. 102r.

9 Ibid., fo. 103r (Aubrey to Wood, 2 [/12] July 1674).

10 Bodl. MS Wood F 40, fo, 188r, printed in Bongaerts, Correspondence of Thomas Blount, p. 150.

11 Bodl. MS Ballard 14, fo. 110r (Aubrey to Wood, 26 Aug. [/5 Sept.] 1674).

12 ii, sig. Pppppp, entitled 'Editor Lectori'.

13 Bodl. MS Ballard 14, fo, 119r (Aubrey to Wood, 29 Aug. [/8 Sept.] 1676).

14 Bodl. MS Wood F 40, fos. 79v–80, printed in Pritchard, 'Last Days of Hobbes', pp. 183–4.

15 Bodl. MS Ballard 14, fos. 124v–31r.

16 Ibid., fo. 131r.

logo-footer Copyright © 2018. All rights reserved.
Access is brought to you by Log out