pg 143The Commentariespg 144
pg 145The commentaries
1. A sermon preached at Greenwich Aprill 30. 1615.
Text. F26, X1r-Y4v (no. 11, 153–68). There are no other witnesses. PS record seven purported stop-press vars. in copies that they identify as either 'corr[ected].' or, awkwardly, as 'originally' (i. 321–3), meaning uncorrected; none of these vars. has been found in collation for this edition, nor are they included in PS's 'List of Variants in Copies of XXVI Sermons' (x. 410–13). All vars. recorded here are therefore corrections made independently by PS or myself. I correct here more than fifty simple typesetting errors, usually in agreement with PS (though I refrain from some modernizations not required by the standards of this edition). Surely correctly identified by PS is the loss of text, perhaps whole lines, at ll. 205 and 319 (see cmts). This, however, could be the fault of eyeskip by the scribe of the MS copy rather than that of the typesetter, and encourages further thought about the reasons for the mistakes by the latter. Some errors are simply skipped, transposed, turned, or incorrect letters ('oppotunity', l. 176; 'enongh', l. 337; 'graee', l. 404 tns). Some others show probable difficulty with scribal letter forms, which could have been resolved with attention to sense ('sute' for 'sale', l. 203; 'past' for 'part', l. 240 tns). And the several egregious errors made with Lat. (ll. 48, 80, 91, 247, 361, tns) show that the setter (or again, possibly, the scribe) was not latinate in any attentive way. However, several errors further suggest a MS not carefully revised by D, and thus perhaps closer to delivery than heavily revised texts like those in F80 and F50: 'yet' for 'it' (l. 33 tn) probably derives from the original spelling 'yt'; lower-case proper nouns and first words in main clauses ('christians', l. 25; 'seba', l. 366; 'if' l. 262, tns) suggest hasty indistinction; and unpunctuated contractions ('thats', 'shoudst', ll. 481, 490) suggest orality. Even clearer evidence of unrevised copy are the marginalia, which are not only minimal in quantity but, for those citations that are provided, minimal in kind. Many direct scriptural quotations go uncited, and every one of those that is receives only a book and chapter reference, without verse. Note also the unconventional abbrv. of two proper nouns in the main text (ll. 439, 484, cmts), strongly suggestive of unrevised copy. Structural markers are exceptionally few (simply 'Divisio' '2 Part.', and three thematic key-words or phrases, in Lat. and Eng., ital. and rom., and none numbered, ll. 119, 131, 257, 494, in marg.), and the only extra-biblical source given marginal notice is author-only ('Seneca', l. 237 in marg.). Finally, the marginal error of 'Amos 3' for 'Joel 3' (l. 500 in marg.), seems inexplicable as a typesetter's or copyist's error, but rather the slip of the author when quickly jotting a short-form reference to a very short OT book (Joel) very easily confused with another immediately adjacent (Amos). All of these point to a MS c-t that had not been prepared to the print-reading standard encountered in the quartos published during D's lifetime, or in F80 and F50. Further, the fact that this text is even lighter on documentation and orthographical sophistication than many of those sermons that survive in contemporary MSS suggests that it was never prepared for MS circulation, being instead (perhaps) D's own draft. For further stylistic evidence to support this view, see Headnote..
Headnote. This is D's earliest surviving sermon; for its place in the sequence of events following from his ordination on 23 Jan. 1615 see Introduction. The sermon's date has never been questioned, as Apr. was for D's entire ordained life his month of service at court as a royal chaplain, and 30 Apr. 1615 was a Sun. (the third after Easter). Less straightforward is the place pg 146of preaching, at least since PS rejected all previous assumptions and made a lengthy case for the sermon's having been preached in Greenwich parish church, and not in the royal palace there (i. 115–17); this view was uncritically accepted by Bald (312). I find PS's argument unconvincing, and have set out elsewhere a case for the sermon's delivery at court (see Further reading). In brief, that was based on: (1) 'at Greenwich' without exception referring to court in printed sermon titles of the period; (2) Apr. as D's unchanging month of service at court; (3) the appearance of this sermon in F26, by PS's own description a 'Whitehall [i.e. court] volume'; and (4) that within F26 this sermon sits squarely as the tenth of sixteen court sermons which open the volume (the remainder being sermons preached elsewhere).
PS's case rests entirely on two things: first, their deep investment in an evolutionary view of D's preaching career, beginning with a hesitant period of pulpit apprenticeship; and, second, a reading of the sermon as inappropriate for court, and in particular for Queen Anne. To address the first: D's alleged early avoidance of great pulpits and the delivery of this sermon at court are not necessarily mutually exclusive. Greenwich, in the first instance, lacked the prominence of Whitehall, not least because of its distance from Westminster and the City. During Eastertide, James only occasionally, and then only briefly, visited Greenwich, before taking up residence there for Whitsuntide, while his queen consort (who in 1615 refurbished the palace at some expense) and her entourage constituted a smaller, more intimate resident household. But Anne's attendance at the sermon, so central to PS's account, need not be assumed either. Sermon titles (both D's and others) are usually very reliable for distinguishing between delivery 'before the King' (or queen; cf. this vol., Sermon 4) and 'at Court' or at a named palace, simply meaning there physically, but not in the royal presence. Anne, according to Chamberlain, had been ill in early Apr. (Chamberlain, ii. 593). Exactly one week before D's sermon—Sun. 23 Apr., St George's Day—there was a flurry of activity at court in London surrounding the annual feast of the Order of the Garter, including the admission of two new knights (Viscount Fenton and Baron Knollys) at Whitehall, and on the 24th the creation of the new favourite, George Villiers, as first a Gentleman of the King's Bedchamber and then, at the queen's Somerset (or Denmark) House, a knight. The next day James retired to his Cambridgeshire hunting lodges until May (John Nichols, The Progresses … of King James the First, 4 vols. (1828), iii. 79–82). The rump of the court presumably retired to Greenwich with Anne, where she perhaps simply did not attend sermon on 30 Apr.
PS argue that the sermon with its 'continual analogies and applications to buying and selling, the laws regarding prodigals, and such matters, seems intended … for a congregation of practical men in trade or business' (i. 117). It may simply be shifting the argument to point out that trade, prodigality, and inheritance were matters hardly foreign to courtiers, or that D's legal vocabulary (taken entirely from Roman, not English, law) might have been more apt for the Inns of Court. But several exempla point squarely to an auditory more elite than 'men in trade or business' or the law. The first is D's comparison of God's gift of temporal blessings to the sun's generative effect upon gold (ll. 420–5 and cmt). Here the highest ranking solar body and metal surely correspond by analogy to the highest ranking men and women, 'who have had Gods continual sun-shine upon them, in a prosperous fortune' and are 'the purer, and the more refined mettall'. (It is even tempting to see in this—and in D's warning that if tribulations test the gold of favour then 'thy dross needed this vehemence', ll. 428–9—a possible allusion to Robert Carr, Earl of Somerset, and Sir George Villiers, as at precisely this moment the latter was supplanting the former as the king's favourite.) Second is the catalogue of symbols of dignity at ll. 330–1; not only are these so appropriate for court that their application elsewhere seems dubious, but also they would have been even more so in a week that not only had the court gasping at the promotion of Villiers, but also saw the display of 'Maces', 'Staves', and colourful 'Ensignes of power and Office' marshalled for the Garter feast. Further, D's almost gratuitous anecdote about Muscovites (ll. 206–9 and cmt) gains court applicability in light pg 147of Chamberlain's notice (i. 594) that early in Apr. 'Sir John Merricke went extraordinarie ambassador into Moscovie'.
But on balance, D's sermon is about neither courtly ambition nor material wealth. Rather, it is a solid, thoughtful exposition of the most fundamental of Christian doctrines: Christ's redemption of mankind, and the paradox of prodigally wasting the same by succumbing to temptation. The whole is dominated in tone by the irony of the chosen biblical text itself, and shows a firm command of elite sermon structure. The exordtum and sum of the text is comparatively long (ll. 6–118), though not unusual for D, and in it he set himself to cover nothing less than 'a model … of the miserable condition of man, and the abundant mercy of our Redeemer' (ll. 119–20). D then pursues a simple bipartite thematic division of the verse into God's 'exprobation' and 'consolation' (ll. 126–7), an example in his earliest surviving sermon of his career-long commitment to balancing condemnation of sin and the threat of damnation with the compensating promise of salvation and eternal life in heaven. Also already present is his habit of masterfully, some might say evasively, asserting both a confident assurance of election and a warning that it can be compromised by unrepented sin (ll. 454, 550–7, and cmts).
PS present this sermon as evidence of D's early 'immaturity in preaching', resting their case on perceived contradictions in argument and a disappointingly unemotive second part (i. 118–20). For their example of the first, see ll. 156–7 and cmt. Another may be the awkward possibility of heterodoxy at l. 177 (see cmt). But these, together with the clear cases of textual corruption and evidence of an unrevised state used as copy, suggest that some of what PS criticize as immature may in fact be due to text that is, or is very close to, unrevised authorial copy. This would of course mean that this text is closer to the oral version that D actually delivered, which in turn may even address PS's second complaint that the concluding part of the sermon is 'less effective' (i. 120). Not insignificantly, it is this same passage (ll. 509 to the end) which prompts PS to worry that 'the punctuation … is somewhat confusing to a reader', but yet 'rhetorically effective' (i. 323). The punctuation is indeed extremely light and even erratic (something true throughout the sermon), which again argues for an unrevised text. But, further, this passage can be studied for possible examples of argument that itself is underdeveloped, such as the choppy progress of the hypothetical case of a man praying that 'the Son of God might come down and dye for his sins' (ll. 518–24). Here is certainly evidence of how a text could, through inflection in delivery, convey a clearer (and perhaps more emotive) sense than is appreciable in reading, but perhaps also evidence of a skeletal form that might have been fleshed out in the pulpit.
Sources. D first quotes his text from AV; however, subsequent internal quotations of it and other Scripture are without exception Geneva, with occasional recourse to Vulg. Otherwise D's sources are typically eclectic, the sermon being governed by no one interpretative tradition of his text beyond the commonplaces available in VG. Most prominent for use as thematic topics are Hebr. diction, and legal vocabulary. Two instances of the former appear (ll. 47, 109), as always in D, transliterated; the meanings of a third are discussed extensively (see ll. 91–9 and cmt[s]) but the Hebr. word itself is not actually mentioned (further possible evidence of the unrevised state of the c-t). The definitions of these words were readily available in any number of Hebr.-Lat. dictionaries and polyglot Bibles. The discussion of prodigality and inheritance is keyed exclusively to Roman law, none of which applied in the contemporary English context; all references to it are documented below from the foundational legal texts, which D would have known intimately from study at the Inns of Court. Patristic references are more frequent than is recognized by PS (not only Augustine, but also Jerome, Ambrose, Tertullian, Bernard of Clairvaux, Origen, Chrysostom, and possibly Gregory the Great), but provide only brief exemplary matter, which is not given sustained treatment. Controversial engagement with pg 148Roman Catholicism is limited to passing slights against transubstantiation (ll. 115–17 cmt) and Robert Bellarmine on free will (ll. 388–90 cmt). There is an echo of the famous 'bell' passages in Devotions (see l. 335 and cmt), and an appearance of the Gr. word that gave D the title for Biathanatos (ll. 137–8 cmt). The colourful recourse to witch lore yields, if not exact quotation, then at least passages noticeably parallel to those in King James's 1597 Daemonologie (ll. 280–1, 317–18, 480–4, cmts). D's attention to witchcraft and pacts with the devil might invite comparison with Ben Jonson's The Devil Is an Asse (1616) and Marlowe's Doctor Faustus (1604 and 1616); for a particularly suggestive intersection between the latter and D's use of Roman law, see ll. 160–2 cmt.
Further reading. Beyond PS (i. 115–20), this sermon has attracted little critical attention. For place of preaching, see Peter McCullough, 'Donne as Preacher at Court: Precarious "Inthronization"', in David Colclough (ed.), John Donne's Professional Lives (Cambridge, 2003), 179–204; and McCullough, 'Donne and Court Chaplaincy', in Jeanne Shami, Dennis Flynn, and M. Thomas Hester (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of John Donne (Oxford, 2011), chap. 33, 1. This sermon benefits from study with this vol., Sermon 2, as both treat the pastoral and moral paradox of avoiding something (sin) towards which one is naturally drawn; this paradox and D's Augustinian response to it in both sermons, are well treated in Gillian R. Evans, 'John Donne and the Augustinian Paradox of Sin', RES, new ser., 33 (1982), 1–22.
6–7. Esay … money: Isa. 52: 3 (AV).
11–13. first … Cyrus: the captive exile of Judah in Babylonia, ended by Cyrus of Persia's proclamation for the Jews' return to Jerusalem (2 Chron. 26; Ezra 1); cf. VG (Lyra's postil, in loc. Isa. 52): 'Aliqui expositores catholici exponunt istud capitatum de liberatione populi Iudaici de Babylone facta per Cyrum' ('All the catholic interpreters expound this chapter as about the liberation of the Jewish people brought about by Cyrus').
14–15. persecutions … Constantine: early ('primitive') Christians in the Roman Empire were persecuted until the emperor Constantine's conversion (312–13 ce); Lyra (VG, see prev. cmt) interprets Isa. 52: 1–3 as a prophecy of Constantine's cessation of the persecution of Christians.
16. sting … sin: cf. 1 Cor. 15: 56; Gal. 4: 3–5, 5: 1.
17–18. Redeemer … Jesus: cf. Gal. 3: 13–14.
18. Chaldee Paraphrase: Aramaic interpretative paraphrases of the Hebr. scriptures, or Targums (lit., 'translations'), first made during the Babylonian exile.
18. Jewish Rabbins: rabbinical commentators, mostly medieval, on Hebr. scriptures.
19–22. they … Messias: Lyra (VG, in loc. Isa. 52) cites Rashi, or Rabbi Solomon Ben Isaac ('Ra. Sal.'), who interprets the chapter not only as referring to the Babylonian exile ('non dicuntur nisi super captivitatem Edom'), but also to the future deliverance of the Jews by a kingly Messiah ('per regem Messiam'); Lyra then summarizes and counters Rashi's arguments that the Messiah is not Jesus Christ.
29. not … Magistrate: D carefully portrays early Christians as obedient to lawful civil authority, even when persecuted—a lynchpin of King James's theory of obedience to the monarch ('Magistrate') in matters both civil and religious.
30. vendidistis vos: T-J (cf. Vulg. 'venundati estis').
35–7. Hierome … prophecy: Lyra's preface to Isa. (VG) opens with a paraphrase of the prologue of Jerome's influential Commentariorum in Isaiam: 'non tam propheta dicendus est, quàm Euangelista' ('he is not said to be so much a prophet as an evangelist'); this is closer to D than Jerome's original 'non solum Prophetam, sed evangelistam et Apostolum' (PL 24. 18A), as is Lyra's further 'Isaias enim inter alios prophetas clarius descripsit mysterium Christi' ('Isaiah among all the prophets most clearly describes the mystery of Christ').
39. accommodation: OED gives no early uses for any sense other than 'anything which supplies a want, or affords aid or refreshment' (6.a, first use 1616); but D uses the word more in pg 149the sense of 'the action of accommodating … adjusting, suiting' (1.a), for which OED cites first Bulwer's Chironomia (1644).
40. passions: the sufferings of Christ. PS (i. 321) are troubled by the plural, but OED (1.c) documents it as common usage through the 16th century; elsewhere D uses the plural for both 'sufferings of a martyr' (OED 2.a), and, with reference to Christ, 'overpowering emotion' (OED 6.a): 'the Actions and the Passions of the blessed Martyrs' (PS iii. 13.462–3); 'Christ had his own actions, and passions' (PS iv.13.189–90).
42. wages … Death: cf. Rom. 6: 23, this vol., Sermon 2, ll. 180–2 cmt.
44–5. universal calamity: the Fall.
46–7. words … Text: D divides his text grammatically into two parts, treating the two main 'words', or verbs, which in Lat. also contain their subjects: '[ye] have sold [yourselves]', and '[ye] have been redeemed'; cf. ll. 47, 87.
47–8. Machar … Scripture: Hebr., 'mâkar', 'to sell' (Strong, H4376); forms of this root yield a majority of the words rendered in OT (AV) as forms of 'to sell'.
48. dare … alia: Lat., lit., 'to give for one thing another'.
49. permutation … another: D's exact definition (cf. OED, 'permutation', 1.a) immediately following the related Lat. tag (see prev. cmt) points to the specific sense of transposition in formal logic, found in post-classical Lat. (OED 5).
50. Dedere: Lat., 'to give up', 'to surrender'.
51. Tradere: Lat., 'to hand over'; fig., 'to betray'.
53. Repellere: Lat., 'to drive away'; fig., 'to banish', 'to repel'.
57. tentations: temptations.
60. conduits … seals: metaphors commonly applied in Reformed theology to baptism and holy communion; here more generally any helps ('Graces') from God.
61. matter … manner: conventional form of the 'discovery of arguments' in rhetoric; D further defines his topic by having first considered what something is ('the matter'), then in what way it is so ('the manner').
62. kinnan: Hebr. 'chinnâm', 'without cost' (Strong, H2600).
63. fecit: Lat., 'made', 'done'.
63. Frustra: Lat., lit., 'in error'; fig., 'in vain', 'without reason'.
64. void: 'legally null, invalid, or ineffectual' (OED adj. and n.1, 7.a).
64. bargain: 'that which is acquired by bargaining' (OED n.1, 3.a); here, that which has been bargained and sold is 'our selves' (l. 65).
64. title: 'legal right to the possession of property (esp. real property) … title-deeds' (OED n., 7); cf. D, 'As due by many titles'.
65. temere: Lat., 'rashly, heedlessly' (LS, I).
66. God … Image: cf. Gen. 1: 26 ('Let vs make man in our Image'), but here with the further application of the metaphor of coining ('stamped').
67–8. jurisdiction … titles : 'judicial or administrative power; the territory over which such power extends' (OED, 'jurisdiction', 3); for 'titles' see l. 64 cmt.
70–2. latitude … of man: D emphasizes the distance ('latitude') between man's action towards God and God's towards man by stressing that God not only made man in his image at 'the Creation', but then went even further to redeem him by the Son's taking not just an image of humanity but 'the very nature of man' in the Incarnation.
72–3. preserved … Eye: Deut. 32: 10, Ps. 17: 8.
73–5. as … gracious God: cf. most paradigmatically, Job (chaps. 23, 38, 40); cf. also Isa. 3: 12–15.
79. aggravates: intensifies.
83–4. set on foot: set afoot, 'set in operation' (OED, 'afoot', 3; 'set', v.1, 25.a).
87. other word: '[ye] have been redeemed'; see ll. 46–7 cmt.
89. Qui … redimendi : Lat., lit., 'who has the right of buying back'; D is adapting a technical legal phrase—the jus redimendi or pactus redimendi, a contractual clause allowing repurchase of an immovable property by the seller after a sale—to Christian soteriology (the theology of salvation); cf. Edward Stillingfleet, Six Sermons … of the suffering of Christ, (1669), Wing S5669, 2E7v-8r: 'Thence redimere anciently among the Latins signified barely to purchase by a valuable price, for the thing which they had a right to buy it; and sometimes to purchase that which a man hath sold before, thence the pactum redimendi in contracts'.
89. by the Law: both in a Roman legal sense (see prev. cmt) and according to OT law; cf. Lev. 25: 29, 'if a man sell a dwelling house in a walled citie, then he may redeeme it within a whole yeere after it is solde' (where Vulg. has 'licentiam redimendi', but cf. T-J, 'jus redemturae').
91–3. There … slaine: Num. 35: 11–15 established cities of refuge where murderers could await trial safe from revenge by victims' blood relatives. 'The word' attracting D here is 'avenger' (v. 12, AV), from the Hebr. root 'gâal', meaning to 'buy back' or 'to redeem (according to the Oriental law of kinship)', or the kinsman who craves 'to perform the part of … revenger' (Strong, H1350); Vulg. diction ('in quibus cum fuerit profugus, cognatus occisi eum non poterit occidere', my ital.) does not offer the Hebraism D pursues as directly as does T-J ('Erunt autem vobis civitates istae in receptum à vindice occisi', my emphasis); Augustine (quoted in VG, in loc.) has similarly 'et erunt ciuitates vobis refugii à uindicante sanguinem' (my emphasis); D's step from 'kinsman' (Vulg.) to 'avenger' (T-J, Augustine), to 'redeemer' ('a redemptore') follows the lexical Hebraism available since at least Paulus Fagius, in his note on 'Propinquus sanguinis' ('blood kinsman', Num. 35: 19), in Thargum, hoc est, Paraphrasis Onkeli Chaldaica … Tomus Primus (Strasbourg, 1546), K2v: 'Ad literam est, redemptor sanguinis: ut enim in elocatis agris & uineis propinquus ius habebat redemptionis' ('which is literally "blood- redeemer": for with a hired field or vineyard the next of kin has the right of buying it back').
94–5. If … &c.: Lev. 25: 25 (Geneva); 'redeemer' here is the Hebr. 'gâ'al' (see ll. prev. cmt).
95. next … land: next in right of purchase to the land.
96–7. man … dead man: Deut. 25: 5–10 requires a man to take his brother's widow as his own wife if the brother dies childless ('without issue'), in order—as a 'gà'al' (ll. 90–4 cmts)—to perpetuate or 'redeem' the family line; D's paraphrasis for this, 'to raise seed to the dead man', occurs in the headnote to Deut. 25 (AV).
97. I … Booz: Ruth 3: 12; D's English is Geneva, though with unique Vulg. spelling of 'Booz' ('Boaz', AV, Geneva); see next cmt.
98–9. Alius … I am: D's trans. (Ruth 3: 12, see prev. cmt), with its interpolation of 'Redemptor' and 'Redeemer', departs from both AV ('a kinsman nearer then I') and Vulg. ('alius me propinquior') in order to emphasize the fullest sense of the Hebr. 'gâ'al' (ll. 91–3 cmt). In Ruth, Boaz is in language and action cast as the 'gâ'al', redeemer (ll. 91–5 cmts), though he is a relation more distant than a brother and thus not strictly bound by Deut. 25: 5–10 (ll. 96–7 cmt).
104–5. feeds … Absolutions: respectively preaching, administration of holy communion and baptism, and pronouncement of absolution, the canonical duties of ministers in the Church of England, here applied to Christ.
107. works… repentance: cf. Matt. 3: 8.
109–11. Casaph … thoughts: D's two definitions correspond to two different but related Hebr. words: the primitive root 'kâçaph' meaning 'to become pale', by implication, 'to pine after'; and 'keçeph', 'silver' (from its pale color), by implication, 'money' (Strong, H3700, H3701).
110. Omne appetibile: Lat., 'all things desirable'; from scholastic discussions of the nature of good and evil; cf. Aquinas, Quaestiones … De Malo (q. 1, a. 3 co.), 'omne appetibile habet rationem boni' ('all things that are desirable have the nature of good').
115–17. poor … to them: sarcastic allusion to RC Eucharistic theology, which, D suggests (hinting at the doctrine of transubstantiation), theorizes overmuch the nature and operation of the elements of bread and wine.
119–25. So … judgment.: PS stand on solid grounds of sense in treating this as a long introductory clause, set off from the main clause ('I shall … ', l. 125) with only a comma (tn). Grammatically I concur, but the more emphatic full-stop in the c-t better captures what may have been a deliberately exaggerated pause between the hyperbole of meeting Christ in 'the last judgment', and the divisio's two small ('onely') preparatives for it (see next cmt).
123–4. here … His house: at and during the sermon, contrasted with later 'at home', and finally (by analogy) in heaven (God's 'house') after 'judgment'.
126. exprobration … increpation: reproach.
127. consolidation: 'a making firm or strong; confirmation' (OED 2); cf. D at St Paul's, n.d., 'for his own honor, and consolidation of his servants' (PS v.14.397).
129. reversion: 'the right of succeeding to the possession of something' (OED n.1, 3.a).
136. viperous … womb: the belief that the viper's 'whelpes … gnaweth and fretteth the sides of their dam, and they come so into this world … with the death of the breeder' (Bartholomaeus, Batman Vppon Bartholome, STC 1538 (1582), 3u2r) was a common metaphor for the self-destructiveness of sin; cf. Edmund Spenser, The Faerie Queene, I.1.25.
137–8. peccatum … self: Lat. 'a sin', and latinized Gr., 'violent death', usually meaning suicide; D had completed Biathanatos, his casuistical tract on suicide, between 1607 and 1608; he claimed to have made no copies of the holograph before 16i9 (Biathanatos, ix, xxi-xxii; see this vol., Sermon 10, Sources). D uses an accusative form ('Biathanatum,') in P-M, 155; see also Evelyn M. Simpson, A Study of the Prose Works of John Donne (2nd edn., Oxford, 1948), 159.
138. [tn] self.: F26's comma to end the paragraph is probably an approximation of the MS vergule, an emphatic end-stop; I follow PS in emending to the modern equivalent for sense.
140. incommodities: injuries, damages (OED, 'incommodity', 2).
142–5. bonis … Infant: D quotes from the Twelve Tables, the foundation of ancient Roman law: 'prodigo interdicitur bonorum suorum administratio' (V.7c; 'the prodigal is forbidden from administering his goods'); this law, incorporated into Digest (27.10) of the Corp. Jur. Civ., classed the administrative rights over prodigals' goods with those of minors and the insane ('furioso et aliis extra minores').
149–5. Testamentum … death: D quotes Justinian's Institutiones (lib. II, tit. i2), part of the Corp. Iur. Civ. (see prev. cmt): 'prodigus, cui bonorum suorum administratio interdicta est, testamentum facere non potest' ('the prodigal, who is forbidden from administering his own goods, can not make a will').
152–3. Notary … persons: vignette of contemporary English conventions for writing a will, sometimes dictated to a notary public, beginning ('Imprimis', 'first of all') with commendation of the soul and instructions for burial, followed by distribution of goods to legatees.
154. Legataries: legatees, beneficiaries of a will.
155. excommunication … Church: the Constitutions and Canons Ecclesiastical (1604), STC 10070, nos. 2-12, stipulated excommunication for any who 'oppugned' the constitution and formularies of the Church of England; most excommunications—which barred attendance at any service—were disciplinary in a rehabilitative sense, with confession and absolution within three months usually securing re-entrance; D here uses the most extreme case possible, as canon 68 required suspension of any minister who refused burial unless 'the party deceased were denounced excommunicated maiori excomunicatione, for some grieuous and notorious pg 152crime, (and no man able to testifie of his repentance)' (M2r); cf. D's strong caution against the over-use of excommunication in his 'Second Prebend Sermon' at St Paul's, 29 Jan. 1626 (PS vii.1.280–312).
156–7. unrepented … before: PS (i. 118) judge this as contradicting D's earlier claim that the sale of oneself to the devil was 'a void bargain, because we had no title' (l. 64); the problem disappears if, here, the 'him' is God, not 'the devil', though this does seem unlikely.
157. him: the devil.
158–9. Exhæredatus creditur: cf. Digest 42.5.31 for provisions governing creditors who doubt the solvency of an heir, including (.3) the praetorian right to order all the inherited assets to be seized and sold; see D's extended discussion of 'Exhsredation' at Paul's Cross in 1627 (PS vii. 17.149–59), where he cites Roman law's 'fourteen' just causes for it; see next cmt.
160–2. leave out … part: Digest 28.2.2, 3 (see ll. 142–5 cmt) stipulate that if disinheritance is not specified, and the child's name is left out ('pretermitted') of a will, disinheritance is not to be imposed; cf. Faustus's rejection of law, which begins, 'Where is Justinian? / … A pretty case of paltry legacies! / Exhaereditare filium non potest pater nisi—' (found in both the 1604 'A-Text' and 1616 'B-Text'; Marlowe, Doctor Faustus, ed. David Bevington and Eric Rasmussen (Manchester, 1993), 111–12, 205).
168–72. Fateor … præsumo : cf. Augustine, Sermones Dubii, CCCXCIII (De Poenitentibus): 'fateor vobis, non illi negamus quod petit, sed non praesumimus quia bene hinc exit. Non praesumo: non vos fallo, non praesumo' (PL 39. 1714; 'I admit to you, we should not deny him because he suffers, but we should not presume he shall have a good end. I do not presume [this]—not to deceive you—I do not presume.')
174. Thief … Christ: Christ promised salvation to the penitent thief crucified with him (Luke 23: 39–43); cf. D's sermon on the penitent thief, this vol., Sermon 5.
175. Occasio … furem: Lat. proverb, 'Opportunity makes the thief'; cf. Lancelot Andrewes, XCVI Sermons (1629), STC 606, 4F6r: 'opportunitie it selfe is a shrewd motive. The common saying is, Occasio facit furem'; and Leonhard Culmann, Sentences for Children, English and Latine (1658), Wing C7476, A6v-7r.
177. when … again: this seems suspiciously heterodox (see Headnote); in spirit, D is simply suggesting that any believer, even one who repents at the last hour, will find the same mercy from Christ as did the penitent thief; but the suggestion, even metaphorical, that Christ 'is to dye again' seems undeveloped at best, and possibly textually corrupt.
178. preventing grace: lit., 'grace that comes before'; central theological concept, based on Scripture (cf. Jer. 1: 5, John 6: 44) and expounded by Augustine, that any turn from sin, and by extension, salvation, is possible only through grace that comes first from God; the extent of human participation with, or resistance to, prevenient grace was hotly contested in the period.
182–3. God … street: Luke 3: 8.
184–5. birth-right … pottage: Gen. 25: 29–34.
185. dole … Funeral: money or clothing distributed to the poor at a middle or upper-class funeral; see David Cressy, Birth, Marriage & Death: Ritual, Religion, and the Life-Cycle in Tudor and Stuart England (Oxford, 1997), 443–9.
186–7. Hospital … Colledge: foundations traditionally endowed in wills of the very wealthy. Chantries—altars endowed for priests to say mass for the dead—were outlawed under Henry VIII; almshouses ('hospitals') and schools ('colledges') were the preferred Protestant alternatives, a distinction D's tricolon erases; his auditory could not escape comparison with Sir Thomas Sutton's 'hospital' and 'colledge' of the Charterhouse, spectacularly endowed with £50,000 and opened in 1614; D was an assiduous member of its board of governors, 1626–31 (Bald, 423–4).
187–8. selling … Heaven: Matt. 13: 45–6.
190. Sanctification: process of becoming more holy through cooperation with divine grace (see l. 178 cmt), righteous self-discipline; in Protestant thought, the result (not the means) of justification in the eyes of God, evidenced by good works.
194–7. devil… torments: belief that the devil delights in tempting men and women, but is yet subject to the power and punishment of God is rooted in Gen. 3, Job (chaps. 1–2; cf. ll. 225–6 cmt), and the temptation of Christ (Matt. 4: 1–11); his 'joy' and God's casual ('accidental') addition to his torments is indebted to millennia of theological speculation and folklore.
205. [ … ]: text missing; see Text. PS plausibly suggest the loss of as much as a whole line after 'are sold' or after 'and to'; I prefer the latter, since the former requires a very rare split infinitive ('and to even rate') or unprecedented compound verb ('even-rate').
205. rate: assess, calculate.
206–9. Muscovits … slavery: D, or an intermediary source, probably embroiders from the then standard account of Muscovia (Russia), Sigismund von Herberstein, Rerum Moscoviticarum (1549): 'This people enjoy slavery more than freedom; for parents on the point of death very often manumit some of their serfs, but they immediately sell themselves for money to other families. If the father should sell the son, which is the custom, and he by any means become free … the father can sell him again and again, by the right of his paternal authority' (Herberstein, Notes Upon Russia, ed. and trans. R. H. Major, 2 vols. (1851–2), i. 95).
212–15. Martyrs … hell: embroiders Tertullian's famous 'semen est sanguis Christianorum' (lit., 'the blood [of martyrs] is the seed of Christians [i.e. the Church]'; Apologeticus Adversus Gentes, 50; PL i. 353A); cf. ll. 360–1, and P-M, 32.
218–19. legal… another: as in the hierarchy of provisions in a will (see ll. 152–3 cmt).
220–2. Philosopher … God: D touches briefly on two dominant theories of the soul's origin and placement in the body. The first, rooted in the works of Tertullian, held that the soul was physically transmitted at insemination. The second, more orthodox Christian view espoused by Augustine, asserted God's coincident creation of body and soul. Ignored here is the Pythagorean or Platonist view of souls reserved in heaven and later sent to bodies, which D had satirically deployed in 'Metempsychosis'. His 'Of the Progresse of the Soule', or 'Second Anniversary', concerned itself less with the origin than with the 'progress' of the soul to heaven at death; but cf. 'An Anatomie of the World', or 'First Anniversary', ll. 451–2: 'the soule of man / Be got when man is made'. Cf. this vol., Sermon 2, ll. 301–7 and cmt; and OESJD iii.13.22–3 and cmt.
225–6. skin … life: Job 2: 4 (AV).
228. cousened: cosened; cheated.
229–30. wash … quarrels: the physical effects of drunkenness, sexual disease, and duelling.
237–9. Adeo … humility: D's Lat. tag (lit., 'Man comes to think everything dearer than himself') and gloss paraphrase and invert the argument of Seneca, De Tranquillitate Animi (Dial. IX, 11. 1): man 'counts not merely his chattels and his possessions and his position, but even his body and his eyes and his hand and all else that makes life very dear to a man [quicquid cariorem vitam facit viro inter precaria numerat vivit que ut commodatus sibi], nay, even himself, among the things that are given on sufferance, and he lives as one who has been lent to himself and will return everything without sorrow when it is reclaimed. Nor is he therefore cheap in his own eyes, because be knows that he does not belong to himself, but he will perform all his duties as diligently and as circumspectly as a devout and holy man is wont to guard the property entrusted to his protection' (Moral Essays, ii. 254–5).
244–5. Heathens … Gods: cf. ED, 65 (ll. 31–7), a directly comparable passage attributing the same 'law' cited here to 'the first constitution of the Roman Empire'; this would suggest the Twelve Tables (see ll. 142–5 cmt), perhaps table X's limitations on expense at funerals, dating from a time when deceased ancestors were worshipped.
251. Hæredem in esse: Lat., 'heir in actuality'; 'in esse' is a legal term, contradistinguished by 'in posse' ('in potential').
251. sole executor: single person charged by the testator to carry out the provisions of his or her will; a role of responsibility and honour.
257. [marg.] Nihil: Lat., 'nothing'.
267. stupidity: 'insensibility to pain or sorrow; blameable absence of resentment under injury or insult' (OED 3.b, citing as the first use D, Trinity Sun. 1627 (PS viii. 1.838)).
277–8. Heretiques … infamous: 'infamous' carries the strict legal sense of 'deprived of the rights of a citizen … for certain crimes' (OED 3), here heresy under canon law, which traditionally defined heretics as 'infamous' (Lat., 'infame'); see David Clarkson, The Case of Protestants in England (1681), Wing C4569, A2v.
280–1. witches … beggery: James VI, Daemonologie (Edinburgh, 1597), STC 14364, identifies as particular targets for Satan's recruitment to witchcraft two sorts, the very rich, and 'such of them as are in great miserie and pouertie … by promising vnto them greate riches, and worldlie commoditie' (E4v); similarly, 'where the Deuill findes greatest ignorance and barbaritie, there assayles he grosseliest' for demoniacal possession (K3r).
284. in gross: 'on a large scale, wholesale' (OED, 'gross', adj. and n.4, B.2.c).
286–92. Joseph … pounds: Gen. 37: 28; different translations ('Copies') give different prices for the sale of Joseph by his brothers: Vulg., T-J, AV read 'twenty pieces of silver', but the crux was well known; VG (in loc.) mentions the uncertainty in earlier versions; some of D's facts and diction are strikingly similar to Andrew Willet, Hexapla in Genesin … Enlarged (1608), STC 25683, 2K1r: 'nor so much as Iosephus reckoneth, who would haue Ioseph sold for 20 … pounds … the Septuagint, also are deceiued, that for pieces of siluer, read pieces of gold … neither was Ioseph sold for 30. siluerlings, as some translations did read in Augustines time'; D's quibble with Ambrose is not in Willet, suggesting further reference to ps.- Ambrose, De Joseph Patriarcha, 3.14, which attempts to reconcile both textually and typologically the amount paid for Joseph (twenty or twenty-five pieces of silver) with that paid to Judas for Christ (thirty pieces); see also next cmt.
294–5. ne … blood: ps.-Ambrose, De Joseph (see prev. cmt), discusses the excuse of Joseph's 'brethren' that by selling him, 'ne polluantur manus', they 'did not pollute their hands' (PL 14. 647B-C and n).
302–3. six pound: this amount (only a few pounds short of some clergy's annual incomes) seems suspiciously high; Willet says 'Christ … was sold for 30. pence' (his conversion of shekels, or 'pieces', of silver).
303. crucifie him again: Heb. 6: 6.
305–7. Earthly … place. cf. Edward Reynolds, Meditations on the Holy Sacrament (1638), STC 20929, 2A3v-4r: 'For a man may be guilty of treason, by offering indignity to the Picture, Coyne, Garment, or Seale of a Prince. The dishonour that is done to the Image (it being a relative thing) doth ever reflect on the originall it selfe. And therefore the Romans when they would dishonor any man, would shew some disgrace to the statues that had bin erected to his honour' (citing, in marg., Juvenal, Satires, 10.8, and Tacitus, Historia, 1 and 3).
312. supplantations: 'dispossession or displacement of a person in a position, esp. by dishonourable means' (OED, 'supplantation', n.1, 1).
314–15. uri … Bernard: Bernard of Clairvaux, Sermones de Sanctis, In Festo Annuntiationis, 1: 'Imago siquidem in gehenna ipsa uri poterit, non exuri; ardere, sed non deleri' (PL 183. 386C; 'It follows that the image [of God] itself can burn in hell, but cannot burn out; burn, but not be destroyed').
317–18. witches … person: cf. James VI, Daemonologie, 'to some … hee [Satan] teacheth, how to make Pictures of waxe or clay: That by the rosting thereof, the persones that they beare the name of, may be continuallie melted or dryed awaie by continuall sicknesse' (G2v).
319. [ … ]: text missing; see Text. PS (i. 322) reasonably suggest 'perhaps to the following effect: "sin, brought our Saviour Christ to", etc.'
320–3. Rachel … bargain: cf. Gen. 31: 14–15; the italicized quotation is a very condensed paraphrase.
330. [tn] Ducals: F26's 'Dutals' is clearly an error (most likely caused by the near-identical formation of 'c' and 't' in most secretary hands). PS emend to 'Dotals' (a marriage portion, dowry); however, OED cites no usage before the mid-17th century, and this reading conflicts with the masculine subject 'no man' (l. 328); I amend to 'Ducals', 'ducal' being a common adjective in the period (e.g. 'ducal robes', 'ducal rod', 'ducal crown'), with use as a noun to describe Venetian patents, examples of which are recorded by the early 18th century (OED, 'ducal', adj. and n.).
330. Court-rolls: manorial documents 'which [constitute] the tenant's title to his holding' (OED, 'court roll', n., a).
330. [tn] Baculus. F26's 'Bacus' is clearly an error; PS (i. 322) emend to 'Bacul', but I can find no examples of this spelling. 'Baculus' (Lat., 'staff', 'rod'), however, preserves the '-us' form in the c-t, and is very likely a setting of a misunderstood abbrv. in MS. The noun is common in Vulg. (cf. Ps. 22: 4, 'virga tua et baculus tuus'; AV Ps. 23: 4, 'thy rod and thy staff'), and is treated at length by D, this vol., Sermon 6 (ll. 377–430 and cmts).
331. Maces … Staves: ceremonial rods of office.
331. Ensignes: 'badge or symbol of dignity or office; chiefly pl. = L. insignia; also, heraldic arms or bearings' (OED, 'ensign', n., 4).
333–4. 'Quid habes … received' : 1 Cor. 4: 7 (Vulg., Geneva).
335. Bell tols … Bell: cf. the controlling conceit in the famous passage in Devotions (81–93); D returned to this image in his last sermon (OESJD iii. 14.407–9); his primary sources for it had been published by the time of this sermon—Hieronymus Magius, De Tintinnabulis (Hanover, 1608), and Angelo Rocca, De Campanis (Rome, 1612).
335–6. Quid … accepisti: D's play on 1 Cor. 4: 7 (cf. ll. 330–1).
342–4. Filii … generation: Luke 16: 8 (Vulg., AV, Geneva), Christ's summary lesson from the parable of the rich man and his unjust steward; the parenthetical clause is D's insertion, but in keeping with the parable (vv. 1–7).
346–7. Serpent … Beasts: Gen. 3:1.
350–1. David … price: Ps. 44: 12 (Geneva).
352. absolute … term: sold; as opposed to let, leased, or rented for a fixed 'term'.
356. In manus tuas: Vulg. Luke 23: 46 (AV 'Into thy hands'), Christ's last words on the cross; cf. Devotions (ll. 89–90): 'And therefore, into thy hands, O my God, I commend my spirit … receive my surrender of my selfe now, Into thy hands, O Lord I commend my spirit.'
357–8. meum & tuum: Lat., lit., 'mine and yours'; in civil and ecclesiastical law, the defining terms of property, often conventionally glossed as a secondary law of nature caused by the Fall; cf. Devotions, 57: 'in the primarie law of Nature, there was no Proprietie, no Meum & Tuum, but an universall Communitie over all'.
359. God looked … expired: Job 42: 1–10.
360–1. sanguis … Church: see ll. 198–201 cmt.
361. ye … Apostle: AV 1 Cor. 6: 20.
364. diverted Sennachrib: cf. 2 Kings 19: 20–36, Isa. 37: 21–37.
365–8. I … sake: Is. 43: 3–4 (Geneva).
374. prise: price.
376. Equity: most generally, 'fairness, impartiality' (OED 1); but also more specifically in jurisprudence, the system of law existing side by side with common or statute law, and superseding those in cases where they do 'not provide adequate remedy' or would be unfair if applied strictly (OED 3, 4.a).
379. Aliquid … Augustin: cf. Augustine, Sermo CCCXXI, In Natali Martyrum, 4: 'Si dives Deum non habet, quid habet? Nolite aliquid a Deo quaerere; nisi Deum.' (PL 38. 1461; 'If the rich man does not have God, what does he have? Do not seek anything from God, except God.')
384. parable … prodigall: the prodigal son, Luke 15: 11–32.
386. Adams … have died: cf. Augustine, De Civitate Dei, 22.30.3: 'Sicut enim prima immortalitas fuit, quam peccando Adam perdidit, posse non mori' (PL 41. 802; 'For as the first immortality which Adam lost by sinning consisted in his being able not to die, while the last shall consist in his not being able to die'; NPNF, 1st ser., ii. 510).
388–90. as Bellarmin … still: Bellarmine, Disputationes de Controversiis (Ingolstadt, 1593), 'De Gratia', lib. 5, cap. 25, argues that the parable of the prodigal son (1. 384 and cmt) is an essential proof text for free will, in that the Prodigal, like any sinner, made ill use of it, rather than not having it at all; D insists that, after Adam's exercise of his free will at the Fall, humanity had no free will left to dissipate.
396–7. Dignitas … Austin: Augustine, Quaestionum Evangeliorum Libri Duo, 2.33: 'Stola prima, est dignitas quam perdidit Adam' (PL 35. 1346; 'The first robe is the dignity which was lost by Adam').
398. Amictus … Ambrose: Ambrose, De Cain et Abel, 1.6.24, where the virtues of prudence, fortitude, and temperance are of human making, but held out, or offered, only by the Holy Spirit as 'amictum sapientiae atque pietatis' (PL 14. 329A; 'the putting on [a garment] of wisdom and piety').
407. prodigals … Curators: the Justinian Code required the care and management of the person and property of lunatics, prodigals, and minors by guardians or overseers called 'curators'; cf. Digest, 3.3.3., 4.4, and 27.10.
412. Quietus est: 'acquittance or discharge granted on payment of a debt; a receipt' (OED, 'quietus', n., 1).
413–14. cancells … Christ: Col. 2: 14.
419. transmuting: transforming, converting.
420–1. gold … sun: cf. Thomas Dekker, The Ravens Almanacke (1609), STC 6519.2, (D1r): 'the heat of the Sunne beames, begets golde in the veines of the earth'. The ancient belief in the influence upon metals of astronomical bodies persisted largely in alchemy and folklore, having been thoroughly surpassed in the metallurgical treatises of Georgius Agricola (d. 1555); see Agricola, De Re Metallica, trans. and ed. Herbert and Lou Hoover (1912), 43–53. Donne's use here is metaphorical, not scientific.
433–5. in semen … Prophet. Lat., lit., 'into the seed of God'; from Mal. 2: 15 (Vulg.), where 'the Prophet', condemns putting away legitimate wives in order to marry heathens; AV gives in marg. the literal 'a seed of God'.
436. Apostle … in him: 1 John 3: 9 (Geneva).
437. [marg.] Iacob: Lat. (Vulg.), James.
437–8. of his … truth: James 1:18.
439. seed … in Gen.: cf. Gen. 3: 15; D expands the v. significantly to turn the scriptural enmity between the seeds of man and Satan into a single sinful race ('the seed of the Devill'). The unusual abbrv. of 'Genesis' in the body of the text strongly suggests unrevised MS copy used for typesetting.
440–1. Apostles … will do: John 8: 44.
441. [marg.] 2.1.: an unusually truncated biblical citation, here to the first chap. ('1') of 2 Pet. ('2'); see next cmt.
441. in naturam … Peter: cf. Vulg. 2 Pet. 1: 4, 'divinae consortes naturae' (AV 'partakers of the divine nature').
442–3. Ab … posteriori: Lat., lit., 'from before nor after'; see next cmts.
443–4. not that … Manichees: the Gnostic followers of Mani held that all humans always had within them a remaining spark of the divine essence (thus divine nature 'Ab anteriori'; see prev. cmt); the principal (and voluminous) refutations of Manichaeism were Augustine's (himself a convert from it).
445–9. Origen … God himself: Origen, influenced by Platonism, speculated that in order to achieve any final victory over evil (and in contradistinction to later assertions of the irredeemable corruption of mind as well as body by sin), all thinking beings, including devils and even Satan, would eventually, in some degree, be reconciled to God (hence for D, divine essence would be achieved 'a posteriori'; see prev. cmts). The locus classicus for Origen's theory of restitution was 1 Cor. 15: 28 (which D here quotes from Vulg.; see Origen, De Principiis, 3.6.2–9); leading contemporaries, including Clement of Alexandria, and especially Gregory of Nyssa (D's 'some men near his own times'), promulgated the same arguments (PG 46. 100–5), which were later emphatically condemned in the post-Nicene Church, not least by Augustine. For the Reformation's extension of Augustinian contempt for Origen (clearly shared by D), see Diarmaid MacCulloch, Reformation: Europe's House Divided (2003), 113–14.
445–6. Corinthians … in all: 1 Cor. 15: 28.
454. modest … perseverance: endorsement of an Augustinian, and broadly Calvinist, position on election and perseverance (the inability to fall from a state of elected grace, determined entirely by God's fore-ordained will); such direct assertions of predestinarianism soon become rare in D's sermons (see Introduction).
457–8. ladder … to heaven: the vision of 'Jacob's ladder' (Gen. 28: 12–15), but perhaps with some play on the step-by-step exposition of election, justification, and sanctification in the Calvinist William Perkins's The Golden Chain of Mans Salvation (many edns. from 1600).
461. enthraled: enthralled, enslaved.
461–2. Lord … Infidells: 2 Cor. 4: 4 (Geneva).
463–4. Paul … Colluctatio: Eph. 6: 12 (Vulg. 'est nobis colluctatio': lit., '[it] is to us a struggle').
464. that chapter: Eph. 6, which contains Paul's famous description of 'the whole armour of God' (vv. 11–17).
468–70. Devil … devoure: 1 Pet. 5: 8, which D combines with a hint of Christ's warning against false prophets as ravening wolves (Matt. 7: 15) for a potent gloss, common among conformist apologists for the Church of England, where those 'without' include not only non-believers, but also RCs, and the 'Rebellious … within it' are non-conformist agitators ('puritans'); this perception of a double threat of 'papists' and 'puritans' was a defining feature of King James's ecclesiastical policy; see Kenneth Fincham and Peter Lake, 'The Ecclesiastical Policy of King James I', Journal of British Studies, 24 (1985), 169–207.
473–4. sue out … him: Job 1: 10.
474–5. renew … ask: PS consider 'doubtful' the question mark after 'bones' (i. 323). The point, though, is not that D took 'the corresponding phrase in the Bible' as 'a question', since it is clearly a taunt from Satan to God: 'But put foorth thine hand now, and touch his bone and his flesh, and he will curse thee to thy face.' Rather, key here is God's permission in the next verse, 'Behold, hee is in thine hand, but saue his life'. D's condensed recapitulation of Job 1: 10 and 2: 1–7 would have been effective in delivery since it sharpens, through a rhetorical question, the moral point made, for example, by the Geneva gloss on 2: 6: 'Thus Satan can goe no further in punishing, then God hath limited him.'
476–8. dispute … hearts: sarcastic dismissal of medieval scholastic debate which focused on the cosmic location of Satan's 'Kingdome' (hell) instead of the moral reality of his place 'in our owne hearts'.
480–4. Himselfe … embrace him: James VI, Daemonologie (H2v), carefully delineates how the devil adapts his appearance to charm most effectively those he tempts: 'For he … makes pg 158himselfe to seeme more terrible to the grosser sorte, that they maie thereby be moued to feare and reuerence him the more: And les monstrous and vncouthlike againe to the craftier sorte, least otherwaies they might sturre and skunner at his vglinesse.'
482. glases: glasses (mirrors).
484. [tn] him.: cf. l. 157 tn and cmt.
484. Chrysost.: the abbrv. of the name in the main text is another example of the likely use of unrevised copy for typesetting; cf. l. 439 cmt, and Text.
484–92. Chrysost. … text is: cf. Chrysostom, Homilia XXIII on Matt. (numbered 'XXII' in some edns.). D is closest here to the text in the Erasmian editions: 'Si enim dixeris, propterea me oportet esse solicitum, quia sun necessaria: ego è regione responde, propterea non oportet te esse solicitum, quia sunt vtique necessaria. Si enim essent superflua, non ita deberes de eorum præstatione considere: nunc vero, quia necessaria sunt, prorsus non oportet ambigere' (Divi Ioannis Chrysostomi … Tomus Secundus (Venice, 1583), K5r); 'if thou sayest, "Therefore I must needs take thought, because they are necessary;" on the contrary, I say, "Nay, for this self-same reason take no thought, because they are necessary." Since were they superfluities, not even then ought we to despair, but to feel confident about the supply of them; but now that they are necessary, we must no longer be in doubt' (NPNF, 1st ser., x. 152).
494–5. delivering … Jewels: Exod. 3: 21–2.
496. Babylon … rich: Ezra 1: 3–4.
498. Simony … grace: 'the act or practice of buying or selling ecclesiastical preferments, benefices, or emoluments; traffic in sacred things' (OED, 'simony', 1), usually in the former sense of buying an office and the right to 'exercise' it, but here extended to the rights of salvation, hence a 'new kind … never heard of.
499–500. Domini … his: Ps. 24: 1; D quotes the first words from Vulg. (Ps. 23: 1), which are also the title of the Psalm in BCP ('The earth is the Lord's'), then paraphrases 'and all that therein is'.
500–1. ye … Prophet: Joel 3: 5 (AV, Geneva).
501–2. The … mine: Hag. 2: 8. (AV, Geneva 2: 9).
503–6. Temple … Changers: John 2: 14–16. D counterpoints the story of Christ expelling the sellers and moneychangers from the Temple ('whiped [whipped] out') with contemporary simony (cf. l. 498 cmt), which involves both buyers (clergy) and sellers (patrons, both clerical and lay) of church preferments; by contemporary 'Changers' D may perhaps imply intermediaries, those who made loans to be used for simoniacal bribes.
507–8. not … Christ: 1 Pet. 1: 18–19.
514–15. patriarchs … shed: the allusion comprehends any number of OT prophecies of the coming of the Messiah, but more specifically here the hopes for redemption of patriarchs rather than prophets, keyed by D to Gal. 4: 4–5 ('But when the fulnes of time was come, God sent foorth his Sonne … to redeeme them that were vnder the Law'). Andrewes had developed these themes in detail in his court Christmas sermons for 1609 (on Gal. 4: 4) and 1610 (on Job 19: 23–7). The latter is XCVI Sermons, 2Q4r–2R3r; the former was printed in 1610 (Lancelot Andrewes, Selected Sermons, ed. Peter McCullough (Oxford, 2005), 163–77).
516. Rem integram: Lat., lit. 'the thing whole', but in the sense common to forensic (legal) rhetoric since Cicero, considering a thing or matter openly, without prejudice.
529–34. fathers argue … blood?: here D seems to apply and extend, rather than reproduce exactly, patristic commentary on Satan's preface to each of his temptations of Christ, 'If you are the Son of God … ' (Matt. 4: 3); both interlinear and marginal glosses on this v. (and those in the other Synoptics) in VG posit that Satan was baffled to the point of disbelief by the humility of the Incarnation. Ambrose is there quoted to this effect, but an unattributed further excerpt from Gregory the Great (Homiliae in Evangelia, 1.16; PL 76. 1135C) provides the most likely combination of ultimate sources. Gregory repeats language similar to that on Christ's pg 159temptation in his treatment of Behemoth (Satan) in Moralium in Liber Job, 33.7 (PL 76. 1085), applying it more directly to the argument deployed here by D: 'And this Behemoth knew indeed the Incarnate Son of God, but knew not the plan of our redemption, but he was quite ignorant that this our Redeemer was piercing him by His own death' (LF iii/2. 569).
536–8. Ho … money: Isa. 55: 1 (Geneva).
539. Magazine: storehouse.
542. Joseph … again: Gen. 42: 25.
546–7. first … second death: cf. Rev. 2: 11 ('he that ouercommeth shall not be hurt of the second death', AV, Geneva); D-R gloss explains, 'The death of the body is the first death: the death of the soule, the second.' D used the epithet 'second death' in at least twelve surviving sermons across his career, either as an independently asserted concept, or with reference to this v. or Rev. 21: 8 (cf. PS ix.18.300–2), but always to mean the eternal death of the unregenerate person's soul in hell after their 'first' earthly death (cf. this vol., Sermon 3, ll. 297–300). Nowhere else does D, as here, flirt with the debated extent to which Christ's soul suffered death at the Crucifixion, or in what sense he descended into hell; D's subsequent qualifying clause, 'as far as it [spiritual death] could reach him', is a vital barrier between D and heterodoxy.
2. A sermon preached at White-Hall, April 21. 1616.
Text. F26, L2r-M4v (no. 6, 75–88). There are no other witnesses. Collation for this edition found no stop-press vars. PS (x. 410) records a single copy (F2615) with a single correction, which I judge to be a MS correction by a reader, and not type (see l. 91 tn). Other errors requiring editorial intervention are very few, mostly single Lat. words which were corrected in some copies by careful 17th-century readers; one of these may simply be a turned letter ('ausis' for 'ansis', l. 341 tn), but the others are incorrect case endings which suggest (as in this vol., Sermon 1) that either the copyist or the typesetter was not confidently latinate. This edition for the first time corrects one twice repeated spelling error (attributable to either copyist or typesetter) which has a profound impact on sense (see ll. 96–7 tns and cmt).
Headnote. This is D's second-earliest surviving sermon, preached on the third Sun. after Easter, one year after the first (this vol., Sermon 1). No definitive evidence (internal or otherwise) argues for its delivery to the Household below stairs or to the Chamber, though the repetition of large amounts of material from this sermon in one certainly preached to the latter in 1617 may suggest that this one was delivered to the lesser auditory, and parts of it were then re-used for the greater (see this vol., Sermon 3, Headnote). This is a very confident, even commanding, oration, devoted not to sin generally, but to the particular moral case of habitual, obdurate sin, and the certainty of its punishment. It is not a piece of close exegesis of the chosen text, but rather a sustained study of the character—we might now say the psychology—of stubborn sinfulness. Through a well-organized proliferation of OT and patristic exempla, D anatomizes the motives and self-delusions that pertain to ignoring, or even scoffing at, the inevitability of punishment. D's ability to impersonate the wilful sinner in several vignettes bears profitable comparison with the moralizing tradition of prose character writing, verse satire, and even drama (here, as in this vol., Sermon 1, one senses the close proximity of Marlowe's Doctor Faustus; see ll. 180–2, 294–6, and cmts). The tone of the sermon is overwhelmingly ironic (something underscored by the frequent recourse to Job and patristic commentary on it), and often tips over into the rhetorical trope of sarcasmus (as in the biting rhetorical question asked of the sinner who lays too much store by delayed punishment: 'would he be better pleased with God, if God came to a speedy Execution?', ll. 195–6; or the mordant pg 160observation of a sinner who behaves 'as though it were no more to disobey God, when he forbade the eating of fruit, then to disobey his Physician in that point', ll. 276–8). In the impressive peroration, D's character sketches of the lengths to which sinners will go to explain away judgment (ll. 461–78) extend wit to open comedy—which he suddenly punctures with the startling revelation of 'putrefaction' in the manna of worldly success (ll. 482–7). In so doing, D forces his auditory to enact the very moral of his sermon: we laugh at judgment to our eternal cost.
Sources. The sermon employs a range of patristic sources: occasional quotation and paraphrase of (in order of frequency) Chrysostom, Gregory the Great, Bernard of Clairvaux, and Tertullian, with a noticeably more accurate and frequent use of Augustine. No one Father dominates or is followed for exegesis of the chosen biblical text, but rather all are mined for striking moral exempla and sententiae from a range of their works, which strongly suggests the use of a mediating source, or commonplace book. Somewhat unusually, the apparatus of VG provides no obvious sources. Typical, though, is an excursus on a single 'Chaldee word' (ll. 159–66 cmt). Ancient and biblical history, Roman law, and physical and natural science also play walk-on parts for moral illustration. Notable is the sudden turn to the AV for the two final scriptural quotations (ll. 490–3), after systematic use of Geneva for both the set text and all other quotations. But by far the most interesting source matter is D's unattributed use of Caesar Baronius' Annales Ecclesiasti (12 vols., Rome, 1588–1607) for the whole of the sermon's exordium, discussed in detail below (ll. 9–24 cmts, where I quote from the edition 'recognitus et emendatus', 12 vols., Antwerp, 1589–1609). Not only is Baronius' account of Constantius' suppression of Magnentius' rebellion the mediating source for the Senecan tag which opens the sermon, but from its new antiquarian scholarship and stylish prose is also borrowed what could easily be thought the uniquely Donneian wordplay on the word 'cross' (ll. 11–19 and cmts, and see Illus. 3). The connection between the diction of this passage and the undated poem 'The Crosse' noticed by PS is thus far deeper than they assume, and might complicate their assumption that 'the poem antedates the sermon' (i. 123).
Further reading. PS (i. 20–3) give a fine, if necessarily brief, appreciation of the sermon's strengths, including its clear structure, moral pungency, and important early statement by D of the role of reason in Christian morality, but see it as evidence for D's 'early preoccupation with sin and damnation rather than with grace and salvation' (120; see Introduction, pp. xxxii–xxxiii). Their observation of the sermon's avoidance of syntactical Ciceronianism (123) is sound, and could be extended to the suggestion that we can here see D imitating the staccato style of Lancelot Andrewes, the giant of the court pulpit at the time; it should be noted, however, that no fewer than three of the examples chosen by PS to illustrate D's 'epigrammatic' mode are in fact translations of Seneca, Bernard, and Augustine (ll. 10–11, 434–5, 454–5, and cmts). This sermon benefits from consideration alongside nos. 1 and 3 in this vol., as all three treat the pastoral and moral paradox of avoiding sin towards which one is naturally drawn; for D's Augustinian response to this see Gillian R. Evans, 'John Donne and the Augustinian Paradox of Sin', RES, new ser., 33 (1982), 1–22.
6–8. Eccles … evil: Geneva.
Stmck … sinning: With the exception of its concluding lines (ll. 30–3) D's entire exordium is taken wholesale from Baronius (Annales, iii. 3G1v-r; see Sources, and Illus. 3). The barer facts of Constantius' victory over the usurpation of the Western Empire by Magnentius and the former's subsequent promulgation of Arianism in West and East would have been available to D in several early patristic works, particularly the Ecclesiastical History of Socrates Scholasticus (2.37), and the same of Sozomen (4.8, 17), or Athanasius' Histona Ananorum and De Synodis. As the succeeding cmts show, however, D tacitly uses his RC contemporary Baronius, whose monumental Annales set a benchmark for modern ecclesiastical history. The material that D pg 161lifts here was part of Baronius' sustained effort to discredit imperial claims to ecclesiastical supremacy by tempering the admiration for Constantine the Great and his successors found in Protestant writing (not least in defences of the English royal supremacy). Protestant historians attacked the Annales, among them, most recently, Isaac Casaubon, who was sponsored by King James for his De Rebus … Ad Baronii Annales (1614), STC 4745. This alone may explain D's suppression of his source. However, D is deftly using Baronius' condemnation of Constantius not for its author's design to discredit emperors, but as a moral exemplum. For a pointed attack on precisely the Baronian matter used here by D in a work by another royal chaplain dedicated to James, see Richard Crakanthorpe, The Defence of Constantine (1621), STC 5974, pt. 1, chap. 6.
9–11. Stoick … happy: At the conclusion of his account of Constantius' victory over Magnentius, Baronius turns to moral commentary (3G2r, col. D): 'At tanta parta victoria, accidit planè Constantio secundum illam antiquorum sententiam, tam Gentilium quam Chistianorum consensu receptam, qua dicitur: Nihil infelicius felicitate peccantium' ('But the greatest result of the victory was how Constantius entirely came to that sentence of the ancients, so received for Gentiles as for Christians, which says, ' "Nothing is so unhappy for a sinner as to be happy"'). Baronius (in marg.) documents the 'Gentile' source as its moral near reverse in Seneca: 'Nihil … mihi videtur infelicius eo, cui nihil umquam evenit adversi' ('No man … seems to me more unhappy than one who has never met with adversity'; 'On Providence', Moral Essays, 1.3.3). Baronius cites the 'Christian' source as Augustine ('nihil est infelicius felicitate peccantium', Epistola CXXXVIII, 14; PL 33. 531), which was widely retailed in collections of sententiae in exactly the form Baronius quotes (e.g. Othlonus S. Emmeram, Liber Proverbiorum; PL 146. 320C). D has not only shifted Baronius' moral from a conclusion to his own arresting introduction, but also deliberately chosen to attribute it to 'the Stoick' (Seneca) rather than Augustine.
10–11. unhappiness … crosses. cf. D, 'The Crosse': 'Better were worse, for, no affliction, / No Crosse is so extreme, as to have none.' (ll. 13–14); the argument is highly proximate to the opening Senecan quotation (see prev. cmt); for the image, see next cmt.
12–18. Constantius … Hostility: Earlier sources (see ll. 9–30 cmt) record how in 353 ce Magnentius rebelled against and killed Constans, son of Constantine the Great and ruler of the Western Empire; and how Constans' brother Constantius, Emperor of the East, used his forces' victory over Magnentius and new control over a unified empire to promulgate Arianism (denial or qualification of Christ's consubstantial divinity with the Father, denounced as heresy by the Council of Nicaea in 325 ce). None of the sources comments on Magnentius' religion until Baronius: 'Erat iste (vt diximus), Christianus' ('He was, we may say, a Christian'); Baronius also adds that both antagonists' military insignia were blazoned with the name and cross of Christ (3G1v, col. D). He proves this by deploying recent numismatic research to show coins minted by the two enemies, both of which, in imitation of Constantine, represented the emperor holding the imperial standard 'cum Cruce Christi quoque nomen … habetur expressum' (3G1v, col. B; 'portraying both the cross and name of Christ'; see Illus. 3). D replicates Baronius' exclamation upon this (3G1v, col. E): 'In hoc primùm bello illus (proh scelus!) velut portentum apparuit, Crucem contra Crucem in proelium ferri, Christiq[ue] nomen aduersus Christum in Labaro ostentari, & Christianos in Christianos armatos progredi: sed quorum alterius partis tyrranus dux esset, alterius verò hæreticus Imperator' ('Here for the first time (oh evil deed!) appeared like a portent, the cross against the cross borne in battle, and the name of Christ displayed against Christ in the imperial standard, and Christians led against warring Christians: but all because the one party was a tyrannical commander, and the other in truth an heretical emperor'). This not only constitutes D's unique source for the iconography of the ill-deployed imperial standards ('Ensign'), but also prompts D's further wordplay (antanaclasis) on 'cross' (l. 18; cf. l. 10 cmt), deployed in extenso in 'The Crosse', the argument of which is akin to the Senecan sententia in play here (see ll. 9–11 cmt). pg 162Only D's expansion on the 'effusion of the blood of Christians' (ll. 20–1) is not found in Baronius.
21–4. Heretical … eternal Emperour: Baronius concludes his moral commentary on the warring Christian ensigns by declaring them an omen of ensuing abomination ('auspicibus tantùm decebat ingredi nefas', 3G1v, col. E). After the Senecan sententia already deployed by D (ll. 9–11 and cmt), Baronius pursues far more directly than earlier sources the causal link between Constantius' victory and Arian heresy. The root source is Athanasius' response to the Arian creed promulgated by the Council of Arimini (Rimini). That Father took particular offence at how the 'proscript', or prologue of the Creed, ascribed doctrinal authority not to the council, but to the emperor, Constantius, an arrogation of divine authority to a human agent that Athanasius compared to Arianism itself (Athanasius, Be Syndodis, 1.3–4; also quoted in Socrates Scholasticus, Ecclesiastical History, 2.37). But only Baronius multiplies examples of Constantius' heretical pride by gathering (from Athanasius and from Ammianus Marcellinus, Histonae, 15.1.3) the imperial titles the emperor therafter chose, to the alleged pleasure of his Arian supporters, thus providing D with his source (3G2v, col. B - 3G3r, col. A): 'confestim a iustitia declinauit ita intemperanter, vt æternitatem meam, aliquoties subsereret ipse dictando; scribendoque propria manu, orbis totius se dominum appellaret … Adulantes verò Ariani hisce titulis .… Cæsarem æternum appellauerunt, qui Filium Dei æternum esse negant .… In rescriptis etiam sæpè est reperire, Constantium se ipsum æternum nominare.' ('swiftly he declined from justice into intemperance, such that "In My Eternity" was subscribed to many things he dictated and was written with his own hand, calling himself the lord of the whole world … the Arians truly adored these titles … and so they called him who would deny the eternal Son of God the eternal Caesar .… in his rescripts therefore it is often found that Constantinus called himself the Eternal One.') In addition to the overall debt of D's version to this source, note even his retention of Baronius' 'rescriptis' as 'Rescripts' (l. 24, meaning 'official edict, decree or announcement', OED, 'rescript', 3).
41. colouring: wrongfully and deliberately representing in a positive light (OED, 'colour', v., 6.b).
45–50. S. August. … Reason: Augustine, De Trinitate, 4.6.10 (PL 42. 894); D reverses the first and last components of this tricolon for his own rhetorical emphasis on 'Reason'.
52–6. He … Reason: a second tricolon rearticulating, in parallel, the first (see prev. cmt). The whole paragraph is an important early statement of D's adherence to a practice of faith in which intellectual liberty, or 'Reason', actively engages with scriptural and ecclesiastical authority; for its deep Augustinian roots, see ED, 15–16, and Katrin Ettenhuber, Donne's Augustine: Renaissance Cultures of Interpretation (Oxford, 2011).
62–3. Ita … was such: Matt. 11: 26; cf. Vulg. 'ita pater, quoniam sic fuit placitum'; here D translates back into Lat. from Geneva, which he then quotes verbatim.
70–3. In ultimam … tongs: cf. Chrysostom, Homilia V on 1 Cor.: 'Indocti magis cred-iderunt, quippe qui in vltimam dementiam non venerant, vt seipsos sapientes arbitrarentu r … Etenim quum faber forcipe ignitum ferrum accipiat, si alius id digitis accipere contendat, vltimam illius amentiam coniectabimur: itidem & philosophi per seipsos huiusmodi inuenire conati, fidem coinquinarunt' (Tomus Qvartus Operum … Chrysostomi (Paris, 1556), k7r; cf. PG 61. 40); 'The unlearned were more open to conviction, for they were free from the extreme madness of accounting themselves wise .… suppose the smith by means of the tongs drawing out the red-hot iron; if any one should insist on doing it with his hand, we should vote him guilty of extreme folly: so in like manner the philosophers who insisted on finding out these things for themselves disparaged faith' (NPNF, 1st ser., xii. 23). See next cmt.
71. [tn] reurunt: the pen corr. in F267 ('revertant'), though having the virtue of requiring only the addition of one letter to the printed text, and making sense ('turned to'), is not the verb that D translates ('fallen into'); I therefore accept PS's reading.
74–6. Center … Circumference: figurative opposites; 'the middle point or part' and the outer boundary of the same thing (OED, 'centre', n. and adj., 6.n.b; 'circumference', n., 6).
77. wrangling Disputations: sums up this and preceding paragraph's conventional anti-puritan satire against agitators in the church who dispute difficult points of doctrine such as predestination.
84–6. Adam's … deceiv'd me : Adam's and Eve's excuses for their respective parts in the Fall (Gen. 3: 12–13); the quotations in both Lat. and Eng. are free and correspond to no one trans., though the latinate 'deceiv'd me' is closer to Vulg. 'decepit me' ('beguiled me', AV, Geneva); D also supplies the implied 'because' ('quia') in the self-interested replies of Adam and Eve (lit., 'because of the woman', and 'because of the serpent', respectively); see next cmt.
90–3. Quia … Deus: from Adam and Eve's weak excuses (see prev. cmt), D multiplies ironic contemporary examples of excuses for sin beginning with the same Lat. particle 'Quia' ('because'): 'Because there is less evil' (l. 90), 'Because there is some good' (l. 91), and for a comic final turn, 'Because God has gone to sleep' (l. 93); each of D's Lat. tags is followed by a short striking example.
91. [tn] anothers: PS (x. 410) suggest that the Yale copy (F2615) contains a unique stop-press var. here ('anothers'; 'another' all other copies). Sebastiaan Verweij, who collated F2615 for this edn., concludes from close inspection that the 's', unlike any other type 's' in the vol. (more elongated, and with less rounded upper and lower lobes, possibly italic), is a MS correction by a 17th-century hand.
96. Quia unus Deus: Lat., 'because [there is] one God'; see next cmt.
96–7. [tn] Word … God: F26 and PS read 'World' in both lines, which impossibly commits D to heresy (the eternal divinity of the created world). Scribal or typesetter's anticipation of 'World' may be explained by the immediately proximate 'Creation' and 'Creature' (ll. 95, 97). But the doctrinal logic of 'World' fails utterly: the earth is not 'eternal' but will rather 'pass away' (Rev. 21: 1); the earth is of course a 'Creature' (in the contemporary sense of a 'creation'); and the 'World' certainly is not 'God'. Not only does 'Word' correct the passage from heresy to orthodoxy (the Word, or second person of the Trinity, Christ, is 'eternal', 'no Creature', and 'God'; cf. John 1: 1–3), but it also connects it directly with the sermon's exordium, in which the heresy of Arianism (denial of Christ as eternal, uncreated godhead) figures so prominently (see ll. 12–28 cmts). Further, the Lat. doctrinal formula that introduces the passage (see prev. cmt) itself emerged in rigorist formulations of the Trinity in the pre-Nicene period (e.g. Novatian, De Trinitate, and Tertullian, Adversus Praxean) and became ubiquitous in orthodox Trinitarian works (e.g. Hilary, De Trinitate; Ambrose, Expositio Evangelii Secundum Lucam, and De Spiritu Sancto). D had carefully meditated these dogmas, in very similar terms, in ED, especially in his dismissal of 'Arius his Advocate at the first Nicene Councell'; the argument that the creation and eternity were mutually exclusive categories ('for if it had been … eternal, it had been no creature'); and the declaration of Christ's 'coeternity, and consubstantialness, because he can be no creature, who is present at the first Creation' (16–17).
98. Quia Deus remunerator: Lat., 'because God is one who repays'.
101–2. Quia … finding out: Rom. 11: 33; D's Lat. seems to be a trans. from Eng. (cf. Vulg. 'quàm incomprehensibilia sunt iudiciá eius').
109–10. msanire cum ratione: Lat., lit., 'to be insane with reason'; common infinitive form of epithet from Terence, Eunuchus, 1.1: 'cum ratione insanias'; widely retailed as a sententia by classical, patristic, and early modern authors.
111. tentation: temptation.
123–4. peccatum … into act: Gregory the Great, Liber Regulae Pastoralis, 3.31: 'Peccatum quippe cum voce, est culpa in actione' (PL 77. 112D; 'For sin with a voice is guilt in act'; NPNF, 2nd ser., xii. 63). Gregory introduces this point by first quoting Isa. 3: 9, as D does later (ll. 138–9).
127. scandaliz'd: 'to be the occasion of stumbling; to injure spiritually by one's example' (OED, 'scandalize', v.1, 2).
127. evacuated: 'to make void, annul, deprive of force or validity. Chiefly in religious and legal phraseology' (OED, 'evacuate', 4).
130–2. Care … of them: cf. Rev. 1–2.
132. Yea … his Ears: ironic adaptation of a common biblical epithet for penitential prayers and complaint; cf. Num. 11: 18, Ps. 18: 6, Ezek. 8: 18.
135. Cryer: probably both 'one appointed in a town or community to make public announcements' and 'one who cries goods for sale' (OED, 'crier', 2.b, c).
136–7. peccata … Crying sins: D touches obliquely here on the traditional moral category of four 'major' or 'great' sins (murder, sodomy, persecution of widows, and fraud) called 'crying sins' (peccata clamantia), from scriptural claims that they 'cry out' to God (cf. Gen. 4: 1–16, 19: 5; Exod. 22: 20–3; Deut. 24: 14–15); D mentions two of these, though his major point is to argue that the brazen repetition of lesser sins is just as heinous as 'great' ones.
145–6. rest … fulfilled: Rev. 6: 11; AV and Geneva both read 'for a little season' (but cf. Vulg. 'tempus adhuc modicum').
146–7. Cain … Abel: Gen. 4: 9.
148–50. Sodom … may know: Gen. 18: 21.
151–2. Fifty … righteous: cf. Gen. 18: 26–32.
152–3. Adeo … audivit: Gregory the Great, Moralium … in Librum Job, 4.19.25: 'Ecce malum quasi cum difficultate credidit cum audivit, et tamen sine tarditate percussit' (PL 76. 127B; 'See, the evil He in seeming believed with difficulty when He heard it, but visited without backwardness when acquainting Himself He found it true'; LF xxi. 434).
159–66. Pithgam … Hebrew: the main points of D's lexical excursus here are in the most recently available commentary on Ecclesiastes, Joannis Lorini [Jean de Lorin] Commentarii in Ecclesiasten (Mainz, 1607), 203v, which also transliterates the key 'Chaldee' (Aramaic) and Hebr. synonyms exactly as D: 'pithgam, est negocium, res, verbum, qua voce Chaldsi fero, vtuntur, semper eo modo quo Hebrsi … dabar' ('pithgam is a command, a thing, a word, which in Chaldee is used in the same way as the Hebrew … dabar'); cf. Strong, H6599 and H6600. Based on lexical sources available to D, it is difficult to account for his assertion of the rarity of pithgam in OT: Lorin also cites Esth. 1: 20; the Lat. index (at 'sententia', the Vulg. rendering of pithgam) to Raphelengius' Chaldaic/Lat. appendix to Sante Pagninus, Epitome Thesauri Linguæ Sanctæ (Antwerp, 1599), f1v, provides further examples from Dan.; similarly, Jean Mercier, In Salomonis Prouerbia, Ecclesiasten, & Canticum Canticorum (Geneva, 1573), x6v-y1r, while acknowledging the word's rarity in Solomonic texts, also gives Esth. 1: 20 and other OT examples.
168–71. Septuagint … ultionis: D's Lat. for LXX (lit., 'because it is not contradicted'), and 'Chaldee' or Aramaic (lit., 'because it is not a word of revenge') versions are from AP, iii. 2Hr: 'Quoniam non est facta contradictio' and 'Et ideo quòd non sit verbum vltionis'.
175. Deuteronomy … renewing: cf. Geneva marg. note to Deut.: 'That is, a seconde lawe: so called, because the Lawe which God gaue in mount Sinai, is here repeated, as though it were a newe Lawe: and this booke is a commentarie or exposition of the ten commande-ments.'
176. Morte . . the death: Gen. 2: 17 (Vulg., Geneva).
177. Pereundo … perish: PS (marg., in loc.) give Deut. 8: 19 and 30: 18, which both read 'ye shall surely perish' (AV, Geneva); however, D's Lat. is not Vulg., but the unique trans. of Deut. 4: 26 ('quod pereundo peribitis cito e terra'; 'you shall soon utterly perish from the land') and 3: 18 ('Denuntio vobis hodie, pereundo peribitis'; 'I denounce to you this day, you shall utterly perish') by Calvin for his Commentariorum in Quinque Libros Mosis (in loc.)
178–9. Non est … wicked: Isa. 48: 22.
179. Goth and Vandal: historically, Germanic tribes which ravaged the northern Roman Empire; proverbially, they were uncivilized peoples, particularly with reference to learning. Cf. D, 'A Valediction: of the booke': 'When this booke is made thus, / Should againe the ravenous / Vandals and Goths inundate us, / Learning were safe' (ll. 22–6); and 'The Dampe': 'And like a Goth and Vandall rize, / Deface Records, and Histories' (ll. 13–14).
180–2. evacuate … Mors est: Rom. 6: 23; Lat. is a conventional reworking of Vulg. 'stipendia enim peccati mors' (AV 'For the wages of sin is death'); as in this vol., Sermon 1 (ll. 160–2 cmt), it is tempting to connect this character sketch of the impenitent sinner with Marlowe's Faustus, who handles (only to reject them) precisely the Scriptures marshalled here by D: 'Stipendium peccati mors est. Ha! / The reward of sin is death. That's hard. / Si peccasse negamus, fallimur / Et nulla est in nobis veritas. / If we say that we have no sin, / We deceive ourselves, and there's no truth in us, / Why then belike we must sin, / And so consequently die.' (Doctor Faustus, ed. David Bevington and Eric Rasmussen (Manchester, 1993), 113, 205.) See also ll. 294–6 cmt.
182–3. Treason … Treason: treason was punishable with death by hanging, drawing, and quartering (or, for nobility, beheading); for the latter portion of the syllogism, cf. D at St Dunstan's, n.d., 'Sin is Treason against God' (PS x.8.157).
187–8. Ita … gerat: Lat., lit., 'on the condition that he governs himself well'; a legal formula used, primarily at assizes or manorial courts, in recognizances binding a defendant over to keep the peace, or releasing a defendant from a charge on condition of good behaviour; cf. Richard Kilburne, Choice Presidents upon … the office and duty of a Justice of Peace (1681), Wing K429, O2v. D also used the same exemplum at Whitehall, 11 Feb. 1627 (OESJD, iii.5.609), and at Lincoln's Inn, ?1621 (PS iii.13.374).
190–1. Distulit … Securitatem: cf. Augustine, Sermones de Scripturis, 52.1.2: 'Distulit securim, dedit securitatem' (PL 38. 467; '[God] has delayed the axe; [God] has given security'); Augustine's comment comes after he has explained that forgiveness of sins regenerates mankind from a 'bad tree' to a 'good tree', thus saving it from destruction. D ironizes the formula by making 'security' the object of a believer who seizes it as an excuse for further sin; his use of the verb 'attulit' can bear both the sense that 'he [God] brought security' (as Augustine) and 'he [the sinner] seized security' (as in D's gloss).
193–8. Execution … no Law: the ital. tags and D's argument are proverbial. Cf. T G., The Rich Cabinet furnished with … common places (1616), STC 11522, R4v: 'Reason is the ground of law, law the foundation and strength of a kingdome, and iustice the crowne of a King; who must adde life to the law by iust execution … without execution, neither King nor lawe are worth a straw'
195. Obduration: 'becoming obdurate, hardened in sin, or insensible to moral influence' (OED 1).
196–8. Where … no Law: proverbial in Western law; here translating the Lat. epitome, 'sine poena nulla lex' ('without punishment no law').
199. sententia facta: Lat., lit., 'a sentence done' or 'made' or 'carried out'; cf. ll. 171–83.
200–2. Esau … perfectus: cf. Andrew Willet, Hexapla in Genesin (1608), STC 25683, on Gen. 25: 25: 'Hee was called Esau, that is, alreadie made & perfect, of the word gnasah, to make; which is … that he came forth with haire, as a perfect man' (2A5r).
202–4. when God … perfected: cf. Gen. 1: 31; for the lexical connection between this verse and Gen. 25: 25 (ll. 200–2 cmt), cf. Jean Mercier, In Genesin (Geneva, 1598), C6V; and Strong, H6213, H6215.
203. [marg.] Gen. 1. ult.: Gen. 1:31 ('ult.', Lat., 'last').
206–11. Cursed … as iron: cf. Gen. 28: 16, 18–21, 23.
213. Comminations: 'denunciation of punishment or vengeance, esp. threatening of Divine punishment or vengeance' (OED, 'commination', 1.a); with overtones of the BCP pg 166Commination against Sinners ('recital of Divine threatenings against sinners', OED, 2), a service read on Ash Wednesday.
213. Interminations: 'action of threatening or menacing; commination; a threat or menace' (OED, 'intermination'); although rare (OED cites only three examples, one of which is D), D used both the noun and verb forms with some frequency (PS iii.6.104, 105, 265, 7.6; v.13.54; vi.18.235; vii.14.196; ix.4.138).
215–22. Romane … that Law: cf. Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae, 20 (1.50), the 'Romane Lawyer' Sextus Caecilius' exposition on the wisdom of the Twelve Tables (see this vol., Sermon 1, ll. 142–5 cmt); table III.1 was legendary for its severity against stubborn debtors (e.g. 'Tertiis nundinis partis secanto'; 'on the third day [without payment] they [the creditors] may cut pieces [from the debtor]').
225. authority … Subject: a classic statement of the constituent parts of the English legislative process: royal authority, the Privy Council, and 'consent of the Subject' through representation in Parliament; cf. James VI and I, 'A Speech at White-hall. Anno 1609[/10].', in Workes (1616), STC 14344, 2Y2r: 'euery iust King in a setled Kingdome is bound to obserue that paction made to his people by his Lawes, in framing his gouernment agreeable thereunto'.
228. Feoffee in trust: 'trustee invested with a freehold estate in land' (OED, 'feoffee', 2.a).
230. emergent: 'unexpectedly arising' (OED, adj. and n., 5.a).
232. Provisoes: 'clause in a legal or formal document, making some condition, stipulation, exception, or limitation' (OED, 'proviso', conj. and n.1, B.1).
232. Nonobstante's: Lat., 'non obstante', lit., 'notwithstanding'. In law, a dispensation given by an executive authority to perform an action notwithstanding any statute to the contrary (OED n., adj., prep., and adv., A.1.a), most associated in the period with kings and popes; more generally, any dispensation. Cf. D, 'Love's Exchange': 'I aske no dispensation now / To falsifie a teare, or sigh, or vow, / I do not sue from thee to draw / A non obstante on natures law' (ll. 8–11).
237–8. Chrysostome … resurrectionem: D's Lat. (lit., 'If nothing were punished, no one would deem God to exist before human things; if everything [were punished], no one would look for the future resurrection') condenses and slightly adjusts Chrysostom, 'De Lazaro Concio', 3.8: 'Quoniam si hoc esset, omnes utique periisessemus: omnes. enim sumus obnoxii pcenis. Rursum si nullus hic puniretur, plures redderentur socordiores, multique dicerent non esse providentiam' (PG 48. 1002; 'Because if [all were punished here] all would perish because all are obnoxious to the law. On the other hand, if nothing were punished, many would slip back into indolence and many would say that there is no providence'; NPNF, 1st ser., xi. 525–7).
243. Precedent … Record: in common-law courts, cases were argued based on the 'record' of rulings made in previous cases ('precedents').
246–51. Ananias … them both: Acts 5: 1–10; D adapts the charge against Ananias (v. 3) to apply to both him and his wife.
252–6. that man … lion: 1 Kings 13: 11–24.
259–61. Saul … being king: 1 Sam. 15: 9–23, quoting v. 23.
262–4. Achan's … stoned him: Joshua 7, quoting v. 25.
264–7. Helie's case … died : the narrative of the death of Eli and his sons is 1 Sam. 4: 1–18, here quoting v. 18; God's prophetic threat 'beforehand' (l. 266) is 1 Sam. 3:11.
270–2. Oziah's case … place: 2 Sam. 6: 6–7; D's 'Oziah combines 'Oza' (Vulg.) and 'Vzziah' (AV, Geneva).
272. Title: primarily—after D's long catalogue of fatal judgments—a 'descriptive heading of each section or subdivision of a book (now only in law-books); the formal heading of a legal document; hence, a part or division of a book, or of a subject' (OED n., 2.a); but with further punning reference to 'legal right to the possession of property (esp. real property); the evidence of such right; title-deeds' (OED n., 7.a).
283–6. Angels … away: the simplest scriptural account of the fall of the angels is Rev. 12: 7–9; D here follows the orthodox Western understanding of pride as the reason for that fall, established by Augustine and refined by Aquinas (ST, Ia, q. 63, a. 2, 3), in describing their pride as expressed by 'not turning toward God', cf. Augustine, 'Light [God] lighteth also every pure angel, that he may be light not in himself, but in God; from whom if an angel turn away, he becomes impure' (De Civitate Dei, 11.9). The distinction between sins 'of Omission' and commission was traditional (cf. BCP, Confession, 'things done and things left undone'), and D's parenthetical qualification stresses that the angels did not fall out of envy or adoration of a lower created being, since, as Augustine and Aquinas agree, the angels' creation and fall occurred before that of any lower creatures. D's insistence that the angels' fall was beyond redemption even by Christ accepts Aquinas' view, against Origen, that their punishment is eternal (ST, Ia q. 64, a. 2; cf. this vol., Sermon 1, ll. 445–9 cmt).
287. entendred: 'to make tender; to melt (the heart); to enervate; to weaken' (OED, 'entender').
292–3. Lord of hosts: ubiquitous OT epithet for God (cf. Ps. 24: 10; Isa. 6: 3, 5); 'hosts' = armies.
294–6. sink down … hell: striking allusion to contemporary public theatres with trapdoors and under-stage spaces called 'hell', from which actors could rise and into which they could 'sink down'. The 'i Hell mought' ('1 hell-mouth') in the stage properties belonging to Philip Henslowe's Rose Theatre is usually linked to the stage direction 'Hell is discovered' in the 1616 'B-Text' of Marlowe's Doctor Faustus; D's diction here comes very close to both the stage direction and the Good Angel's ominous cue for it: 'The jaws of hell are open to receive thee' (V.ii.120); see Andrew Gurr, The Shakespearean Stage, 1574–1642 (Cambridge, 1992), 185; Marlowe, Faustus, ed. Bevington and Rasmussen, 282. See also ll. 180–2 cmt.
298. expedition: 'speedy performance or prompt execution (of justice, a journey)' (OED 1.a).
301–7. soul … inanimation: as in this vol., Sermon 1 (ll. 220–2 and cmt) D skirts complex theories of the soul's creation and relationship ('infus'd') with the body and the transmission of original sin; the passage might seem to suggest an anterior creation of the soul which is then polluted with original sin upon contact with the body, an argument specifically rebutted by Aquinas (ST, Ia IIae, q. 83, a. 1). D does, however, at first maintain the Thomistic view that creation, conception, and infusion of the soul happen 'in the same instant' (l. 303); Aquinas' more clinical account is helpful: 'whereas it [original sin] is in the bodily semen, as in its instrumental cause, since it is by the active power of the semen that original sin together with human nature is transmitted to the child. But original sin can nowise be in the flesh as its subject, but only in the soul. … Accordingly, since the soul can be the subject of guilt, while the flesh, of itself, cannot be the subject of guilt; whatever accrues to the soul from the corruption of the first sin, has the character of guilt, while whatever accrues to the flesh, has the character, not of guilt but of punishment: so that, therefore, the soul is the subject of original sin, and not the flesh' (Ia IIae, q. 83, a. 1 co.). Most puzzling is D's summary restatement that the body had 'a sinful conception, before any inanimation' (l. 307), which prises apart embryonic conception and the infusion of the soul, or 'inanimation'. The latter word, to complicate matters further, is D's own coinage ('infusion of life, spirit, or vitality', OED n.1, citing Biathanatos as the first use), which separates him, perhaps deliberately, from the terms traditionally used to discuss the matter. D seems guided most here by a desire for rhetorical effect by application of a metaphor, rather than doctrino-philosophical specificity: all humans are, before their birth, subject in soul and body to the judgment against original sin. Other uses by D of this word reveal a similar uncertainty about whether he viewed conception and 'inanimation' as simultaneous or sequent; cf, for example, 'the admitting of originall sin … enters with our soule in our conception, or in our inanimation or quickening' (PS ii.3.401–2, my ital.) and (summarizing Luther), 'howsoever it were at the conception, certainly at the pg 168inanimation, at the quickning, [the Virgin Mary] was preserved from originall sin' (PS vi.8.449–51, my ital.).
305–11. first minute … too: intensification of one of the funeral sentences from BCP, Order for the Burial of the Dead ('In the midst of life we be in death'); the conceit controls a significant portion of D's last sermon, Deaths Duell: 'this issue, this deliuerance from that death, the death of the wombe, is an entrance, a deliuering ouer to another death, the manifold deathes of this world' (OESJD, iii.14.149–51)
316. intermits: discontinues, suspends.
318–19. Ingravatum … Pharaonis: Vulg. Exod. 7: 14; repeated after each of the plagues of Egypt (Exod. 7–10).
320–1. Heli … an end: the priest Eli; 1 Sam. 3:12; cf. ll. 264–7 and cmt.
322–4. Herod … of him: Acts 12: 22–3; the last clause ('& … of him') could arguably be italicized as part of the quotation ('so that he was eaten of wormes').
324–5. Josephus … days after: Josephus' accounts of Herod's gruesome disease and death (Antiquitates Judaeorum, 17.6.5, 8.1; De Bellorum Judaeorum, 1.33.7), or a redaction of them, were perennial in medieval and early modern commentaries on Acts 12: 23, including VG (in loc), where Herod's demise is the subject of the only gloss: 'inde continuis septem diebus ventris dolore cruciatus, vitam violenter abrupit' ('for seven days thereafter he was in excruciating pain in his gut, and his life was taken away'); D's circumlocution 'died not in five days after' seems a strange paraphrase of VG's 'septem diebus', suggesting that D may have been using Josephus unmediated, where Herod's death is dated exactly to five days after the slaying of his son, Antipater.
328–9. Tertullian … Christiani: Tertullian, Liber ad Scapulam, 3 (PL 1. 702A), from a catalogue of the fates of persecutors of Christians; Claudius Lucius Herminianus, when dying of plague in his palace ('in praetorio suo vastatus peste') in Cappadocia, cried 'Nemo sciat … ne gaudeant christiani' ('Let no one know … lest the Christians rejoice').
339–41. Epictetus … handle: Epictetus, Enchiridion (44 in most modern edns., though chap. numbers vary in early modern edns.); cf. Moralis philosophiae medulla … nempe Epicteti Enchiridion, ed. and trans. Thomae Neogeorgi (Strasbourg, 1554), 2E4v: 'Omnis res duas habet ansas, unam qua ferri possit, alteram qua non possit' ('All things have two handles, one that you can carry with, the other with which you can't'); there follows an exemplum commending that one respond to bad treatment from a brother by grasping the 'handle' not of injustice but of brotherly love. The summary lesson drawn here by D, though implied in the original, is D's own.
342. tortuositas serpentis: epithet found in many early patristic writers and used by D at St Paul's in 1622 (PS iv.8.545–5): 'rectifie all the deformities and crookednesses, which that Tortuositas Serpentis, the winding of the old Serpent hath brought you to', where the marg. source given is Tertullian (probably an error for Ambrose, In Psal. CXVII; PL 15. 1209A). D may also have known the image from Prudentius' hymn before sleep, 'Cultor Dei Memento', included in the Sarum Rite, the fourth stanza of which is an apostrophe beginning, 'O tortuose serpens qui mille per meandros fraudesque flexosas agitas quieta corda' (Expositio hymnorum secu[n]dum vsum Saru[m] (1497), STC 16112, E3v; 'O twisted serpent who by a thousand coils and frauds and twists troubles the quiet heart').
345–8. Chrysostome's … unguenti: from the biography of Chrysostom by his younger contemporary Palladius; the Lat. text (first pubd at Venice in 1533) was used as a source for most early modern biographies of the Father, but the most prominent of these, by Erasmus, does not include the vulture adage. Possible sources for D are the life by Fronto Ducaeus prefacing his edn. of Chrysostom's Homiliae in Genesim (Paris, 1614), A5r, or Aloysius Lipoman, Tomus Vitarum Sanctorum Priscorum Patrum (Venice, 1553), q3r, both of which read: 'Infelicia scorta ex ipso oculorum motu pudicos agnoscunt, ac fugiunt uiros, non secus, atque infirmus oculus pg 169solis iubar, & uultur unguentem' ('unfortunate prostitutes recognize men of self-control from the bearing of their eyes, and avoid them, just as a diseased eye avoids the light of the sun, or the vulture sweet scent'; The Dialogue of Palladius, trans. Herbert Moore (1921), 43).
350–1. Et quid … Augustine: Augustine, In Joannis Evangelium Tractatus, 50.7: 'Felices qui bono odore vivunt: quid autem infelicius illis qui bono odore moriuntur?' (PL 35. 1761; 'Happy they who find life in this sweet savor! but what misery can be greater than theirs, to whom the sweet savor is the messenger of death?'; NPNF, 1st ser., vii. 280). Augustine discusses here Mary Magdalen anointing Christ's feet with 'a pound of oyntment of Spikenarde very costly' which filled the house 'with the sauour of the oyntment' (John 12: 3, Geneva); Judas' objection to such expense is rebuked by Christ (vv. 4–7), which episode Augustine applies morally to the different responses to Christ's 'sauour' by the regenerate and unregenerate. D expands the system of thematic imagery from the vulture's aversion to 'fragrantiam unguenti' (see prev. cmt).
352–3. same Father … odorem: Augustine, In Joannis Evangelium Tractatus, 50.8: 'Numquid quia mori voluisti, ideo odorem ilium malum esse fecisti?' (PL 35. 1761; 'But hast thou, pray, in thus choosing to die, converted this savor into an evil one?'; NPNF, 1st ser., vii. 281).
359–69. figures … Senses: D summarizes the pre-modern understanding of the relationship between the mental faculties and the senses, with a characteristic distrust of the uncontrolled imagination. Sensory experiences, here cast as devilish 'Tentation', enter at 'the eye' or 'the ear' and form 'figures and images' in the mind, the 'delightful dwelling upon' which by 'Fancie' or 'Imagination' can lead to their sensual dominance over the rational mind or 'Soul', thus inverting their proper hierarchy, troped here as the corruption of 'the King by his Council'.
367. Satyrical … defamations: could refer simply to loose speech, but both satires and libels were recognized literary forms, the first of which D had of course practised (Poems, i. 145–74, 293–316); cf. the similar moment of retrospective self-censorship at court in 1627: 'We make Satyrs; and we looke that the world should call that wit; when God knowes, that that is in a great part, self-guiltinesse, and we doe but reprehend those things, which we our selves have done, we cry out upon the illnesse of the times, and we make the times ill' (OESJD, iii.5.505–8); and Letters, N1r.
368. is put … Circuit: is set to his rounds (cf. OED, 'circuit', n., 3.d, 4.a); see next cmt.
368. seek … devour: 1 Pet. 5: 8
374. spontanea … dæmon: cf. Chrysostom, Ad Populum Antiochenum, 1.5 (1.12 some edns.), against drunkenness: 'daemon est voluntarius' (PG 49. 22; 'it is a wilfully chosen demon'; LF ix. 11). Subsequently, a quasi-legal term for wilful insanity, usually drunkenness; cf. John Boys, The Autumn Part (1612) STC 3460.5, L5V: 'drunkennesse maketh vs no men. Demens ebnetas, it is a voluntary madness … est voluntarius daemon'. The application to sin generally and D's diction are strikingly similar to Andrew Willet, Hexapla … Romanes (Cambridge, 1611), STC 25689.7, 3O6r: 'the deuill doth assault a man against his will, voluntarius daemon est peccatum, & spontanea insania, sinne is a voluntarie deuill, and a selfewilled madnes'.
377. voluptuous: 'marked by indulgence in sensual pleasures' with reference to 'fare or feasting' (OED 1, i.d).
384. impemtibleness: D's coinage; 'Incapable of repentance. Hence impenitibleness' (OED, 'impenitible', citing Biathanatos as the first use). Nine other instances of the noun appear in the sermons (PS iii.4.612; iv.9.449; v.16.557; vi.1.736; vii.18.479; ix.11.664, 18.307–8); note that, with the exception of the last, these occur in the sermons' perorations, suggesting the rhetorical force D intends for the word.
385. devest: 'to denude, dispossess, deprive; rarely in good sense, to free, rid' (OED v., 3).
388. Physick: medicine.
388–90. The Mathematician … in: the boast of the power of the lever ('Engine') by the ancient mathemetician Archimedes: 'Give me a place to stand on, and I will move the Earth'; proverbial. Cf. Godfrey Goodman, The Fall of Man (1616), STC 12023, O3v: 'Here if Archimedes were liuing, he would apply his engines and tooles for mouing the earth'.
394–8. The reason … mortal: cf. John Browne, A compleat discourse of wounds (1678), Wing B5124, 2N2r: 'But these wounds [to the heart] whatsoever are so rarely cured, that you shall scarce read of any one man here being wounded to have recovered .… And if we regard [the heart's] perpetual Motion also and Temper … we may find it time lost in expecting ever to gain cure here.'
399–401. Augustine … displiceant: Augustine, De Civitate Dei, 14.13.2: 'Et audeo dicere, superbis esse utile cadere in aliquod apertum manifestumque peccatum, unde sibi displiceant, qui jam sibi placendo ceciderant' (PL 41. 422; 'And I make bold to say that it is useful for the proud to fall into an open and indisputable transgression, and so displease themselves, as already, by pleasing themselves, they had fallen'; NPNF, 1st ser., ii. 274). The argument is difficult in the original (as in D's restatement), though a compelling variation on the felix culpa ('happy sin')—here, a single sin that awakens the hardened sinner to awareness of sinning in general. Andrewes had treated the same passage, with the same attention to its daring formulation, at court in 1611: 'Yes indeed: Audeo dicere (saith Saint Augustine) I dare avow it, Expedit superbo, ut incidat in peccatum (there are the very termes) it is expedient they fall into some notorious sinne … and they, by that confusion, learne to walke with more humilitie' (XCVI Sermons (1629), STC 606, 3L1v). D returned to this passage with sustained attention in two later sermons (PS ii.8.452–7, 596–9; vi. 11.587–97).
407–8. when … his portion: Ps. 50: 18.
409. morbo … complicato: Lat., lit., 'acute (or chronic) disease' and 'complex (or compound) disease'; the first was familiar as a medical term from classical times; cf. the Roman physician Celio Aureliano's De Morbis Acutis (On Acute Diseases), frequently printed in the early modern period (e.g. Caelii Aureliani … de Acutis Morbis (Lyon, 1566)); the metaphorical extension to 'morbo complicato' seems to be D's.
410. manifold: 'Varied or diverse in appearance, form, or character … complex, difficult' (OED adj. and n.1, 1.a); here extending the sense of 'morbo complicato' (see prev. cmt).
411–16. Gregory … cor suum: D summarizes Gregory the Great, Moralium … Librum Job, 26.33.61 (PL 76. 385D), which concludes with discussion of Isa. 46: 8's 'redite praevaricatores ad cor' (Vulg., lit. trans. D-R, 'returne ye transgressors to the hart'; where AV and Geneva have, 'bring it again to mind, O you [ye] transgressors'). The two quotations condense Gregory's 'Longe ergo prophetas praevaricatorem mittit, cum eum ad cor suum redire compellit, quia quo se exterius fudit, eo ad se unde possit redire vix invenit' ('The prophet then sends the transgressor a long way, when he compels him to return to his heart: for the more he has distracted himself with outward things, the more does he hardly find out the means of returning to himself; LF xxiii. 180–1); for another use of this by D, cf. OESJD iii.12.241–2.
421. vagabond: 'roving, straying; not subject to control or restraint' (OED adj. and n., A.5).
424. Blasphemous Gaming: gambling.
428–35. St Bernard … it : Bernard of Clairvaux, Consideratione … ad Eugenium Tertium, 1.2.3: 'Multo prudentius te illis subtrahas vel ad tempus, quam potiare trahi ab ipsis, et duci certe paulatim quo tu non vis. Quaeris quo? Ad cor durum. Nec pergas quaerere, quid illud sit: si non expavisti, tuum hoc est.' (PL 182. 730B; 'It would be far more prudent for you even to leave them [daily duties of business] for a time, than suffer yourself to be carried away by them, and certainly by degrees led whither you would not. Do you ask whither? I reply, to a hard heart. Do not further ask what that means; if you have not greatly feared it, it is yours already' On Consideration, trans. George Lewis (Oxford, 1908), 16.)
436–7. that reason … motion: primarily here in the sense of 'activity that appears to be pg 171continuous and unceasing' (OED, 'perpetual motion', 1), conventionally applied to behaviour or a moral state, as in Thomas Rogers, ed. and trans., A Methode vnto Mortification (1608), STC 10543, L6r: 'depending on thine owne will … causeth thee to turne still in a perpetual motion. For what is more troublesome, than for a man to be subiect to his owne affections.' The more theoretical implications of 'that reason', however, may suggest the emergent scientific interest in machines capable of 'perpetual motion'; OED (2) cites Bacon, New Atlantis (1626), as the first such use; but cf. Thomas Tomkis, Albvmazar (1615), STC 24100—a university drama staged before King James at Cambridge during the same visit as he secured D's honorary doctorate—with its clock-like 'perpetual motion / With a true larum in't to run twelue houres' (C2r).
442–4. Iniquitas … sacculus Dei?: Gregory the Great, Moralium, 12.17.21 (cf. ll. 411–15 and cmt); from Gregory's exposition of Job 14: 17 ('My transgression is sealed vp in a bagge, and thou sowest vp mine iniquitie', AV): 'Quid namque est cor hominis, nisi sacculus Dei? Ubi dum studiose conspicimus per quanta delinquimus, peccata nostra quasi in Dei sacculo signata portamus' (PL 75. 997A; 'For what is the heart of man, but God's "bag?" wherein whilst we earnestly look to see how much we transgress, we carry our sins as it were "sealed up in God's bag"'; LF xxi. 59).
450. Inintelligibleness … Tertullian's word: PL contains no forms of 'inintelligentia' in Tertullian, though that Father coined the cognate 'unintelligentia'; the 'in-' form is prominent in the works of Hilary of Poitiers and other early Fathers, and is found in early modern neo-Lat.; cf. William Perkins, Guilielmi Perkinsi Problema (1604), STC 19734, X3r: Transubstantiatio totius substantiae panis in corpus Christi est inintelligibilis' ('Transubstantiation of the whole substance of the bread into the body of Christ is inintel-ligible'). D uses the word frequently (cf. OESJD iii. 1.399 cmt). PS's emendation to 'unintelligibleness' (tn) is unnecessary.
451. Quid … seipsum: Augustine, Confessions, 1.13.21: 'Quid enim miserius misero non miserante seipsum' (PL 32. 670), which fuller exact quotation D gives in Eng., ll. 451–2.
454–9. Invaluerat … same Father: Augustine, Confessions, 2.2.2: 'Invaluerat super me ira tua, et nesciebam. Obsurdueram stridore catenae mortalitatis meae' (PL 32. 675; lit., 'Your wrath lay heavy upon me, and I did not know. I was deaf from the noise of my chains').
479–80. Angel … Sodom: Gen. 19.
481–2. Plagues … Egypt: Exod. 7–10.
482–5. Gomers … Sabbath: Exod. 16: 14–36; for the Hebr. unit of measure ('Gomer'), D retains the Vulg. reading ('Omer', AV, Geneva).
490. Job … power: Job 21: 7 (AV); D's first quotation verbatim from AV (see Sources).
491–3. David … death: Ps. 44: 18–19 (AV); see prev. cmt.
3. A sermon preached at White-Hall, Novemb. 2. 1617.
Text. F26, N1r-O2v (no. 7, 89–100). There are no other witnesses. No copy collated contains any stop-press corrections. Compared to some other F26 texts, this sermon has very few typesetting errors requiring emendation (ll. 39, 47, 296, 340, tns); only one of those (l. 47) is likely to be a MS copyist's error. PS (i. 327) venture several adjustments to spelling and punctuation that I deem unnecessary; the most substantive are recorded in the apparatus.
Headnote. This sermon and the next in this vol. are unique among D's court sermons for having been preached neither during his routine Apr. service as chaplain, nor during the court Lent series. The Nov. appearance can be explained with some certainty, however, by the pg 172disruption to the chaplains' rota caused by the king's progress to and from Scotland (late Mar. to Aug. 1617). James took select chaplains in his entourage, but not D, who may therefore have served in Nov. as a substitute for, or in exchange with, one of the chaplains who had served on progress earlier in the year. Or perhaps D filled the vacancy created by the death in late Oct. of one of those who had attended in Scotland, Robert Wilkinson (Chamberlain, ii. 107). The union of the English and Scottish Crowns, and the king's project for further ecclesiastical conformity between the two kingdoms, strongly colour this sermon, particularly in the fulsome encomium to James's accession and the Union (ll. 131–88 and cmts), coupled with dire warnings of the fate of kingdoms partitioned by war or religious dispute (ll. 197–209 and cmts).
Another contextual event that must have shadowed the sermon in delivery and reception, or even composition, was the death of Sir Ralph Winwood, Secretary of State, on 28 Oct. after a short and sudden illness. Chamberlain (ii. 108–10) describes in detail the court's affectionate distress for Winwood during his illness, and, three days before D's sermon, how 'all the speech is who shall succeed him'. A sermon on 'change', which dwelt on both its political and spiritual dangers, was therefore highly apt. It might be thought unlikely that D chose this text and wrote the whole sermon in the mere seven days after Winwood's death. 'Part I', however, recycles a surprisingly large amount of material (D's own prose, as well as arguments and sources) from the sermon preached at court in Apr. 1616 (see this vol., Sermon 2; the related passages are documented in the cmts to the present sermon, at ll. 15–17, 28, 37–44, 53–61, 117). That this sermon is shorter, by almost 100 lines, than an average of the two previous surviving court sermons may also suggest pressure of time in composition. Further, the sermon's exordium—with its unusually direct application to 'a Court' (l. 11)—and its last sentence (ll. 413–18)—which returns to the same diction and theme—might have been added with the immediate context in mind. Regardless of the degree of direct response to Winwood's death by D in writing the sermon, its delivery must surely have been met in the chapel royal with a heightened frisson of applicability.
As in Sermons 1 and 2 in this vol., D anatomizes impenitent, habitual sinfulness from an OT text—here the Psalmist's complaint against the complacency of those who, because their lives remain undisturbed, persist in sin; here, too, Job provides important moral and textual counterpoint. Two aspects of the sermon merit further note. First, aesthetically, D's prose is marked not just by the irony and even satire found in the preceding court sermons, but also by a greater freedom and expansiveness, with thematic imagery cast in more elaborate parallel syntax. The long early paragraph on 'the slipperiness of habitual sin' (ll. 37–103), rich in striking exempla, rises to a great peroration, which parodically applies the best of law, philosophy, divinity, history, and finally rhetoric itself to the impenitent defence of sinfulness. Second, D is far more daring with doctrine and politics than hitherto at court, perhaps emboldened by the success of his first appearance at Paul's Cross on Accession Day (24 Mar.; PS i.3). That sermon was 'exceedingly well liked generally, the rather for that he did Quene Elizabeth great right' (Chamberlain, ii. 67). This sermon has its cognate in the praise for the peaceful succession, but is in emphasis far more directed to King James and the Union. Doctrinally, D also ventures opinions both sharp and balanced on the increasingly vexed points of predestination, chastising hard-line Calvinist security in 'Decrees of Election' (ll. 265–6) but immediately asserting comfort for those graced with 'marks and evidences of the Elect' (l. 269). Similarly, he ventures a summary of Christianity which holds in perfect equipoise the necessity of both faith and good works (ll. 393–5 and cmts). Sustained criticism of the RC Church also appears here in a triumphalist account of the success of the Reformation, including frank reflections on motives for conversion to Rome (ll. 226–57 and cmts). Finally, there emerges clearly for the first time a leitmotif of so many of his later sermons, the necessary and complete integration of fearful respect for the 'Rank, and Order, and Majestie' of God and king (l. 373–4), which responds to James's desire for uniformity between the English and Scottish Churches, and looks forward pg 173to the doctrinal disputes soon to be addressed at the Synod of Dort (1618–19; see this vol., Sermon 5, Headnote).
Sources. The sermon is, compared to nos. 1 and 2 in this vol., light in its use of patristic or other scholarly sources, which may reflect the amount of time devoted to preparation (see Headnote). Quotations from Bernard, Chrysostom, Augustine, and Martial are fleeting; the rather more exotic commentary of Richard of St Victor on S. of S. provides an epithet tactfully shorn of the original's frankness about sex (ll. 46–8). The scholarly digression on a single Hebr. word from his text—a habit of these early court sermons—is taken from the contemporary commentary on the Psalms by the Jesuit Jean de Lorin (Lorinus) (ll. 280–6 and cmts). Otherwise, in this sermon D relies noticeably more on the multiplication of scriptural quotation to advance his arguments (ll. 324–60 and cmts).
Further reading. For the king's Scottish progress and court preaching in 1617, see Sermons at Court, 127–8, and 'Calendar', in loc.
5. Novemb. … 1617: Sun., Trinity 20; for the anomaly in D's month of attendance, and other events at court around this date, see Headnote.
6–7. Psal. … not God: AV, Geneva.
8–10. In … state: in both its parallel syntax and diction ('Prison', 'wither'd'), an anticipation of the opening of the now famous passage on the weight of God's wrath in the second prebend sermon at St Paul's, 29 Jan. 1625/6, PS vii.i.182–7; Prebend, 91–111.
9. Galley … slavery: becoming a galley slave was a real risk for English mariners in the Mediterranean, who were often captured and held for ransom by Ottoman traders; collections for redemption of captives were routinely taken at charity sermons.
15–17. first murmuring … Estate: cf. this vol., Sermon 2, ll. 283–6 and cmt.
17. Princes are Gods: cf. Ps. 82: 6.
18. Courts … Heaven: the court or palace as a metaphor for the Jewish Temple, God's presence, or heaven, occurs in the Pss. (cf. 65: 4, 84: 2), and when the comparison is drawn with earthly courts, it is, as here, to the latter's detriment (cf. Ps. 84:10, 'A day in thy courts is better then a thousand'); medieval Christianity elaborated the iconography of the court of heaven (e.g. 'Christ the King', 'Mary Queen of Heaven', 'attendant' angels and saints). D must also have an eye here to the arrangement and decor of the chapel royal as a microcosmic 'representation' of heaven, from star-spangled ceiling, to reigning monarch in an elevated closet, to attending courtier-'saints' below (see Introduction, pp. xxv–xxvii). Cf. also D's 'representation' of the royal court as a kind of hell, far from heaven, in 'Satyre III' ('No more can Princes courts, though there be few / better pictures of vice, teach me vertue', ll. 71–2).
20. Increpation: 'reproof, rebuke' (OED).
28. Obduration: 'becoming obdurate, hardened in sin, or insensible to moral influence' (OED 1).
29. a Quia … sin: see this vol., Sermon 2, ll. 87–92 cmt.
33. dementation: 'the fact or condition of being demented; madness, infatuation' (OED, citing this as the first use; but cf. Urbanus Rhegius, trans. 'Ric. Ro.', An Homelye or Sermon of Good and Euill Angels (1583), STC 20844, B8V: 'a most great and horrible, bewitching dementation or dooting, and blinding of theyr sences').
34–5. The fear … wisedom: Prov. 9: 10.
38–9. Peccatum … libertate: Lat., lit., 'a sin with a voice is guilt in action; a sin with a crying out is guilt [done] with abandon' Gregory the Great, Liber Regulae Pastoralis, 3.31 (PL 77. 112D); cf. this vol., Sermon 2, ll. 136–7 and cmt.
43–4. fancies … delight: cf. this vol., Sermon 2, ll. 342–51 and cmt.
46–8. rock … delectationem: the Lat. epithet ('an obstinate delight', where delectatio would be closer to 'sexual fantasizing' in modern Eng.) is unique to Richard of St Victor's In Cantica pg 174Canticorum Explicatio, 25, in a passage that delineates degrees of culpability for sexual desire, paraphrased here by D, though he suppresses the original's reference to voluntary and involuntary ejaculation: 'Si ergo contingat ex delectatione, mortale est, etiamsi non voluntarium sit quando contingit, si culpa mortalis praecessit, familiaritatis, cogitationis, aspectus et hujus-modi, de qua occasionem habuerit morosa delectatio per quam accidit. Quia enim haec fuerunt voluntaria, et per haec morosa delectatio habita, non excusatur ipsum peccatum, etiamsi contra voluntatem contingat. Si quis autem post morosam delectationem de ea contritus fuerit, si postea contingat ei pollutio, et iterum redit delectatio, mortale est' (PL 196. 480B-C; 'If [ejaculation] comes from delight, it is mortal, even if it is not voluntary when it happens, if it was preceded by a sinful fault, such as familiarity, thoughts, looks, and the like, from which occasion comes the obstinate delight by which it happens. Therefore, because this is voluntary, and comes about by this obstinate delight, this sin cannot be excused, even if it comes against the will. Even if after obstinate delight one is sorry for it, if afterwards pollution [ejaculation] comes, and desire returns, it is mortal').
47. concealing [tn]: PS (i. 327) suggest but do not adopt this correction of F26 'coveraling'; it was made confidently, however, by the anon. corrector of F2610. Orthographically, secretary 'v' and 'e' ('coveraling') and 'n' and 'c' ('concealing') can be easily confused.
50–1. Gregory … crying sins: cf. ll 38–9 cmt.
52. the Schools: medieval scholastic theologians who systematically applied the rules of logic to questions and contradictions in Scripture and morals; the consummation of the method and form was Aquinas, ST. D shares the Renaissance humanist suspicion of the scholastic emphasis on logic over languages and rhetoric.
52. the Casuists: adherents of a branch of moral theology that rigorously applied moral principles to particular cases (hence, 'casuistry'); although he was known as a 'mystical' theologian, cf. Richard of St Victor's treatment of the 'case' of involuntary ejaculation (l. 46–8 cmt).
52–4. peccata Infantia … clamantia: D's own expansion (in rhetorical terms, gradatio) of Gregory's commentary on 'crying sins' (see ll. 38–9, 50–1, cmts); 'speechless' sins are 'Infantia', from etym. of Lat., infans, 'without speech'.
53–61. peccata … sin: a recapitulation (with only slight adjustments to some of the same key evidence) of this vol., Sermon 2, ll. 79–94 and cmts. Sins of 'reason' and 'disputation' ('cum ratione … disputatione') adapts the Terentian tag 'insanire cum ratione' (this vol., Sermon 2, ll. 109–10 and cmt), and D devotes much of the long passage of the earlier sermon to the follies of sinning 'because' (Lat., 'Quia ') of a host of excuses.
61–2. Et … impudentes: 'one is ashamed not to be ashamed' Augustine, Confessions, 2.9.17 (PL 32. 682); the sharp irony of Augustine's formula inspires D's ensuing catalogue (ll. 62–71) of moral inversions.
63. shamefac'dness: modesty.
63. tenderness toward: sensitivity to.
65. imaginary: 'imaginable; that can be imagined' (OED adj. and n., 4, citing 1624 as the first use); opposite to the dominant sense ('having no real existence', OED 1), thus adding to the passage's ironic moral inversions.
68. taking … sicknesses: Matt. 8: 17.
69–70. sell … Moths: Luke 12: 33–4; but an inexact reference, as 'Rust' is from the version of the same saying at Matt. 6: 19–20.
71–2. not … King: since criminal courts administered the king's own justice (cf. 'Crown Court'), it would be a logical impossibility to try, or present evidence against, the king there.
75. momentany: 'relating to the moment, momentary; transitory; evanescent' (OED).
75. suborn: 'to bribe or unlawfully procure (a person) to make accusations or give evidence against another' (OED 1.b).
77–8. Omne … too: variant of the common scholastic (originally Aristotelian) syllogism, 'Omne verum, omni vero consonat'. I have not elsewhere encountered D's form with the synonym 'consentiens'. D quotes the same in two other sermons, (both undated; PS iii.4.678–80; v.12.6), in the first giving the lit. trans., 'whatsoever is true in itselfe agrees with every other truth'; in the early modern period it was often deployed to assert, as here, the congruity of human sciences with theology ('Divinity'); cf. Petrus de Alliaco, Concordantia Astronomiæ cum Theologia (Augsburg, 1490), a2r; Lancelot Andrewes, XCVI Sermons (1629), STC 606, 3V1v.
80. Recriminations: 'an accusation, esp. one made in response to an accuser' (OED, 'recrimination', 2).
80. cross Bill: 'A bill filed in Chancery by a defendant against the plaintiff or other co-defendants in the same suit' (OED, 'cross-bill', n.1, a, citing 1637 as the first use).
83–95. craftily … nature: the rapaciousnous of the lion and the fox were commonplaces, but here D also probably refers to the Aesopian fable of the Lion and the Wolf, where the Fox 'craftily' contrives the Lion's 'brutal' killing of the Wolf, the morals (apt here) being that 'It becommeth not thée to prouoke thy Lord to wrathe' and 'He which continually diggeth pittes, at length turneth him selfe therein' (Thomas Blague, A Schole of wise conceytes (1572), STC 3115, C6r–v).
86. Humanum: Lat., human.
89. logically … Ergo: according to the rules of logic, where 'Quia' (Lat., 'because') and 'Ergo' (Lat., 'therefore') are stock categories of syllogisms and argument.
91. Grammatically: according to the rules of grammar.
92. Syntaxis: 'late L., and Gr. σύνταξιϛ … to arrange' (OED etym.), an alternative form, increasingly obsolete in D's period, of 'syntax' here both 'the arrangement of words (in their appropriate forms) by which their connection and relation in a sentence are shown', and 'the department of grammar which deals with the established usages of grammatical construction and the rules deduced therefrom' (OED, 'syntax', 2).
93. Historically: according to the use of written histories, the study of exemplary men and their deeds.
95. Rhetorically: according to the rules of rhetoric, the art of persuading with words, written or spoken.
111. Ecclesia malignantium: Ps. 25: 5 (Vulg.; 'congregation of euill doers', AV 'Psal. 26. 5.' (in marg.); see next cmt).
112. Synagogue, a Church: although the two are linked in OT/NT typology, D's use of 'Synagogue' as a synonym for 'Church' ('Ecclesia', see prev. cmt) seems his own deliberate Hebraism; cf. 'congregation' (AV, BCP), 'assemblie' (Geneva).
113–14. excommunicated in: i.e. excommunicated from.
115. Civility: 'conformity to the principles of social order, behaviour befitting a citizen; good citizenship' (OED 7).
119. impossibility … Commandments: cf. Matt. 5: 19.
120–3. manifestation … good: typically balanced satire against the two extreme results of strict predestinarian Calvinism, whereby the 'Decree' of fore-ordained election to salvation or damnation produces either sinful pride or despair in the believer; cf. ll. 203–9 and cmts.
126. grosness: 'thickness, density, materiality, solidity' (OED, 'grossness', 3).
127. Lord … life: common OT and NT attributes of God; the epithets are not strictly scriptural, but cf. Ps. 27: 4.
128. shadow of death: Ps. 23: 4 (AV and BCP).
131. Quia non mutationes: Lat.; D's trans. from AV Ps. 55: 19, 'because [they have] no changes'; cf. T-J Ps. 55: 20, 'quibus non sunt mutationes'. Vulg. (Ps. 54: 20, iuxta LXX) has: 'non enim est illis commutatio'.
132–6. earth … motion: summary of Ptolemaic cosmology, where earth and the heavens are fixed, and the sun and the planets move between them. Cf. IC, 17–19; 'Epithalamion', ll. 186–92; 'To the Countesse of Bedford ('T'have written then')', ll. 37–42; 'The First Anniversary', ll. 207–12.
137. reversion: 'the right of succeeding to the possession of something, or of obtaining something at a future time' (OED n.1, 3.a).
140–1. Thy kingdom come: Matt. 6:10, Luke 11:2; one of the petitions in the Lord's Prayer, said at Morning and Evening Prayer and Holy Communion (BCP).
142–4. presented … kingdom : Ezek. 16: 13, quoting neither AV ('thou didst prosper into a kingdome'), nor Geneva ('thou didst grow vp into a kingdome'); the Lat. is closer to T-J ('& prosperata in regno') than Vulg. ('et profecisti in regnum').
146. united Kingdoms: of England and Scotland, united at the accession to the former of James VI and I (1603), refreshed in the national consciousness by the recent royal visit to Scotland (see Headnote).
147. Kingdoms … Cities: most familiar, in the period, in the ducal city-states of Italy and Germany.
148–9. Kingdom … Kingdom: sharp antanaclasis, strictly speaking the form of a chiasmus ('Kingdom' … 'Kingdoms' … 'Kingdoms' … 'Kingdom'), which drives home the result of the Union of the Crowns (see l. 146 cmt), perhaps with further reference to the royal style's sovereignty expressed (somewhat anachronistically) over England, Scotland, Ireland, and France (cf. next cmt).
155–6. Wisdom … Prince: 'Wisdom', particularly that of Solomon, was a favoured attribute of James VI and I; cf, among many examples, John Williams, Great Britains Salomon A sermon preached at the magnificent funerall, of the most high and mighty king, Iames (1625), STC 26723. Assertion of the king's 'Vigilancie' is probably intended to calm fears related to James's leniency to RCs with the advent of the planned Spanish Match for Prince Charles.
157–61. our time … Innovation: praise for the peaceful 'Succession' of James after the death ('Secession') of Elizabeth, without any 'Innovation', particularly in religion; the theme of 'Change without Change' was conventional in sermons immediately upon Elizabeth's death; see Sermons at Court, 101–6.
162–3. Terra … once: D's Lat. is from the Clementine Vulg. (Ps. 75: 9, 'terra tremuit et quievit'), which only BCP follows closely (Ps. 76: 8, 'the earth trembled and was still'); cf. T-J (Ps. 76: 9, 'terra timet, & quieta sidit') and AV (Ps. 76: 8, 'the earth feared and was still').
163–4. afraid … again: Cf. D's other extended account of the mixed emotions of 25 Mar. 1603 in his first Paul's Cross sermon eight months earlier (PS i.3.1242–71); see Headnote.
177–8. Stretch … face: Job 2: 5 (Geneva).
180–5. Prince … Christian: a cautious opinion of different forms of royal justice, delicately balancing the advantages of strict punishment against mercy or even indulgence; the language of 'losses and forfeitures' and 'dangers' (ll. 182–3) strongly suggests the specific case of penal laws against RC recusants.
185. Study … quiet: 1 Thess. 4: 11 (Geneva).
190–1. quia non illis: Lat., 'because they do not'.
191. preterition: 'the act of passing over something without notice; omission, disregard' (OED 2).
193–6. Epigrammatist … God: 'The Epigrammatist' is the Roman poet Martial; D's Lat. tag ('though he denies this prosperity'), epitomizes Epigrams 4.21: 'Nullos esse deos, inane caelum / adfirmat Segius: probatque, quod se / factum, dum negat haec, videt beatum.' ('"There are pg 177no gods: heaven is empty," Sergius asserts; and he proves it, for in the midst of these denials he sees himself made rich!').
199. canton'd … Seigniories: subdivided into small feudal domains (cf. OED, 'canton', v., 1.b; 'seigniory', 3); 'petty' carries both the etymological sense of 'small' (Fr., petit), but also the meaning 'of lesser importance', 'insubordinate' (OED, 'petty', adj. and n., 1.a). The cantons of the Swiss confederation were a commonplace example in the period. Though loosely hypothetical here, 'canton'd' may have overtones of the division of the Holy Roman Empire between Habsburg interests in Spain and Germany, but should be considered primarily as a counterpoint to D's preceding encomium to the stability of the Union of the Crowns of Scotland and England (ll. 141–67 and cmts).
200–4. neighbours … Religion: the seven northern Protestant provinces of the Low Countries (Netherlands) rebelled against the RC rule of Philip of Spain in the Eighty Years War, begun in 1568, which established, though under constant threat from Spain ('the power-fullest Enemy'), the Seven United Provinces; doctrinal dispute between Calvinist and anti-Calvinist ('Remonstrant') factions in the new northern league was bitter, and soon directly involved King James and English theologians at the Synod of Dort (1618–19). Particularly striking here is D's suggestion that internecine doctrinal disputes are more ominous than external military threats. See Headnote, and cf. the engagement with Remonstrant theology in this vol., Sermon 5 (Headnote and Sources).
207. sub quibus Consulibus: Lat., 'under which Consul' (i.e. in Roman history or law).
208–9. Decree … Reprobation: see ll. 120–3 and cmt.
211. out of Berosus: Berosus was a Babylonian historian of the 3rd century bce. In 1498 the Italian humanist Annius of Viterbo published alleged discoveries of new Berosian texts; critics exposed these as forgeries in one of the great causes célèbres of 16th-century scholarship, so for D here 'out of Berosus' is matter not only distant, but also dubious.
211. Letters … Japan: the climax of a gradatio of increasingly improbable or outlandish sources, here from the farthest part of the known world, reached by Spanish Jesuit missionaries only in 1549, and known to the English only through early travel narratives, often at second hand.
213–17. We … confident: D himself had first-hand experience of these scenarios: military service and sea voyages with the Earl of Essex's expeditionary force to Cádiz in 1596 (Bald, 80–92); the great plague of 1592–4, which interrupted his studies at Lincoln's Inn and took the life of his younger brother Henry (Bald, 56–80); and the recent sudden death of Secretary Winwood (see Headnote).
214. Consort: 'a ship sailing in company with another' (OED n.1, 2).
218. quia non nobis: Lat., 'because not to us'.
223–5. Quia … non habuerunt: Lat., 'because they do not have … because they have not had'.
228–40. awakened … Disguises: begins the first extended passage of anti-Catholic satire in D's surviving court sermons. The final clause here ('such … hath had', ll. 239–40) summarizes both the structure and content of the preceding parallel vignettes of the Reformation's diminution of Rome's sovereignty over kings, and its wealth, temporal jurisdiction, membership, and theology. The court reception of D's Protestant triumphalism may have been strengthened by the sensational arrival in England of the Venetian convert Marc Antonio de Dominis, Archbishop of Spalato, in December 1616; in the year of this sermon he was appointed Dean of Windsor and granted honorary doctorates from both Cambridge and Oxford.
236. come … from her: cf. Rev. 18: 4.
238. doctrines of men: Col. 2: 22.
238–9. doctrines of devils: 1 Tim. 4: 1.
242. period: full stop, end.
243. declinableness: inclination; but the use of the negative construction ('de-') implies a moral falling-off.
243–4. our … dare: those who profess Protestantism, but incline towards RC theology and ceremonial; D seems to have less in mind here lay 'church papists' (who outwardly conformed to the CofE but privately practised as RCs) than those anti-Calvinist and ceremonialist higher clergy, like Lancelot Andrewes or John Overall, whose theology and style of worship occasionally inspired reports from RC ambassadors of their alleged RC sympathies.
245–7. Because … scruples: D here focuses on actual converts to Roman Catholicism, alleging three polemically conventional motives (gender, financial distress, and moral scruple), for which see Michael Questier, Conversion, Politics and Religion in England, 1580–1625 (Cambridge, 1996). The cases here are perhaps insufficiently specific for individuals, though there had been conversions to Rome close to D and the court, including the king's chaplain Benjamin Carier in 1613, which sparked a print debate in 1615. Among lay converts, one of the most prominent (and a friend of D) was Sir Tobie Matthew, who had returned to London from exile in May and was, in this year, implicated in the conversion of the Countess of Exeter.
245–6. women … sin: strongly rooted in the verse here partially quoted (1 Tim. 3: 6): AV 'For of this sort are they which creep into houses, and leade captiue silly women laden with sinnes'; cf. also Geneva gloss, 'As, monkes, friers, and suche hypocrites'.
249. giddy: 'incapable of or indisposed to serious thought or steady attention; easily carried away by excitement' (OED adj., 3.a, citing D, 'Giddie fantastique Poëts' ('Satyre I', l. 10) as the first use); cf. PS x.6.202–4: 'And with these Dews of Apparitions and Revelations, did the Romane Church make our fathers drunk and giddy'
251. currantly: a rare example of syllepsis, or punning, where no fewer than three senses are suggested: 'in the manner of a flowing stream', 'now, at the present time', and 'with a common current or direction of evidence, opinion' (OED, 'currently', 1, 2, 3).
251. intemerately: 'in an intemerate or inviolate manner; purely' (OED, 'intemerate', Derivatives, 'intemerately', citing only D, 'But he cannot take the water so sincerely, so purely, so intemerately from the channell as from the fountaine head' (PS v.17.829–31)).
254. sears up: 'to close (a wound, vein, etc.) by actual cautery' (OED, 'sear', v., 3.c, 'to sear up'); but cf. also 'chiefly after 1 Tim. iv. 2, to render (the conscience) incapable of feeling' (OED, 'sear', v., 3.b).
255. rid out: ridden out, weathered.
258. Habuerunt … Habebunt: Lat., 'they have had … they will have'.
259. Impii non stabunt: Lat.; D's own trans. from AV Ps. 1: 5, 'the vngodly shall not stand in the iudgement'; cf. Vulg. 'non resurgent impii', and T-J 'non exsurgent improbii'.
260–6. In … stand: a gradatio that incrementally eliminates any possibility that the wicked can avoid the change that must come at the Last Judgment: they cannot stand but will fall (ll. 260–3); they will fall even when they think they can stand (ll. 263–6); and finally they will not even be able 'to think that they shall stand' (l. 266). The ironies are intensified by D's insistence that only the godly can honestly profess to have 'the Seals of the Holy Ghost' (l. 264; cf. Eph. 1: 13), or proof of election to salvation. Cf. John Udall, Amendment of Life (1584), STC 24489, D2v: 'that whomsoeuer God calleth he sealeth with his holy spirit, it resteth that euery one of vs examine himselfe how he féeleth himselfe affected in this point: whether we can féele this spirite comfort vs at all times and seasons or no'.
272. diffident: 'distrustful, mistrustful' (OED 1).
272. jealousie: 'anger, wrath, indignation' (OED, 'jealousy', n., 1).
272. desperate: 'despairing, hopeless' (OED adj., n., and adv., A.I.1.a).
279. Mortalitas … Augustine: cf. Augustine, De Trinitate, 2.9.15: 'mutabilitas non incon-venienter mortalitas dicitur' (PL 42. 855; 'dying is not inappropriately called changing').
280–6. kalaph … by death: the source for D's Hebr. excursus can be identified with some certainty as Jean de Lorin, Commentariorum in Librum Psalmorum Tomus Secundus (Lyon, 1614) E4V, col. 1D-E), in his commentary on the final clause of D's text ('non enim est illis com-mutatio', Ps. 54: 19, iuxta LXX; 'non enim mutantur', tuxta Hebr.). D gives the primary root 'kalaph' ('châlaph', 'to change' Strong H2498), where the Hebr. word in Ps. 55: 19 is its derivative 'chălîyphâh' ('change' Strong H2487). The Aramaic ('Chaldee', l. 285) paraphrase can be found in AP (iii. T3r). However, in addition to the Chaldee reading in Hebr., Lat. transliteration, and Lat. trans., Lorin also supplies (in Lat., as quoted by D) the reading of Symmachus—the Jewish proselyte (c.2nd century ce), whose free Gr. trans. of the OT was preserved in Origen's Hexapla—and several others (cf. 'some Translators', l. 283). Further, Lorin provides the locus commune of Job 14: 14 (ll. 280–1 and marg.): 'mutationes, siue vicis-situdines, aut excisiones, quo pacto in Iob [14.14 in marg.] expecto donec veniat immutatio mea … "chaliphathi'" ('"changes", that is, "vicissitudes", or "destructions", which is in Job, "I await the coming of my change" [as in] "chaliphathi"'). D also follows Lorin in linking Symmachus' reading of 'birth' ('sancta nativitas', l. 283) with Christian resurrection: 'de commutatione resurrectiones fauet immutatio Iob, vt rursus fieri significat, vel sanctam nativitatem' ('the change that is the resurrection supports the "change" in Job, which in another way can mean a blessed birth'). See also ll. 290–1 and cmt.
283. [marg.]. Symma.: Symmachus; see prev. cmt.
286. He: Job (ll. 280–6 and cmts).
286. stay: 'to cease speaking, break off one's discourse' (OED v.1, 2.b).
287–8. Resurrection … creation: cf. Geneva note to Job 14: 14: 'Meaning, vnto the day of the resurrection when he shulde be changed, & renued.'
288. Divorce … Marriage: the 'Divorce' of the body and soul at death is the 'Marriage' of the soul to God; cf. PS vi.14.399–405.
290. bosom of Abraham: cf. Luke 16: 22.
290–1. Maxima … Immutabilitatem: cf. Bernard of Clairvaux, Sermones de Diversis, 8.1: 'Et quemadmodum sic mutetur, imo sic mutet immutabilis ipse' (PL 183. 561B); cf. also Aquinas, Quaestiones Disputatae Potentia Dei, 5.7, ans. 12: 'Elementa autem mutabuntur de mutabilitate in immutabilitatem, ut patet per Glossam quae super illud Matth. cap. V, 18: "donee transeat caelum et terra", etc., dicit: "donec transeat a mutabilitate ad immutabilitatem". Ergo ista natura elementorum non remanebit.' ('Now the elements will be changed from mutability to immutability because the (interlinear) gloss on Matthew v, 18, Till heaven and earth pass, says: "Till they pass from mutability to immutability." Therefore the elements will not retain their present nature.')
293–4. escape … surprise: the special case of those alive at the Second Coming; cf. Geneva note to 1 Cor. 15: 51 ('When the Lord cometh to iudgement, some of the Saintes shalbe aliue, whome he wil change euen as if they were dead, so that this change is in steade of death to them'); for a more detailed treatment of this question by D, see this vol., Sermon 10, Sources.
294–5. though … changed: cf. 1 Cor. 15: 51 ('we shall not all sleepe, but wee shall all be changed'); cited by Lorin to support the same argument (see ll. 280–6 cmt).
295. Statutum … mori: cf. Vulg. Heb. 9: 27: 'statutum est hominibus semel mori' (AV 'it is appointed vnto men once to die').
296. statutum … mori: Lat., 'it is appointed that no one shall die twice', D's reworking of Heb. 9: 27 (see prev. cmt).
307. Cntick: 'one skilful in judging of the qualities and merits of literary or artistic works' (OED, 'critic', n.1, 2, citing Francis Bacon (1605) as the first use).
310. Reading … Book: at a trial, having his book (of precedents, arguments) in his hand.
311. stupidity: 'condition of being deprived of the use of the faculties; a state of stupor' (OED 2).
313. their first letters: their ABC.
315. The … all: see ll. 322–31 and cmts.
320–1. Epistles … not superscribed: lit., letters not addressed to them; but here continuing the biblical metaphor of NT epistles, or letters.
322. Sentence: 'a quoted saying of some eminent person, an apophthegm' (OED n., 4.a).
324. Ecclesiasticus … wisdom: D quotes from Geneva (Ecclus. 1: 15), but marg. gives AV v. number (16).
325–6. Blessedness … David: cf. Ps. 112: 1.
326. Blessedness … Solomon: cf. Prov. 28: 14.
326–7. Plenitudo … Sapientia: Ecclus. 1: 20 (Vulg. 'Plenitudo sapientis timere Deum' lit., 'the fullness of wisdom is to fear the Lord'; AV 'The root of wisedome is to feare the Lord'); and Ecclus. 1.1 (Vulg. 'Omnis sapientia a domino Deo est'; AV 'All wisedome commeth from the Lord').
328. Job … sapientia: Job 28: 28 (Vulg.).
329–31. Esai … treasure: Isa. 33: 6 (Geneva).
333. Holy Ghost … placed: as the author of Scripture.
340. Tristis anima: cf. Matt. 26: 38, Mark 14: 34 (Vulg.).
340. present: 'having presence of mind, collected, self-possessed' (OED adj. and adv., 4).
341. Veruntamen: Lat., 'Yet' cf. Matt. 26: 39, Mark 14: 36 (Vulg.); see next cmt.
341–2. Yet … done: D casts Christ's Passion petition ('Neuerthelesse, not as I will, but as thou wilt', Matt. 26: 39; cf. Mark 14: 36) in the terms of the Lord's Prayer ('thy will be done', Matt. 6: 10).
342–3. Eli … me?: cf. Matt. 27: 46.
344. In … Domine: Lat., lit., 'into thy hands Lord'; cf. Vulg. Luke 23: 46, 'Pater, in manus tuas commendo spiritum meum' (AV 'Father, into thy hands I commend my spirit'). The form D quotes is the response sung at Compline in the RC rite; cf. this vol., Sermon 1, l. 356 cmt.
346. Holy Ghost … Love: cf. 1 John 4: 8.
348. Ye are gods: Ps. 82: 6; referring to anyone in authority, but conventionally applied to kings (cf. v. 7, 'but ye shall die like men, and fall like one of the Princes'). Cf. ll. 17–18.
351. servile fear: based on Rom. 8: 15 ('For ye haue not receiued the spirit of bondage againe to feare: but you haue receiued the spirit of adoption'), a Pauline distinction between pagan and Christian motives for religious love; cf. Edmund Bunny, A Booke of Christian Exercise (1584), STC 19355, Z7v–8r: 'our spirit is not a spirit of servile fear: that is, to live in fear, only for dread of punishment, without love: but a spirit of love joined with fear of children, wherby they fear to offend their father, not only in respect of his punishment, but principally for his goodnes towards them'.
351. apprehension: fear.
353–4. Fear … hell: cf. Matt. 10: 28.
354. even … wisdom: a moral commonplace; cf. Bunny, Christian Exercise, Z8v: 'albeit the spirit of servile fear be forbidden us … yet is it most profitable for sinners, and such as yet but begin to serve God'.
355. Quid … Deus?: Job 31: 14 (Vulg.; lit., 'What shall I do when God rises up in judgment?').
357–8. A … timui: cf. Vulg. Ps. 118: 120, 'a iudiciis enim tuis timui' (AV Ps. 119: 120, 'I am afraid of thy judgements').
360. Timorem … vos: Vulg. Ps. 33: 12; AV Ps. 34: 11; note Vulg. numbering in marg. .
360–1. Cogita … barathrum: cf. Basil, Sermones de moribus 14.1: 'cogita … animo tibi fingas pg 181barathrum profundum, tenebras impenetrabiles' (PG 32. 550; 'think … of your soul in the depths of hell, in impenetrable darkness').
363. Hierome … damnavi: cf. Jerome, Epistola XXII ad Eustochium, 7: 'Ille igitur ego, qui ob gehennae metum, tali me carcere ipse damnaveram' (PL 22. 93; 'Now, although in my fear of hell, I had confined myself to this prison', NPNF, 2nd ser., vi. 25).
369. disestimation: 'the action of disesteeming; the condition of being disesteemed; disrepute' (OED, citing 1619 as the first use).
377. Stewards and Vice-gerents: generally, deputies; but here kings are strongly implied; cf. 'applied to rulers and magistrates as representatives of the Deity' (OED, 'vice-gerent', n., 2.a).
382–418. Jehovah … Religion : D's peroration is built on the Christian interpretative consensus on the different expansions of the Hebrew 'Tetragrammaton', or name for God, 'YHWH'. In the most ancient OT texts, the sacred name had no vowels or vocalizations and was 'unutterable' (l. 382), out of respect for the sixth commandment not to take the Lord's name in vain (Exod. 20: 7). Two of the names for God and their meanings discussed by D result from later Hebr. versions which supplied vowels to 'YHWH' to allow its pronunciation in Hebr. worship as 'Adonai' ('Lord' Lat., Dominus) and 'Elohim' ('God' Lat., Deus); 'Jehovah' was an early Christian transcription of 'Adonai'. Cf. ED, 23–7.
385. School … Pulpit: a typical appeal to practical, vs. speculative religion; D contrasts university examination chambers ('schools'), where disputative theological and philosophical examinations and 'disputes' were held, with places of worship, where uncontentious moral doctrine should be taught.
386–8. timor Adonai … all: Lat., 'fear of Adonai' see ll. 382–418 cmt; cf. Heinrich Bullinger, Fiftie … sermons diuided into fiue decades (1577), STC 4056, 3C4v: 'Adonai … al interpreters in their translations where they turne it into Latine doe call it Dominus, that is, Lord. For GOD is the Lord of all things .… For he hath a most méere dominion, and absolute Monarchie ouer all his creatures.'
388. potestas . . abutendi: from Roman property law; cf. Codex, 4.35.21: 'ius utendi et abutendi re sua, quatenus iuris ratio patitur' ('the right [D, 'potestas', 'power'] of the use and the abuse of a thing, within the limits of the law').
393. two Tables: that is, the two scriptural precepts that follow (see next cmts), identified metaphorically with the Twelve Tables of Roman Law (cf. prev. cmt) and the two tablets of the Ten Commandments.
393–4. Tantummodo … thee: composite of Mark 5: 36 and Luke 18: 42 (Vulg. and AV).
394–5. Fac … salvation: another composite (see prev. cmt), where the Lat. first clause is scriptural (Vulg. Luke 10: 28; AV 'this do, and thou shalt liue'); the second clause freely summarizes Pauline assertions that good works confirm faith (cf. 1 Tim. 6: 18, 2 Tim. 3: 17, and Tit. 3: 14).
395–6. Dominum … hosts: 'The Lord of Hosts' is a common OT epithet for God, sometimes preserving the Hebraism 'God of Sabaoth' (D's 'Tzebaoth', l. 407); cf. Bullinger, Fiftie … sermons, 3C4v: 'And therefore for plainnesse sake sometime the word Sabbaoth is annexed to the name of God: whiche some translate … the Lord of hostes. For God being Almightie, doth by his power or strength shewe forth, and in his hoste declare what mightie thinges he is able to doe.'
399–405. Elohim … Genesis: cf. Bullinger, Fiftie … sermons, 3C5r–v: 'Againe, God is called El, because of his strength. … Elohim … betokeneth the presence of God, which neuer fayleth his woorkmanship .… as in the first of Genesis we find: In the beginning, Bara Elohim … God created … Heauen and Earth.'
407. Tzebaoth: see ll. 395–6 cmt.
416–17. Type … heaven: D concludes with an assertion of the exemplarity of courts; cf. l. 18 and cmt.
pg 1824. A sermon preached to Queen Anne. December. 14. 1617.
Text. The c-t is British Library Harley MS 6946 ('HI'), fos. 1r–11r. This has been collated with the three other known witnesses: F26 (no. 18, 257–69, 2L1r–2M3r); the 'Ellesmere Manuscript' ('E'; Cambridge University Library MS Add. 8469, fos. 1r–18r); and the 'Merton Manuscript' ('M'; Bodleian Library Oxford MS Eng. th. c. 71, fos. 116r–122r). H1, a copy not known to PS, was identified in 1992 (see Jeanne Shami, 'New Manuscript Texts of Sermons by John Donne', English Manuscript Studies, 13 (2007), 77–119). It is one of four sermons by D (but unattributed to him), each in a different early 17th-century hand and on different paper stocks, bound together in the late 17th century. Shami dates the paper stock used for H1 as 1616—suggestive of this copy's origin being close to the date of preaching. Shami gives a preliminary assessment of H1's textual significance based on collation with the three other witnesses. My independent conclusion from the same exercise broadly concurs with hers—that H1 is undoubtedly the superior MS text of this sermon, and that all four witnesses derive from the same source. My analysis of the vars., however, further suggests that E and M derive from a copy made after slight authorial emendations to the text found in H1, and that F26 contains yet later substantive refinements by D. F26 was chosen by PS as the c-t—by the standards of their edition (to present the last authorially revised text) entirely correct. By the standards of this edition, however (to present the text closest to that at the time of delivery), H1 is a prime example of an unrevised text undoubtedly closer than the printed copy to the sermon as preached. It is shorter by some fifty words than F26, and in some ways less refined in smaller points of diction and style. Its paragraphing also attends more to rhetorical movements than to the conventional paragraphing by topic followed by F26. These matters are addressed case by case in the cmts and tns. The remainder of this headnote addresses (1) the conventions observed in presenting H1 as copy, and (2) detailed analysis of each witness's textual significance in support of the claims made above.
H1 is a very clean scribal copy. In only thirty-six instances have I supplied a reading from the other witnesses to correct H1, and even these are minor: twenty-eight are corrections of what I judge to be slight scribal errors, and eight are interventions where H1's punctuation was either so manifestly wrong, or so unconventional by modern standards, as seriously to compromise sense for a reader. All supplied readings are supported by at least two, and usually all three, other witnesses. In only one case does H1 suffer from a substantial loss of text (eight words); this can be attributed confidently to copyist error (ll. 455–6 tn).
All contractions and abbreviations have been silently expanded. The vast majority of these are standard scribal forms such as superscription ('wch' for 'which', 'wth' for 'with') macrons ('Primū' for 'Primum', 'sanctificacōn' for 'sanctificacion'), or modified letter forms (for 'pro-', 'pre-', 'per-', 'pri-', and '-er', '-re', '-or', '-ro'). Also silently expanded are the scribe's habitual (though not universal) definite articles composed of the modified thorn ('y') with sup. contractions ('ye' for 'the', 'yt' for 'that'; note that 'yt' for 'it' is consistently distinguishable by the scribe's lower-case 't'). The abbreviation 'Sct' (in origin, Lat. sanctus) for 'saint' has been presented here as 'St.' The only non-standard scribal feature that I have sometimes modernized is the upper-case 'F', which is often applied without reference to part of speech or syntax; where it is used for any part of speech other than a noun, or does not appear at the beginning of an independent clause, it has been silently dropped to lower case; for example, 'dooth Find in god Fitt subiect' becomes 'dooth find in god fitt subiect', and 'nothing Fit For that vse For wch yt was made at First' becomes 'nothing fit for that vse for wch yt was made at first'. Ampersands ('&', '&c') have not been expanded, in keeping with the edition's policy of retaining the same from print witnesses. Three spellings used consistently in H1 and M, but pg 183which could result in confusion of sense ('loose', 'of, 'to', meaning 'lose', 'off', 'too'), have been supplied from their more modern spellings in E and/or F26.
Punctuation in all four witnesses, and the MSS in particular, is idiosyncratic, and inconsistent among them. Because recording all of these incidentals would render the critical apparatus unwieldy, I have (1) adopted a very conservative policy against intervention with the c-t, and (2) not recorded punctuation vars. unless they render a significantly different meaning. I have recorded all variations in paragraphing between the c-t and other witnesses.
Before addressing the textual significance of each witness singly, it is first important to determine whether they had a common source. PS (i. 330) suggest that one reading that is clearly corrupt in F26 and entirely omitted (with further loss of sense) from E and M is due to a 'failure to make out an illegible source' common to those three witnesses. H1 (not known to PS) agrees with the other MSS in the omission (l. 199 tn and cmt). This common flaw strongly suggests that all four surviving witnesses, or their mediating sources, struggled with the same probably heavily revised original. Another instance where the three MSS differ but H1 agrees with F26 (l. 259 tn and cmt) leads Shami to speculate that the fact that 'all of the manuscripts are garbled at these points, suggests a common source for all three' (114, n. 15); these three readings are all valid in terms of sense, and are 'garbled' only in their difference from one another, though those differences do support Shami's suggestion of a common source that was difficult to read. In two, more substantive, examples of what seem to be attempts to read a difficult passage of script, each of the four witnesses stands alone; these examples confirm the speculations of PS and Shami, and extend them to the likelihood that all four of the witnesses that are now known derive from the same source (see ll. 106, 253, tns and cmts). It seems highly likely that this common source was in places heavily emended (with crossings-out, interlineations, and marginal additions), probably by D.
The substantive vars. in which M stands alone are the simplest for which to account. M is the most error prone of all three MSS. It contains a host of scribal errors, including: (1) comical Lat. (with errors in almost every quotation); (2) errors of anticipation, which omit text present in all other copies (ll. 37 (two), 99, 109, 226, 242, 255, tns) or even reverse the sense (ll. 195, 340, tns); and (3) nonsensical readings (l. 237 tn). Even the vars. in M that are viable in terms of sense are probably scribal deviations from copy, usually in the dropping or swapping of determiners and demonstratives, prepositions, and conjunctions where their palaeographical and sense proximity allow easy scribal alteration. The scribe of M was neither latinate nor alert to the meaning of what he copied. No independent readings from M are here judged valid for copy.
M does, however, agree with E in a large number of substantive readings which are independent of the other two witnesses, and which place M and E in a clearly separate line of descent from the lost holograph. My apparatus records seventy-five readings found only in E and M. The majority are of the incidental nature found in M's independent vars.—in particular, differences in noun number made by the addition or omission of 's', and variations in prepositions, articles, or determiners. These do not change grammar or sense, and are therefore not substantive enough necessarily to suggest authorial origins, though their presence in E and M documents the substantial relationship between those two. E and M are also related in the independence of their marginalia: they contain one citation not found in H1 and F26 (l. 388 [marg.] tn), two corrupt citations (ll. 200 [marg.], 486 [marg.], tns), and an omission of another (l. 75 [marg.] tn). Similarly striking, though also authorially uncertain, is the much lighter paragraphing of E and M, which lack ten paragraph breaks found in H1 and F26 (ll. 17, 31, 35, 43, 52, 55, 60, 98, 104, 126, tns); this may be the result—especially at the start of the sermon text, where these omissions are concentrated—of these scribes' desire for tighter text blocks in work more concerned with elegant presentation. E and M have only one paragraph break not found in the other two witnesses (l. 455 tn). Six single-word vars. shared by E and M are not pg 184incidental, but are here rejected as corruptions (ll. 23, 374, 430, 449–50, 457, tns and cmts). E and M alone also have a nine-word prepositional phrase that I reject as a corruption, added contrary to the sense of the passage (l. 390 tn). Only one reading shared by E and M corrects the c-t: they alone provide the correct genitive 'domini', where F26 (and PS) read 'dominis' and H1 the uncharacteristically improbable 'domina' (l. 162 tn).
E stands alone against all other witnesses in some ninety readings, yet only those that I judge to be corruptions alter the sense. The scribe of E (or its exemplar) seems to have attended more closely to presenting a clear reading text than the scribes of the other two MSS. Only E systematically italicizes quotations (M does so less consistently, and H1 almost not at all). And one third of its independent vars. consist of punctuation or 'pointing' that emphasizes D's grammatical structures: parentheses—'( … )'—are used for fifteen appositives, interjections, and independent clauses; and interrogatives (question marks) are supplied on eight occasions. In both cases the other witnesses use points, virgules, commas, or no punctuation. E is even more lightly paragraphed than M; they both have no break at ll. 17, 31, 35, 43, 52, 55, 60, 98, 104, 126, and in addition E has no break at ll. 71, 86, 126, 166, 425 (see tns). E has its own trouble with Lat., with five independent misspellings. There are sixty independent vars. in diction, all so minor or arguably inferior as to be candidates for scribal error. Authorial revision—of the lightest kind—must be a possibility. For the most significant of these see ll. 16, 194, 230, 238, 262, 273, 315, 338, 468, tns and cmts. E's marginalia are closest to M (see above), though it frequently prefers biblical citation by chapter only, omitting verse numbers. E is related, but significantly superior, to M, though it again supplies no independent readings to correct the c-t.
F26, though the latest extant witness, is (through the lost MS from which it was typeset) very closely related to H1. This has also been shown by Shami (80) who relies primarily on the evidence of similarities in marginalia. My collation supports her conclusion with the further detail of the absence of the vars. and corruptions found only jointly in E and M (see above). F26 contains fifty-two readings that are substantive, valid in sense and grammar, and entirely independent of the three MSS. Shami observes that 'the manuscripts agree more substantively in omitting words and phrases found in F26' (80). I agree, but with a reversal of Shami's implied chronology: the MSS derive from a copy made before the revision of the text used to set F26. In the vast majority of cases, the MSS do not 'omit' F26 readings; rather, F26 has added readings. Moreover, I think it possible to diagnose more specifically the kinds of revisions that produced the independent F26 readings. My scrutiny of them convinces me that they are either interventions made for typesetting, or revisions made by D, or some combination of both, but which in any case all probably post-date the copy for H1. The most straightforward subset of F26's independent vars. is the supply of Eng. translations of Lat. quotations (ll. 59, 139, 248, 255, 298, 343, 396, 401, tns); that these are absent in all three MSS suggests that they were added at the time of typesetting to aid a less latinate readership, or possibly in a last revision by D. Similarly, F26's unique marginalium 'First Part. The Person.' may be a standardizing of copy for the folio printing (l. 86 tn). F26's Lat. is slightly superior to the MSS, and would require correction in only four readings (all of which could be typesetter's errors; ll. 131, 239, 257, 374 tns). A larger and more important subset of F26's independent vars. is either substantive changes to, or additions of, single words or occasionally whole phrases to the text as found in H1, E, and M. None changes the sense of the passage concerned. However, they do refine it through slight changes to diction (usually prepositions, articles, and pronouns) and in additions to, or reordering of, short phrases which expand slightly or clarify a clause. In the latter case these are mostly small-scale expansions of a single image or idea, for example by addition of a modifier (ll. 257, 291 (two), tns), prepositional phrase (l. 319 tn), or of-genitive (l. 405 tn); in two instances the mood and tense of a verb phrase is recast (ll. 57, 396, tns). Two much more significant additions are dependent clauses of ten and fifteen words, which again pg 185dilate, but do not change, sense (ll. 106, 261, tns and cmts). All of these substantive additions and changes are entirely consistent with D's own style and voice, and I take them to be later authorial revisions which refine local points of style. Each is recorded in a tn and discussed in a cmt.
The relationship between the H1 / F26 tradition and that of E and M, however, is further complicated by clear evidence that E and M were also influenced by the sources of F26 and H1 independently. When limited to readings that could not possibly be due to scribal or typesetter error, E and M agree with F26 against H1 in eleven substantive readings (ll. 70, 106, 158, 164 (two), 196, 218, 223, 225, 381, 455–6, tns and cmts), and with H1 against F26 in six (ll. 124, 255 ('bene'), 261, 280, 473, tns and cmts). Considered with the much larger number of substantive vars. (all additions to the MS texts) found in F26 alone, this must suggest that since ultimately all four witnesses derive from the same source, that common source went through several stages of revision during which E and M or their exemplars were copied. The instances of E and M's agreement with F26 against H1 are small refinements (rather than corrections) to H1, and do not include the kind of substantive and lengthy vars. in which F26 stands alone. I would suggest, based on this collation and analysis, that E and M derive from a copy that was the source for H1, but made after it had been lightly revised by D. And further, that the copy from which F26 was set was, or was derived from, a subsequent, more substantial, revision by D. It must also be considered a distinct possibility that the copy used to set F26 was a copy with holograph revisions made at these different times by D, which at different times in its life was the source for the other three MSS.
Since F26 is not the c-t for this sermon, the apparatus does not list the incidental vars. found between copies except in one instance, which relates directly to vars. also found in the MSS (l. 256 tn). Except in that instance, 'F26' in the apparatus refers to F261. Collational details about this sermon's sheets in F261–15 will be included in TC. Finally, note that when two or more witnesses are documented in the tns as being in agreement but contain wholly incidental differences in orthography, I do not record the incidental variations. The full diplomatic transcriptions of H1, E, and M used for this edition are available at <http://www.cems-oxford.org/Donne/Sermons%20in%20Manuscript>.
Headnote. This sermon is unusual in several ways. First, it is a departure from D's month and place of waiting as a royal chaplain (Apr., at the king's court at Whitehall). Second, it was certainly preached before Anne of Denmark, queen consort of James VI and I. Given the assignment in this edition of D's first surviving sermon to Greenwich Palace (see this vol., Sermon 1, Headnote), this may be the second sermon preached to Anne's household, though it is the only one for which there is evidence of her attendance. And finally, it is characterized by a unique degree of both literary sophistication and particularized response to its audience—it is deservedly one of D's most admired sermons.
Anne of Denmark (1574–1619), Queen of England, Scotland, and Ireland, was notable as a patron of the arts, including literature, painting, and architecture and, most famously, court masques by Ben Jonson and Inigo Jones. She presided over her own household, and owned, in her own right, palaces at Greenwich (favoured in the spring and summer months) and Somerset House in the Strand, which she renamed Denmark House (see ll. 1–3 cmt); her ladies-in-waiting included D's patron Lucy, Countess of Bedford, and Anne had been instrumental in the introduction to James of a new favourite, George Villiers, who as Duke of Buckingham would be a pivotal patron for D in the early 1620s (Bald, 371–2, 374–5; cf. also l. 328 cmt). The last of Anne's known court masques had been staged in 1614, since which time she had withdrawn somewhat from conspicuous cultural patronage, and, shortly after this sermon, suffered the onset of the prolonged period of ill health and gradual decline that ended in her death fourteen months later.
pg 186D's first attempt to seek employment after the disgrace of his marriage was to angle (unsuccessfully) from his own rooms in the Strand for a secretaryship in Anne's household in 1607 (Bald, 160, 538). His appearance there as a preacher a decade later can be explained only by an informed guess. Anne was served by her own entourage of domestic chaplains, so D's performance must have been by special invitation; possible mediating patrons could be the Countess of Bedford, or the Bishop of London, John King (D's personal friend and ordaining bishop, who was admired by Anne). However, given the queen's own excellent literary taste, it may be unfair to presume anything other than a desire to hear in her own household the court preacher made so suddenly prominent by her husband's favour. The auditory would have been markedly female, its primary members being the queen and the ladies of her Privy Chamber. The usual time for court preaching was late morning (Sermons at Court, 115–16), which D exploits here as a temporal theme throughout and in the concluding prayer adapted from the service of Morning Prayer (BCP; see ll. 492–8 and cmts). As I have argued elsewhere (see Further reading), two further biographical facts about Queen Anne—her secretly practised Roman Catholicism, and the fact that this sermon was preached two days after her forty-third birthday—should animate any contextualized study of this sermon. Returning to it many years after arguing those points, I remain convinced of their importance. However, I see them now as enriching rather than dominating what is a more generally personal and pastorally minded sermon, where Anne's (and her court's) femininity and age, rather than her Roman Catholicism, inspired the preacher most.
Both structure and content give this sermon an intimate, sympathetic tone that stands in sharp contrast to the earlier extant court sermons' stringent anatomies of sin (this vol., Sermons 1–3). After an extended exordium composed of short vignettes on sensual and spiritual affections (ll. 6–70), D announces a clear divisio (ll. 71–85) from which he does not deviate; but the choice of a thematic (vs. seriatim) explication of his text (the person loved by Christ, and the nature of the love between them), and the richly metaphorical content of his prose, softens the divisions between the parts. Responsiveness to what we now call 'gender' (here more specifically amorous femininity) imbues the entire sermon, first from the author of the chosen text, 'amorous' Solomon (l. 43), and then from the frank acknowledgement of its lover-speaker as 'wisedome hir self (l. 86 and cmt)—the female personification of Christ, wherein is expressed the perfectly reciprocal balance of 'All that is good then either in the loue of man or woman' (ll. 12–13). D extends feminine reference yet further by seizing upon the Platonic convention of the soul as feminine (ll. 143–4, 187–8); deploying emotive exempla of the Magdalen's devotion (ll. 295–7) and the Virgin Mary's maternity (ll. 318–23); and repeated use of the moralized eroticism of the S. of S. Further, much of D's language for love is borrowed from contemporary love poetry, most explicitly 'song and epithalamiones' (l. 48 and cmt), but also more subtly in a passage that Christianizes Petrarchan conceits in a manner not unlike that of Robert Southwell or George Herbert, rather than ironizing them satirically, as D famously does in his own poetry (ll. 304–8 and cmt).
Such rich loveliness (in every sense) only intensifies the sermon's passages of exhortation and admonition, for it does insist frankly and intensely upon conversion in repeated calls to reject dalliance with worldly loves in favour of seeking the Christ who only is love (see Sources). Here D's implicit criticisms of Anne's Catholicism come to the fore in passages that first charge Rome with having stolen Christ (as Mary Magdalen thought had happened at the tomb), and then more pointedly condemn individuals who 'lose' Christ in a false church or, worse, actively seek him in one (ll. 297–9, 328, 354–6, and cmts). But instead of indignation or the kind of strident anti-Catholicism of which D was certainly capable, his approach remains positive and pastoral by stressing that, no matter what one's station, Christ 'maie easilie bee found' anywhere, including 'the Courts of religious princes' (ll. 369–74). A climactic series of clauses, beginning 'he sought thee … ' (ll. 433–59), exploits another acutely pg 187particular point—that his auditory, and not least Anne herself, had already been sought by Christ and safely placed not in a 'false and fashionall' church, but in the true 'visible Church' where they are fed 'with his worde and sacraments' (ll. 438, 442). Anne had been baptized a Lutheran and, similarly, her court had been born in Protestant British kingdoms: to reject having been so specially sought by Christ was not only not to seek Christ, but to throw him away.
The sermon's conclusion masterfully exploits the potential of the text's temporal marker, 'earlie'. First applying it to age, D warns of the folly of old-age and death-bed conversions (ll. 460–4 and cmt); next 'earlie' becomes the present—'now, now' as the only sure time to act (l. 480). But an immediately ensuing passage of baptismal imagery (ll. 481–5 and cmts) collapses past and present in what must be a reminder of the anniversary of Anne's own christening. The sermon concludes with yet another kind of 'earlie'—the time of day—in an exquisitely embroidered version of the third collect said at Morning Prayer, a deft stroke that gathers up earlier thematic imagery of waking, sunrise, and morning (ll. 492–501 and cmt) and inscribes it into an appeal for new beginnings, articulated in the authorized form of the established church—to all of which D invites his auditory to return.
The sermon is, by design, not greatly speculative in its theology, though the emphasis on 'seeking' Christ invites awkward questions about predestination, of which D was no doubt aware. Although he mentions 'reprobates' and the 'wryting of that eternall decree of thy saluacion', he swiftly returns to the question, 'when wilt thou thinck yt a fitt tyme to seeke him?' (ll. 139, 455, 459, and cmts). Although D is tactful in this brush with stricter forms of Calvinism, he addresses a congregation who, by their baptism, have already received the 'seal' of saving grace, but still insists that they must exert their own spiritual and moral effort to secure it (cf. also ll. 390–403 and cmts).
Sources. In this, unlike some earlier sermons (cf. this vol., Sermons 1 and 2), D wears his learning lightly. Yet the entire sermon is an essay in the Augustinian concept of rightly ordered love ('amor ordinatus'), particularly informed by the Father's influential distinction between 'use' ('uti') and 'enjoyment' ('frui') in love, from the first book of De Doctrma Christiana. D's entire exordium (ll. 6–70) charts the Augustinian view of the transformation that occurs when earthly enjoyments (or even characteristics) are used for their proper purpose, the love of God. D comes closest to an acknowledgement of De Doctrma Christiana's first book in the diction of the Lat. tag that he uses at the end of his exordium (ll. 71–3 and cmt), but many subsequent passages have roots deep in it. The debt is often too extensive or diffused to allow quotation of parallel passages from De Doctrine, but full references are given (cf. ll. 100–2, 216–41, 249, cmts). Also present but unacknowledged in the sermon are significant related passages from Augustine's In Joannis Evangelium Tractatus and De Trimtate (ll. 78–80, 251, 255–7, and cmts). Woven into this theological and ethical fabric of Augustine's are also very carefully deployed quotations from his autobiographical Confessions. D deploys three of these in sequence from Books 2, 3, and 4 (see ll. 60, 64–5, 66–7, 242, and cmts); not attributed, they tacitly trace Augustine's adolescent and young adult lusts, promiscuity, and misdirected love. A fourth quotation (see ll. 488–9 and cmt), which is introduced by a reference to 'confession' and finally names Augustine, is the Father's climactic exclamation upon having redirected his earthly loves to God. Ettenhuber (see Further reading) discusses this last as an example of D quoting Augustine with 'no visible attempt to work with the context of the quotation they draw on' (79). Considered as the climax of a sermon that has so carefully and systematically traced an Augustinian journey to Christ, I find in it a deeper engagement by D with his source. Also prominent is Augustine's image of 'massa damnata' for original sin, from De Civitate Dei (see ll. 448–50 cmt). Important too is Origen's analysis of different kinds of love in his commentary on S. of S. (ll. 149–59, 157–9, cmts). D also shows familiarity with Athanasian accounts of pg 188Arian controversy (ll. 90–2 cmt); a quotation ascribed in some copies to Ambrose and in the others left unattributed is from Hilary of Poitiers on the Psalms (ll. 290–1 cmt, and l. 290 tn), and another ascribed in all to Gregory the Great is in fact from Augustine (ll. 434–5 cmt). D makes characteristic use of Aquinas, ST, to illustrate brief scholastic points (ll. 168, 206–7, cmts). The sermon also contains several striking appearances of diction and imagery from D's verse (see ll. 48–9, 152, 286–7, 304–6, 354–8, 374–6, cmts).
Further reading. The best biography of Anne of Denmark, particularly for evidence of her Roman Catholicism, is ODNB; for her cultural patronage, see Leeds Barroll, Anna of Denmark, Queen of England (Philadelphia, 2000). For her domestic chaplains, attendance at Protestant worship, and a reading of this sermon in light of her Catholicism, see Sermons at Court, 169–82. PS (i. 134–8) wax lyrical about this sermon; although their praise is justified, more debatable is their evolutionary argument that 'a great artist in prose has emerged from his two-year period of experimentation and uncertainty' (138). PS also remark upon the sermon's aptness for its female auditory; their belief that the sermon is animated by D's loss of his wife Ann four months earlier is subjective, but the comparison with the sonnet 'Since she whom I lov'd' is entirely apt; also noted is the 'Augustinian attitude toward sexual indulgence' (134) fully documented here. For D's Augustinianism, the standard study is Katrin Ettenhuber, Donne's Augustine: Renaissance Cultures of Interpretation (Oxford, 2011). There is a large body of work on Augustine's ideas of 'uti' and 'frui' in love; an outstanding overview, with bibliography, is Henry Chadwick, 'Frui—Uti', in Cornelius Mayer (gen. ed.), Augustinus-Lexikon (Basle, 1994- ), iii. 1/2 (2004), 70–5 (available at <http://www.augustinus.de/bwo/dcms/sites/bistum/extern/zfa/lexikon/artikeldesmonats/fruiuti.html>). The sermon has attracted far greater attention from anthologists than critics: the long exordium (ll. 6–70) was included in Logan Pearsall Smith's Donne's Sermons: Selected Passages (Oxford, 1919), under the title 'Sanctified Passions' (24–6); ll. 6–77 and 264–9 appear in John Donne, Selected Prose, ed. Neil Rhodes (Harmondsworth, 1987), who in a note follows PS in seeing Ann Donne's death as contextually pertinent (144–6, 339); and John Carey combines distant passages on election and original sin (ll. 181–90, 437–59) under the heading 'Salvation Sure' in John Donne: A Critical Edition of the Major Works (Oxford, 1990), 271–2.
1–3. A Sermon … 1617.: The title is unique to F26 (tn); no other source confirms the date and place of preaching. Formerly Somerset House, the place of preaching was the first palace in the Renaissance style in England, built by Lord Protector Somerset, 1547–50. After his attainder and execution, it passed to the Crown as the residence of Princess Elizabeth, who occasionally used it when she became queen. It was one of several aristocratic river-front houses in the Strand east of Charing Cross with which D would have been familiar (including York House, where he resided as secretary to Lord Keeper Egerton; Bedford House; and Arundel House). Upon his accession, James presented it to his queen, Anne, who renamed it in honour of the visit in 1606 of her brother, King Christian IV of Denmark. The name Somerset House returned with the Commonwealth and Protectorate, and thereafter the house was again the residence of queens consort until its demolition in 1775. Anne would lie in state there in 1619, as did James himself in 1625, when D would return to preach over his body (PS vi.14). Details of the original chapel in Denmark House (replaced by that built for Henrietta Maria by Inigo Jones, 1630–5) are not known. 14 Dec. 1617 was the third Sun. of Advent; Anne's birthday was 12 Dec. (see Headnote).
4–5. Prou: … mee.: Prov. 8: 17 (Geneva).
6. Prophetts … Secretaries: authors of the books of the Bible; 'Prophetts' of the OT are perhaps singled out as those who received the most exact dictation from God of what to write (cf. Jer. 1: 2, Ezek. 1: 3, Hos. 1: 1).
8–9. professions … Fishers : cf. the royal scribe Ezra (Ezra 7: 11–12), shepherd Moses pg 189(Exod. 3: 1), herdsman Amos (Amos 1: 1), and fishermen Peter, Andrew, James, and John (Matt. 4: 18, 21).
19–22. securitie … good life: a deceptively simple passage which deploys the possessive language of worldly covetousness, but with the spiritual meanings of the same as used in the NT by Paul; cf. 2 Cor. 1: 12 ('For our reioycing is this, the testimony of our conscience'), and Eph. 4: 30 and its Geneva gloss ('So behaue your selues [that] the holie Gost may willingly dwel in you, & giue him no occasion to departe for sorrow by your abusing of Gods graces').
23–9. wages … Faith: as in the preceding passage (see prev. cmt), but with even more direct applicability to a social elite, D here tropes God's gifts and benefits as matters of income, property, and inheritance—all with scriptural warrant (see next cmts).
23. wages … servant: cf. the parable of the labourers in the vineyard (Matt. 20: 1–16).
24. portion: 'part or share of an estate given or passing by law to an heir or other beneficiary, or to be distributed to an heir in the settlement of the estate' (OED n., 1.a).
24. portion … sonne: cf. the parable of the prodigal son (Luke 15: 11–32).
24. reversion: 'the right of succeeding to the possession of something, or of obtaining something at a future time' (OED n.1, 3.a).
25. name … life: cf. Exod. 32: 32–3, Phil. 4: 3, Rev. 20: 12.
25. pawnes: 'thing (or person) given into another's keeping as security for a debt' (OED, 'pawn', n.3, 2.a), and '(a sign or symbol of) a promise' (OED n.3, 2.b).
26. sacramentes: baptism and holy communion; here tokens ('pawnes', 'seales') of God's promise or covenant of eternal life; cf. l. 302 cmt.
26. present: immediate.
28. in present: presently, immediately; although the phrase is not recorded in OED, 'in present' is a common early modern phrase, close to the modern 'at present' but with strong further connotations of physical as well as temporal immediacy; cf. John Boys, The Autumne Part (1613), STC 3460.6: 'Christ … did not bite his host in present, nor backbite him absent' (I2v), and 'Congratulation for their gifts in present possession' (O6r).
29. appropracion: 'the making of a thing private property' (OED, 'appropriation', 1).
29. investiture: 'formal investing of a person with an office or rank' (OED 2); E's 'investure' (tn) was a common early modern equivalent (OED, 'investure').
29. applying Faith: a central concept in the Calvinist theology of justification, which insists that faith as mere belief is different from the justifying faith in the merits of Christ given by God and sealed by the Holy Spirit upon the elect; cf. William Perkins, Commentarie vpon the Galatians (Cambridge, 1604), STC 19680: 'to the iustification of a sinner, there is required a speciall and an applying faith, for generall faith is numbred among the works of the law: and the deuills haue it' (2B2v).
31. voluptuous: 'addicted to sensual pleasure or the gratification of the senses; fond of elegant or sumptuous living' (OED 2.).
32. marrowe … David: cf. Ps. 63: 5.
33–4. zeale … vpp: cf. Ps. 69: 9.
38–42. Paul … Apostles : Col. 1: 24.
43–4. Solomon … weomen: in addition to his first wife, a pharaoh's daughter, King Solomon famously 'loued many strange women' and had 'seuen hundred wiues, Princesses, and three hundred concubines' (1 Kgs 11: 1, 3).
44–7. hee turnd … god: D follows tradition in the belief that Solomon wrote his canonical books late in life, after a repentant conversion; most commentators are so keen on this moral divide that, unlike D here, they rarely allow any residual traces of Solomon's autobiographical amorousness in the erotic S. of S.; but cf. John Dove, The Conuersion of Solomon (1613), STC 7080: 'So Salomon, being before effeminate … in chambering, and wantonnesse … by these sweet allegories and mysticall speeches of kissing and imbracing … draweth him to renounce pg 190the pride and vanitie of life, the lusts of the flesh, and concupiscence of the eye, to become a chast member of Jesus Christ' (A1v).
46. tincture: 'a slight infusion', 'a trace' (OED n., 5.b).
47. applicacions: 'an appeal or request' (OED, 'application', 9.a., citing 1647 as the first use, but here a good example of that definition's undated 'formerly also: an amorous advance').
48–9. epithalamiones … Church: interpretation of S. of S. as an allegory of Christ and the church was entirely conventional; less so is D's description of it as 'epithalamiones' (wedding poems), but cf. Andrew Willett, Tractatus de Salomonis nuptiis: vel Epithalamium, in sacratis-simas nuptias (1612), STC 25707; and Sir Walter Raleigh, The History of the World ('1614', recte 1617), STC 20638: 'in [the S. of S.] hee singeth as it were the Epithalamion of Christ and his Church' (2X1r). D would have been known to his Denmark House auditory as the author of epithalamions for the weddings of Anne's daughter Princess Elizabeth to the Elector Palatine, and of Frances Howard to Robert Carr, Earl of Somerset (both 1613), and perhaps of an undated third, 'made at Lincoln's Inn' (Poems, i, 127–44).
50. other wrytings: attributed to Solomon are Prov, Eccles., S. of S., Wisdom; although Geneva glosses Prov. as setting out the 'wonderful loue of God toward his Church' (headnote), the characteristics D singles out here are most prominent in S. of S.
54. stupiditie: 'numbness, incapacity for sensation' (OED, 'stupidity', 1), and 'lack of feeling or interest, apathy, indifference' (OED 3.a).
57. [tn] are … withoute yt: var. readings in three witnesses suggest reworking, by D or a scribe, for more conventional, less compressed phrasing; the more colloquial locution in H1, however, is entirely conventional, and perhaps closer to delivery; cf. William Gouge, The Whole-Armor of God (1619), STC 12123: 'this is a note of a couetous miser, who were as good be without treasure as haue abundance' (C4V).
60. Quid … amari?' : cf. Augustine, Confessions, 2.2.2: 'Et quid erat quod me delectabat, nisi amare et amari?' (PL 32. 676; 'And what was it that I delighted in save to love and to be beloved?'; NPNF, 1st ser., i. 55); from Augustine's account of his adolescent sexual passions; see Sources.
63–4. ante Comission … oath : the Court of High Commission, increasingly criticized in the period for the breadth of its powers to try defendants accused of offences against the church or the royal supremacy, and to impose the 'ex officio oath', whereby defendants could be forced to incriminate themselves. See J. P. Sommerville, Politics and Ideology in England, 1603–1640 (Harlow, 1986), 192. For D's later membership of that court see Bald, 416–23; for a much more elaborate use of the exemplum in a St Paul's sermon of 1627, see PS vii.18.327–43.
64–5. Amatus … fruendum: Lat., lit., 'I was loved and entered secretly into enjoyment'; cf. Augustine, Confessions, 3.1.1: 'quia et amatus sum, et perveni occulte ad vinculum fruendi' (PL 32. 683; 'For I was both beloved, and secretly arrived at the bond of enjoying'; NPNF, 1st ser., i. 60), in Augustine's account of his love affairs while a student at Carthage; see next cmt and Sources.
66–7. Ut … rixarum: cf. Augustine, Confessions, 3.1.1.: 'ut caederer virgis ferreis ardentibus zeli, et suspicionum, et timorum, et irarum atque rixarum' (PL 32. 683; 'that I might be scourged with the burning iron rods of jealousy, suspicion, fear, anger, and strife'; NPNF, 1 st ser., i. 60); see Sources.
67. [tn] suspicions et rixarum: all witnesses except F26 have trouble here with Lat.; H1's 'vixarum' is easily attributed to mistaking secretary V for 'u' / V; while the other two MSS correctly transcribe this, they make the more egregious error of attempting accusative, rather than correct genitive, forms of suspicio.
67. squourged: 'scourged' (see prev. cmt); an obsolete spelling that I have found only in pg 191Elizabethan texts; cf. Benedetto da Mantova, The benefit that Christians receiue, trans. A. G., (1573), STC 19114, F8V; and Metamorphosis, trans. Arthur Golding, (1567), STC 18956, Y8r.
71–3. quid … enioyinge: Lat., lit., 'what it is to love, what it is to enjoy'; D's summary of an important Augustinian distinction between use and enjoyment in love, which influences the entire sermon. Augustine's ideal, pursued throughout by D, is the perfect union of enjoyment and affection, which is possible only when the object of both is God. Cf. Augustine, De Doctrina Christiana, 1.22.21: 'no part of our life is to be unoccupied, and to afford room, as it were, for the wish to enjoy some other object, but that whatever else may suggest itself to us as an object worthy of love is to be borne into the same channel in which the whole current of our affections flows [i.e. the love of God]' (NPNF, 1st ser., ii. 528); cf. also 1.33.37 (NPNF, 1st ser., ii. 532).
74. incredible: not to be believed, not reliable.
76. unrequitable: that cannot be repaid or fulfilled, not 'capable of being requited' (OED, 'requitable').
78–80. persons … mutuall: for D's division of the first part into the persons and mutuality of love, cf. Augustine, De Trimtate, 8.10.14: 'But love is of some one that loves, and with love something is loved. Behold, then, there are three things: he that loves, and that which is loved, and love. What, then, is love, except a certain life which couples or seeks to couple together some two things, namely, him that loves, and that which is loved? And this is so even in outward and carnal loves … It remains to ascend also from hence, and to seek those things which are above, as far as it is given to man' (NPNF, 1st ser., iii. 124).
80. condicion: in the legal sense (cf. 'bond', l. 80): 'In a legal instrument, e.g. a will, or contract, a provision on which its legal force or effect is made to depend' (OED, 'condition', n., 2.a).
84. condicions: see prev. cmt.
84. [tn] a seeking: 'a feeling' is one of H1's few corrupt readings, probably attributable to the scribe's conflation of the repeated 'Finding' (l. 83) and 'seeking' (l. 84); cf. l. 394–5 for a clear restatement of the divisio's two kinds of 'seeking'.
87. sapere … to loue: cf. Publilius Syrus, Sententiæ, 'Amare and sapere vix deo conceditur' (Publilii Syri Sententiae, ed. Eduardus Woelfflin (Leipzig, 1869), 67; 'Even a god finds it difficult to love and to be wise'); thence proverbial in Eng.; cf. Shakespeare, Troilus and Cressida, 3.2.148–9: 'for to be wise and love / Exceeds man's might; that dwells with gods above.' (I am grateful to Henry Woudhuysen for this reference.)
90–2. sapientia … Counall : D briefly (and accurately) summarizes a major disputed point in debates over the co-eternity of the Son between the followers of Arius ('Arrian heretiques', l. 93) and the orthodox 'Catholique Fathers' (1. 92) at the Council of Nicaea ('Neice', l. 92), in 325. The resulting Nicene Creed fixed the orthodox belief in Christ's co-eternity and consub-stantiality with the Father and the Holy Spirit. Arius had alleged that 'Wisdom' was a name given to the Son after his creation by the Father, and hence that the Son was created and inferior. No proceedings of the council itself survive, but D probably draws here on the accounts and defences of it by Athanasius, on which he also drew for Sermon 2 in this vol. For a summary of Athanasius' and other early patristic opinion on Wisdom, see Select Treatises of St Athanasius in Controversy with the Arians, ed. John Henry Newman, 2 vols. (1881), ii. 334–6. Athanasius asserted both the strict identification of Wisdom with Christ, and the immanence of that Wisdom in creation. The Lat. epithets D uses here ('sapientia creata', 'created wisdom'; 'increata' 'uncreated [wisdom]') were most widely retailed in the standard medieval theological text, Peter Lombard's Sententiarum Libri Quinque, 4.11 (PL 211. 1183C–1184C); cf. also VG, Lyra's postil on Prov. 8: 1 ('primo Salomon loquit in persona sapientis create, secundo increate'; 'first Solomon speaks in the person of created wisdom, and second of uncreated wisdom').
100. [tn] exposicions: all other witnesses' 'expositors' is potentially equally valid; both are used by D (cf. this vol., Sermon 1, l. 11; Sermon 6, l. 514). Although palaeographically close, and therefore possibly a scribal var., it seems more likely that 'expositors' was a later change of mind, perhaps interlinear, by D.
102. wisedome) … himselfe: conventional; cf. prev. cmt, and Geneva glosses to most vv. in Prov. 8; e.g. 'He declareth hereby the diuinitie & eternitie of this wisdome … meaning thereby the eternal Sonne of God Iesus Christ' (Prov. 8: 22 note); also a central topic in D's source, Augustine, De Doctrma Christiana, 1.7.8, 1.11–14 (NPNF, 1st ser., ii. 525–6).
106. [tn] that ys wisedome: the further independent clause found in all other witnesses does not change sense, and is likely to be a later refinement, probably interlinear, by D; H1 does not suffer without the discursive addition, and arguably has greater oral immediacy and force. M's 'Charge' for 'Chapter' (E, F26), which corrupts sense (the scriptural quotation is not a 'Charge'), is probably a scribal error.
106–8. one … god: PS (i. 329) call this a 'puzzling statement, for which the Hebrew text gives no warrant', and posit D's confusion with Moses adopting a feminine voice for himself in Num. 11: 21. This is an error; the address of God with a feminine Hebrew pronoun in Num. 11: 15 is concisely explained by Henry Ainsworth, Annotations upon the Fourth Book of Moses (1619), STC 215: 'Here the word thou, spoken to God, is of the fœminine gender, contrary to common rule of speech, At, for Attah: which some think doth intimate Moses trouble of mind' (N4r); cf. Jean de Lorin, Commentarii in Librum Numeri … Editio Recens (Lyon, 1622), 2K3r.
120. ciuill respects: 'deferential or polite attentions; courtesies' (OED, 'respect', n. (and int.), 11.a).
124. [tn] soules: F26's 'selves' is probably a typesetter's error.
126. [tn] This: an important example of H1's use of paragraphs to emphasize rhetorical rather than grammatical structures, something obscured here in the other witnesses' lack of a para. break; following grammatical structure, they treat ll. 126–8 as a topic sentence in a para. that continues to l. 148. H1 breaks again at l. 129; this strongly offends grammar, as ll. 129–39 contain clauses all dependent on the independent clause at l. 128 ('For … to all.'). H1, however, emphasizes the start of a rhetorical, rather than a grammatical, set piece—D's magnificent sequence of parallel 'Not … ' clauses (ll. 129–99), which catalogue those persons and conditions of persons who are 'not' the 'beloued soule' (l. 126) Christ promises to love.
130. (As … sinner): cf. Ezek. 33: 11.
131–2. iewells … loue: the subsequent citation of Hos. 2: 19 (see l. 134 and cmt) suggests that this image of a lover's gifts as corrupting if not received and used properly is informed by Hos. on Israel's whoredom; cf. 'for shee sayd, I will goe after my louers, that giue me my bread and my water, my wooll and my flaxe' (2: 5); 'shee shall follow after her louers … and she shall seeke them, but shall not find them' (2: 7; the exact reverse of the scenario in D's main text); and 'she did not know that I … multiplied her siluer and gold, which they prepared for Baal' (2: 8).
132–3. table … sopp: cf. John 13: 26–7; for 'sopp', cf. AV gloss, 'morsell'.
134–5. kiss … him: cf. Luke 22: 47.
135. [marg. tn] Ose: 2:19: Hos. 2: 14 in H1, F26, and M may be copyists' errors, though its presence in all three may suggest an authorial mistake in the holograph.
136. sponsabo … aeternum: 'I will betroth thee vnto me for euer' (Hos. 2: 19); D here quotes neither T-J ('Et desponsabo te mihi in seculum') nor Vulg. ('Et sponsabo te mihi in sempiternum') exactly.
136. ioynetures: 'the holding of property to the joint use of a husband and wife for life or in tail, as a provision for the latter, in the event of her widowhood' (OED, 'jointure', n., 4.a).
136–7. In pacto … salt: in Israelite worship and culture, offerings or covenants sealed with salt were believed to be everlasting (cf. Num. 18: 19).
139. Ego … &c: abbrev. of Vulg. Ps. 81: 6, 'Ego dixi, dii estis' (AV Ps. 82: 6, 'I haue said, Ye are gods'); F26 supplies the Eng. (see tn).
139. reprobates: theologically, a reprobate is 'a person rejected by God, an unredeemed sinner; spec. a person … predestined by God to eternal damnation' (OED, 'reprobate', n., 1.); the thrust of the passage—that God seeks only those who love him—mitigates somewhat the stricter predestinarian reading; also possibly more generally here, a 'degenerate, or wicked person' (OED n., 3).
142. abhominacions … them: cf. Jer. 3: 8.
143–4. I haue … enemies: Jer. 12: 7 (Geneva); the reference is given marginally in F26, E, and M (tn).
149–59. Origens … him: D here closely paraphrases from the prologue to Origen's commentary on the S. of S., known in the Lat. trans. of Rufinus (PG 13. 28C–29D; ACW xxvi. 30–2). D tactfully omits Origen's example of 'affection' as a euphemism for Amnon's incestuous rape of his sister Tamar (2 Sam. 13), but keeps those of the loves of Isaac and Jacob (Gen. 24: 67, 29: 18) and of the daughters of Jerusalem (S. of S. 5: 8).
152. Fantasie: 'imagination' (OED, 'fantasy', n., 4.a); another reading in which H1 stands alone against an equally valid synonym in the other witnesses ('Fancy', see tn; 'in early use synonymous with … "fantasy"', OED n., 4.a); in Poems, D uses 'fantasie' thrice ('Elegie X', l. 10; 'Metempsychosis', l. 388; 'Second Anniversary', l. 292), and 'fancy' twice ('A Valediction: of my name, in the window', l. 58; 'Communitie', l. 6); elsewhere in the sermons, he uses 'fantasie' only once, suggestively also in 1617 (PS i.3.124), then 'fancie' on many occasions thereafter (cf. PS ii.6.351). The change from 'fantasie' to 'fancy' in this sermon's witnesses reflects a shift in D's lexis seen elsewhere in his works.
152. [tn] scripture forbeares: the reversal of number from singular to plural in H1 ('scriptures forbeare') does not agree with the subsequent verb 'uses'; the transference of 's' from verb to noun could be a scribal error of anticipation.
157–9. Canticles … him: cf. S. of S. 5: 8, 'I charge you, 6 daughters of Ierusalém, if you finde my welbeloued, that you tel him that I am sicke of loue' (Geneva). The Lat. of the final phrase quoted by D is not Vulg. ('quia amore langueo'), but the LXX used in the same passage of Origen's commentary, quoted earlier (see ll. 149–59 cmt): 'quia vulneratæ chantatis ego sum' (PG 13. 29D; 'because I am wounded with love').
162. Eloquia domini casta: cf. Vulg. Ps. 11: 6, 'Elioquia domini eloquia casta' (AV, Geneva, Ps. 12: 6, 'the words of the Lord are pure words'; BCP Ps. 12: 7).
162. [tn] domini: both the source (see prev. cmt) and the grammar require the reading found in E and M against H1 and F26 (and PS)—the only instance in which E and M supply a correction to the c-t.
164. [tns] lord … lord, ys: a passage that seems to have been revised after H1 was copied; the insertion of 'all discourses' in the other witnesses is a simple restatement, or touch oicopia. The other witnesses' 'Soule' for the second instance of 'lord' seems a weaker emendation, which may be due to scribal error; 'Soule' makes some sense in context (cf. 'betweene Christ and the beloved soule', l. 160), but wrecks the rhetorical and thematic force of H1's triple gradatio on 'lord' in the sentence (ll. 163–4); and the final 'lord' clause ('to or from the lord') does capture the reciprocal involvement of the beloved soul.
168. the schooler: generally, faculties of a university (OED, 'school', n1., 7.b); specifically 'scholastic philosophers and theologians collectively' (OED n1., 8, citing Biathanatos as the first use). Cf. ll. 168, 206–7, and cmts.
168. Amare … est: cf. Aquinas, ST, IIa IIæ, q. 27, a. 2, obj. 1; quoting Aristotle, Rhetoric, 2.4: 'Videtur quod amare, secundum quod est actus caritatis, nihil aliud sit quam benevolentia. pg 194Dicit enim Philosophus in II Rhet. quod amare est velle alicui bona. Sed hoc est benevolentia. ('Whether to love, as an act of charity, is not the same as goodwill. The Philosopher says in Rhetoric II that "to love is the same as to wish good".'). Aquinas goes on to reply that love, as a proper act of charity, is superior to mere goodwill; hence Aristotle's is an inferior definition of love (cf. 'too large to … comprehend in anie definicion', ll. 166–7). Cf. ll. 206–7 cmt.
170. [tn] thadvantage: a strong example of the other witnesses erasing oral pronunciation for the sake of readerly standardization.
176. getting: purchase (cf. l. 175).
177–9. ploughing … sanctificaaon : although the sustained agricultural analogy for the process of sanctification is D's own, the metaphors are all recognizably biblical; cf. 1 Cor. 9: 10 (ploughing), Gen. 27: 28 (dew), Luke 8: 11 (seed), Rom. 8: 23 (harvest as rent), and Mark 4: 3–8 (the parable of the sower).
180. velle bonum: Lat., 'wishing good'; see l. 168 cmt.
181–9. what … heauen?: a syntactically difficult passage which would have benefited from oral delivery's ability to register tonally the major argument and its illustrative digressions. A free paraphrase could be: 'Given that God's saving love is sufficient for all anyway, but that God has also barred some from it, who could not believe that there is enough left for one more soul?' The groups excluded are 'the heathen' (l. 183) and the fallen angels (l. 186). Sense is perhaps most complicated by divergent meanings of the repeated main verb 'doubt' (ll. 181, 187): either 'to call in question' (OED v., 2.a) or 'to apprehend; to suspect' (OED v., 6.c). These are registered in the vars. offered in E and M (tns). At l. 181 E and M strengthen the first sense of 'doubt' with 'can doubt' for H1 and F26's 'shall doubt'. At l. 187 H1 and F26 require the same sense of 'doubt' to render (in paraphrase) 'what soul would question that Christ would not deny it a portion'. But here E and M presume the second meaning of 'doubt' (roughly equivalent in force to 'believe'), and compensate for that positive sense by removing the subsequent 'not' in 'not deny'; with the positive sense of 'doubt', and without the double negative 'not deny', the statement is morally and theologically inverted. Both readings, then, are valid in sense; but the two possible meanings of 'doubt' make it impossible to say whether E's and M's omission of 'not' is simply scribal error, or a deliberate emendation.
192. [tn] orderlie: F26's unique 'now in our order' gives a periphrastic formality that I take to be typical of later revision away from the orality of delivery; cf. the survival of 'orderlie' in all witnesses at l. 212.
192. [tn] &c: E and M supply, for a reading audience, what was probably spoken, but not necessary to copy out in H1, a text closer to D's own used for delivery (i.e. where memory of his own text would easily supply the full quotation).
193. Yf … Apostle: 1 Cor. 16: 22; D uses his own version of the final clause (Geneva 'let him be had in execration'; AV 'let him bee Anathema').
195–204. That … loue: a rhetorically heightened passage, where punctuation reflects free rhetorical structures rather than strict grammatical ones. By the rules of the latter, these nine lines are one sentence: ll. 195–202 ('That stuped … yll nature of the soule') consist of an expansive series of parallel subject clauses, which find their predicate only at ll. 202–3 ('ys under the first part of theis curse'). In H1 all but the last of these subject clauses are, loosely, either separated by commas, or left unpunctuated, regardless of the complexity of their own grammatical constructions. Only the last and longest of these ('That which St. Paule … ', ll. 200–1) is punctuated as if it were a new sentence—which grammatically it is not, though rhetorically it deserves its independence from the others because of its climactic position, length, and metaphorical depth ('bottome, and lees and dreggs'). These are all then rapidly summed up in the switch to a new demonstrative pronoun for summary emphasis ('This distempter … ', l. 200), which finally leads to the emphatic predicate, 'ys under the first part of this curse' (ll. 202–3).
195. stuped: stupid: 'apathetic, indifferent' (OED adj. and n., 1.e).
198. stonines: 'hardness, insensibility, unfeelingness' (OED, 'stoniness', 2).
199. entendred: 'to make tender; to melt (the heart); to enervate; to weaken' (OED, 'entender').
199. [tn] toward those things: here, uniquely, F26 contains a reading that, though flawed, helps to make grammatical sense of a passage, and is absent from all three MSS (showing them, in this case, even more corrupt than the printed copy). H1, E, and M condemn 'that inhumanitie, not to bee affected not to bee entendred, which god hath made obiects and subiects of affections' (ll. 198–200). The nominal relative clause 'which god hath made' lacks an antecedent. Only F26 begins to make sense of the passage with its inclusion of a phrase containing the antecedent missing in the MSS: 'not to bee entendred, to wear those things which god hath made' (my ital.); 'those things' completes the grammar, but the inifinitive 'to wear' is nonsense. PS, like the early reader of F2610, emend convincingly to 'toward those things', citing likely scribal error (i. 330). The MS used to set F26, then, constitutes or belongs to a line of transmission that made a more successful (though still flawed) attempt at transcribing this passage than the other MSS; however, the fact that all four surviving witnesses had difficulty here supports the assumption that they derived ultimately from the same copy.
203–4. For hee … loue: 1 John 4: 8 (AV, Geneva, though D replaces 'loueth' and 'knoweth' with their informal '-es' equivalents).
205. determines: ' to … maintain a thesis against an opponent in a scholastic disputation' (OED, 'determine', 13); cf. next cmt.
206–7. Amor … voluntatis: cf. Aquinas, ST, Ia, q. 20, ar. 1 a.: 'Unde amor naturaliter est primus actus voluntatis et appetitus' ('Whence love naturally is the first act of the will and appetite').
212. orderlie: properly (OED, 'orderly', adv., 1).
216–41. Now … happines : for the entirety of this para., D is heavily influenced by Augustine's treatment of self-love, and the selfish love of others; see De Doctnna Christiana, 1.22.21, 1.23.22–3 (NPNF, 1st ser., ii. 527–8).
231. that definition … amato : see l. 168 cmt.
242–59. O … gods: in these paras., D's explicit quotations from Augustine come from other works (see cmts), but the expansions of them are more generally indebted to Augustine on proper and improper love of self and neighbour in De Doctrina Christiana (1.26.27; NPNF, 1st ser., ii. 529), and De Trimtate (8.8.12; NPNF, 1st ser., iii. 123); see Sources.
242. O … humaniter: cf. Augustine, Confessions, 4.7.12: 'O dementiam nescientem diligere homines humaniter!' (PL 32. 698; 'O madness, which knowest not how to love men as men should be loved!'; NPNF, 1st ser., i. 71); D's replacement of Augustine's 'diligere' with 'amare' suits the prominence of 'amo' and 'amor' and their Eng. derivatives throughout the sermon (cf. ll. 43, 149, 161, 200, 290). The exclamation comes from Augustine's account of his immoderately selfish grief at the death of a friend.
243–4. adiuncts … qualities: in formal logic, 'something added to the essence of a thing; an accompanying quality, property, or circumstance' (OED, 'adjunct', adj. and n., 2.b).
246. ymages of god: cf. Gen. 1: 26–7, 1 Cor. 15: 49.
247–8. members … bodie: cf. 1 Cor. 12: 12; Eph. 4: 25, 5: 30.
248. Omnes … humamtas : Lat., 'all men, one mankind'; F26's trans. (tn) is correct, if less concise than the original. This tag and the para. in which it appears are informed by Aristotelian articulations of the relationship between universals and particulars from pg 196Metaphysics; cf. Alexander de Hales, Duodecim Aristotelis Metaphysicæ Libros Dilucidissima Expositio (Venice, 1572), 'non enim omnium hominum est una humanitas in numero, sed solùm una secundùm modum concipiendi, & rationis' (K4v).
249. Angells: Augustine, De Doctrina Christiana, 1.30.31–3 (NPNF, 1st ser., ii. 530–1), insists on the inclusion of angels as fellow creatures deserving love for God's sake.
251–6. [tns] Si … haue: the number of independent vars. in these lines, particularly the evident indecision over 'hast' and 'have' (which extends even to a stop-press correction in some copies of F26, l. 256 tn) suggests not only that the confusion lay in a heavily emended copy, which influenced all four, but perhaps that that source was to hand when F26 was corrected in press.
251. Si … odisti: Augustine, In Joannis Evangelium Tractatus, 51.12.10 (PL 35. 1767); 'If in a sinful way thou lovest it, then dost thou really hate it' (NPNF, 1st ser., vii, 285).
255–7. Si … Amasti: Augustine, In Joannis Evangelium Tractatus, 51.12.10 (PL 35. 1767); 'if in a way accordant with what is good thou hast hated it, then hast thou really loved it' (NPNF, 1st ser., vii, 285).
257. [tn] others,: H1's full stop after 'others' is again not grammatical but rhetorical punctuation (cf. ll. 195–204): the strong break, or breath (comparable to a modern dash) emphasizes in spoken delivery the sharp completion of the interrupted Lat. quotation ('Amasti').
257–8. [tns] thou … virtue: F26 here stands alone with four small but substantive additions to the text as found in the MSS, but which refine rather than change sense: the conjunction 'then thou'; the adjective 'manifold act', completion of an implied infinitive Hove to', and the doubling of a subject in 'virtue and thy example' (my itals.). These seem to me the sort of slight refinements made by the author as simple interlinear additions to a fair copy—presumably (given their absence from the MSS) after the MSS were derived from the common source of all.
259. [tn] and … offending: the differing attempts at this clause in E and M suggest illegibility, probably due to revision, in a common source.
261. feare … wisedome: Prov. 1: 7; also Job 28: 28, Ps. 111: 10, Prov. 9: 10.
262–3. consumacion … sauiour: returns to the dominant interpretative theme of the S. of S.; cf. Geneva headnote, 'In this Song, Salomon … describeth the perfite loue of Iesus Christ … and the faithful soule … which he hathe sanctified and appointed to be his spouse'; and note to 7: 6, 'The spouse desireth Christ to be ioyned in perpetual loue with him.'
275–6. Meritum … nos: Lat., lit., 'Christ's merit [to us] is the effect of God's love for us'; cf. Augustine, De Trimtate, 8.5.7: 'credimus pro nobis Deum hominem factum, ad humilitatis exemplum, et ad demonstrandam erga nos dilectionem Dei' (PL 45. 952; 'thus we believe that God was made man for us as an example of humility and to show to us the love of God'); and Epistola CXXVII, 1: 'charitatis erga nos Dei tantum apparuit … ut Filium suum unigenitum mitteret, qui pro nobis moreretur' (PL 33. 483; 'God's love is shown to us most in that he sent his only begotten son who died for us').
276. effect: 'a result, consequence', 'correlative to cause' (OED n., 2.b).
277. So … his sonne: cf. John 3: 16.
281–2. I haue … thee: cf. Jer. 31: 3 (Geneva; cf. marg.).
286. [tn] they: F26's 'these' may be the 1661 compositor's modernization.
286–7. yett … daie: PS (i. 136) compare 'Loves Alchemie', ll. 11–12: 'So, lovers dreame a rich and long delight, / But get a winter-seeming summers night.'
290–1. Amor … vtenti. cf. Hilary of Poitiers (Hilarius Pictaviensis), Tractatus Super Psalmos, 2.31.15: 'Bonitatis autem usus, ut splendor solis, ut lumen ignis, ut odor succi, non praebenti proficit, sed utenti' (PL 9.270A; 'But the use of [God's] goodness, like the splendour of the sun, the light of fire, the smell of nectar is of no use to that which offers it, but to those who use it'). D replaces God's goodness ('Bonitatis') with his own key concept, the 'love of God' ('Amor dei'; pg 197though this is, in context, true to the original in Hilary). Perhaps not insignificantly here, Augustine discusses Hilary's distinction between 'species' and 'usus' (Hilary, De Trinitate, 2.1) in his own work of the same name (De Trinitate, 6.1.11), other parts of which are a source for D in this sermon (see Sources).
290. [tn] succi: all witnesses, including PS, read 'odor lucis', which is a nonsensical error ('smell of light'), and I emend to Hilary's 'succi'; the unanimity of all witnesses may suggest an authorial error in the holograph, though D does offer the correct trans. of the correct phrase ('perfume by the sweetnes', l. 292), and 'lucis' is conceivable as scribal error for 'succi'. Further evidence of this as a disturbed passage in a common source for all witnesses is that F26 ventures an incorrect marginal source ('Ambrose'), and M gives a non-committal trefoil (♣), while E and H1 have no marginalium at all.
295. Tulerunt … meum: John 20: 13 (Vulg.).
295–6. They … him: John 20: 13 (AV and Geneva).
297. monument: tomb; D's choice here shows the influence of Vulg. 'monumentum' (John 20: 1–11), which AV and Geneva trans. 'sepulchre'.
299. Roman Captiuitie: England's RC past, before the Protestant Reformation; D uses the conventional polemical analogy of the children of Israel's captivity in Egypt (Exod. 1–14), perhaps with further reference to Israel's later exile in Babylon (cf. 2 Chron. 36); for D's most careful distinction between the two, see PS v. 9.
300. abiecerunt Dommum: Lat., 'they have cast away the Lord'; D's own variation on 'tulerunt Dominum' (1. 295 cmt); see next cmt.
300–1. complayned … Prophets: the OT prophets' complaints against the Jewish nation for rejecting God are legion; for Vulg. use of D's key verb here (abicere, 'to throw away', 'to reject'), cf. Isa. 5: 24 (Vulg. 'Abiecerunt enim legem domini exercituum'; AV 'because they haue cast away the Lawe of the Lord of hosts').
302. sacraments: in the Church of England, baptism and holy communion; cf. l. 26 and cmt.
304–6. powrd … sighes: a deft Christianizing of conventional conceits from Petrarchan love poetry; cf. D, 'A Valediction: of weeping', and the anti-Petrarchan 'What merchants ships have my sighs drown'd? / Who saies my teares have overflow'd his ground?' ('The Canonization', ll. 11–12).
305. rebaptizacion: 'a rebaptism' (OED, 'rebaptization'); a term commonly encountered in discussion of patristic debates over the rebaptizing of those baptized by heretics; but for the application of the term to penitential tears, like D's here, cf. OED's quotation of Isaac Bargrave (1623): 'This Bathe of Mary Magdalens repentance … is a kind of Rebaptization, giuing strength and effect to the first washing.'
307. Gemitus … turtle: D carefully mixes two images from S. of S. to fit his purpose, prefacing the Eng. of 2: 12 ('the voice of the turtle', i.e. turtledove) not with its Vulg. version ('vox turturis'), but with his own Lat. epithet which combines the Petrarchan 'Gemitus' ('sigh') with Columba ('of the dove'), the latter being a dominant simile for the bride in S. of S. (cf. 1: 14; 2: 10, 14; 4: 1; 5:2, 12).
308. execrable: 'expressing or involving a curse; hence, of an imprecation: awful, fearful' (OED 1).
313. Dominus tuus: Lat., 'thy Lord', D's variation on Mary Magdalen's 'Dominus meus' (see l. 295 cmt).
314. [tn] hide: 'had' is arguably a copyist's rare error in H1; the present tense better suits the parallel 'doest cast' in the ensuing clause (l. 315).
315. desperate: a range of meanings are operative: 'incurable, irretrievable' (OED adj., n., and adv., 3.b); 'characterized by the recklessness or resolution of despair' (5.a); 'involving serious risk' (5.b); 'hopeless or extremely bad' (7). All combine to sharpen the antithesis with the merely 'dangerous' (l. 314).
318–23. Euen … hart: cf. Luke 2: 43–8; D repeated this exemplum, with a similar application and diction, in his sermon before the Household at court, 30 Apr. 1626 (OESJD iii. 4.28–39).
318. ymagined Father: Joseph, the adoptive, not the biological, father of Christ; the epithet seems unique; cf. 'Of a Disputation between Mr. Hugh Peters, and a Countrey Bumkin', in John Donne Jr, Donne's Satyr (1662), Wing D1877, on 'who was Christs father': 'Joseph for's earthly Father's held by most, / But's heav'nly Father was the Holy Ghost' (G4r).
319. [tn] him at: in an expansion of simple restatement characteristic of authorial revision, F26 adds a further prepositional phrase, 'in the holy City'.
321. deprehended: 'to detect or discover (anything concealed or liable to escape notice)' (OED, 'deprehend', 3.a).
327. prosecution: 'pursuit of any action, scheme, or purpose' (OED 1.a).
328. Rome … Idolatrie: conventional anti-RC satire, probably with warning reference to Queen Anne's Catholicism; cf. ll. 354–8 and cmt.
329. Babilon … together: although Babylon was a common Protestant metaphor for Rome, here D seems to have in mind the more domestic courtly sin of hypocritical 'mingling' of godliness and worldliness; Babylon was throughout biblical history associated with decadence and pride, as in the Tower of Babel (Gen. 11: 1–9), and the delicacies and idolatries of Nebuchadnezzar's and Belshazzar's courts resisted by Daniel (Dan. 1–5). Rev. 14: 8, 18: 1–24 tropes imperial Rome as Babylon.
330. Sodome … benefitts: Gen. 19: 1–11; D uses a discrete paraphrasis to condemn the violent sexual lust that the men of Sodom showed to both Lot's male guests and his daughters. At a time when King James was openly defending his physical and emotional attachment to the new favourite, Buckingham, D's discretion is at once careful and pointed; see Pauline Croft, King James (Basingstoke, 2003), 97–8.
332. conventicle: 'a meeting for the exercise of religion otherwise than as sanctioned by the law' (OED n., 4.a); a common word for clandestine non-conformist meetings outside churches, which were illegal; cf. Bishop John King's 1612 visitation article for London, which asks whether any 'within or neer your parish … hath been at, or used to meete in anie … private house or houses, and held private conventicles' for 'divine service … other than such as is in the booke of common prayer', in Kenneth Fincham (ed.), Visitation Articles of the Early Stuart Church, vol. i (Woodbridge, 1994), 40.
333. apparell … worship: see ll. 354–8 cmt.
335. diligence: effort, commitment; but in the context of the sermon's main theme, leaning on the Lat. root 'diligere', 'to love'.
340. melanchollie: 'depressing, dismal; sorrowful', or the state of being so (OED, 'melancholy', adj. and n.2, 4.a); D's use here may be either noun or adjective (if the latter, modifying an implied subject, 'thing', from the previous and succeeding clauses).
342–4. St. Andrewe … Iesum: the first apostle called by Christ was Andrew, whose first act was to go to his brother Simon Peter saying, 'We haue found the Messias' (John 1: 41), and then 'he brought him to Iesus' (John 1: 42); D's first quotation is Vulg., the second slightly simplified Vulg. ('Et adduxit eum ad Iesum'); for both only F26 supplies a trans. (tn).
345. communicable: a rare pun; 'of a quality that may be imparted or transmitted' (OED 3.a); 'disposed or ready to communicate or converse' (OED 4); and also with the strong overtones of sociability found in the rare sense 'having a common or mutual relationship' (OED 2.), for which OED gives no uses after 1529, but cf. D's sermon before the Earl of Exeter (1624): 'salvation is a more extensive thing, and more communicable, then sullen cloystrall, that have walled salvation in a monastery'; and in the same sermon, 'we cannot name God, but plurally: so sociable, so communicable … is God' (PS vi.7.41–2, 80–1).
346. [tn] where: F26's 'when' is a likely typesetter's error since place, not time, is dominant; cf. the summary of the point at ll. 358–9: 'there ys the neerest waie to find him'.
347. They … off: Deut. 30: 11, closest to Geneva ('For this commandement which I commande thee'), though D makes the 'commandement' plural.
351–2. [tns] him … thou: clearly a passage of some significant illegibility or heavy correction in the source common to all witnesses, which confuse the verbs 'seeke' and 'think'; H1's simple error of anticipation 'thinking thou thou' requires the least editorial intervention ('thinking that thou') to preserve clear sense.
354–8. Forraine … reuerend: D's vignette against seeking true religion in the foreign extremes of decadent, decayed Roman Catholicism and severe, barren Calvinism revisits his late Elizabethan 'Satyre III': 'Seeke true religion. O where? Mirreus / Thinking her unhous'd here, and fled from us, / Seekes her at Rome; there, because he doth know / That shee was there a thousand yeares agoe, / He loves her ragges so … Crantz to such brave Loves will not be inthrall'd, / But loves her onely, who at Geneva is call'd / Religion, plaine, simple, sullen, yong, / Contemptuous, yet unhansome' (ll. 43–52).
354–5. Antiquaries … Antiquitie: D here combines conventional Protestant satire against 'raggs' or remnants of popery (which could include anything rejected by the Reformation—e.g. RC ceremonies, liturgies, church furnishings, vestments, canon law, dogmas, doctrines) with the more recent fashion for gentlemen to devote chests, cases, or even a room ('Cabinett') to the collection and display of historical or natural artefacts. Cf. William Camden's praise of the Huntingdonshire collection of the premier antiquary of the day, Sir Robert Cotton: 'who … being a singular lover and sercher of antiquities, having gathered with great charges from all places the monuments of venerable antiquitie, hath heere begunne a famous Cabinet, whence … hee hath oftentimes given me great light in these darksome obscurities.' (Philemon Holland, trans., Britain (1610), STC 4509, 2T2v).
356. so … house: i.e. 'a house so newly built'.
357. Ceremonies: the rituals and forms of worship, church furnishing, and clerical dress prescribed by the BCP, but scorned by Genevan Calvinists.
357. comelie: 'pleasing or agreeable to the moral sense, to notions of propriety, or æsthetic taste; becoming, decent, proper, seemly, decorous' (OED, 'comely', adj., 3.a); conventional, if not even a cliché, in conformist apologetics for the Church of England (cf. OED quotations in loc.).
358–9. hee … him: the sharp resolution of the passage on the individual believer (vs. any mediating institution) as the surest place to find Christ is distinctly Protestant.
360–4. Christ … prudentiam: D quotes Prov. 8: 1 from Geneva ('Dooth … voice?') to return to the primary understanding of Wisdom as Christ; but the divine person Wisdom can also be understood as the human virtue wisdom (treated in the opening of the sermon's first part; see ll. 87–102 and cmts). D's points here are clear in VG, where the Vulg. itself bifurcates 'sapientia' ('wisedom') and 'prudentia' ('understanding'), and the gloss asserts that the first functions 'In diuinis' and the second 'In Humanis' (D's 'humane wisedome; as well as diuyne'); see further Lyra's postil in loc: 'Dicitur autem sapientia, notitia de diuinis, prudentia de … humanis' ('He speaks of wisdome to denote the divine, of prudence the human').
365. conversacion: 'manner of conducting oneself in the world or in society' (OED, 'conversation', n., 6).
366. narrowe: small, confined.
367. profession: the dominant sense in context is 'walk of life' (cf. 'stations', 'vocacions', ll. 367–8). But the architectural metaphor ('narrowe a dwelling', l. 366) keeps alive the preceding caricatures of different foreign churches (Rome, Geneva; ll. 354–8 and cmts), hence 'profession' here also possibly as 'a religious system, denomination, or body' (OED 4.b).
367. [tn] stations: F26's 'Nations' must be a corruption, as 'stations' (place or rank in life or occupation) is a synonym for 'professions' and 'vocacions'; cf. next cmt.
369. eminent: 'exalted, dignified in rank or station' (OED 2.a), but also in the physical sense, 'high, towering above surrounding objects' (OED 1.a), and thus 'maie easilie bee found' (l. 369).
370–1. Christ … Citties: cf. Prov. 8: 2–3.
372–3. cloisters … men: satire against RC monasticism and the philosophical ('speculative') theology associated with monastic theologians; for D, both were blameworthy for the withdrawal of Christ's love and the church's ministry from the world; cf. l. 345 cmt.
374. Courts … princes: a likely compliment to the scholar-theologian King James, and implicitly perhaps a critique of Anne's Catholicism.
374. [tn] religious princes: E and M's unique 'Religion' here may be a scribal error, though if so an egregious one; it may be an attempt to render the text less court-specific, but why so in the early 1620s (the likely date of M) is not clear; finally, it is also not at all clear what would be intended in the Church of England by 'Courts of Religion', except perhaps the ecclesiastical courts (thus anticipating 'Courts of Iustice', l. 375 and cmt).
375. Courts … Iustice: the royal court and the Inns of Court.
375. Courts of Iustice: D may have in mind here less the judicial courts seated at Westminster where cases were heard, and more the Inns of Court where lawyers lived and were trained in collegiate institutions such as Lincoln's Inn, where D was at this time Reader in Divinity (1616–21). Geographically, the Inns were located to the west of Ludgate, hence possibly 'in the gates of the Cittie' (l. 375).
376. diuersions: 'the turning aside (of any person or thing) from a settled or particular course of action, an object' (OED, 'diversion', 2.a); hence here, 'turnings from God', and not the later sense of 'an amusement, entertainment, sport, pastime' (OED 4.b). Cf. D's warnings to his Inns auditory about the dangers of Roman Catholicism, moral scepticism, and social debauchery there (PS ii.1.475–7; ii.2.399–407), and, for the potential 'diuersions' from morality at the royal court, 'Satyre I', ll. 145–9.
378. text saies there: Prov. 8: 1 (see ll. 360–4 and cmt).
380. [tn] pretender: H1's 'protruder' (not recorded in OED) must be a scribal error.
381. [tn] yt: E, M, and F26 all here repeat 'Tentacions … whisperings', which may originate in a copyist's eyeskip or reflect interlinear emendations (additions and crossings-out) in a common source; PS retain the repetition. Since there is no loss of sense in H1, I have decided not to intervene.
387–8. Esaias … not: Paul's opinion of Isa. 65: 1 is in Rom. 10: 20 (see l. 391 in marg.).
390. [tn] of them: the adjusted and significantly extended prepositional phrase found in E and M alone demands consideration as authorial text either lost in the other MSS, or surviving only in these witnesses (the latter is less likely, given this reading's absence from F26, which elsewhere has similar kinds of addition; see Text). I reject the E and M reading, however, as a corruption not made by D, since it contradicts the very argument that it seems an attempt to clarify. D's point here (see next cmt), is that gentiles could find God even without aid or help, simply by acknowledging a divine creator; to then add that God could find them 'by the preachinge of the Gospell' robs the sentence of its central, paradoxical, point.
390–5. Esaias … him: D dwells on Paul's opinion of Isa. 65: 1 (ll. 371–8 cmt) for acute theological reasons. Paul (in this notoriously difficult chapter) uses Isa. to press his point that it was often easier for gentiles to find and accept Christ than it was for legalistic Jews (like himself before his conversion, and those in Isaiah's time). D here, however, seems more anxious about the relationship between God's seeking and saving, and people's seeking and being saved—or, crudely put, between a strict predestinarian model of election (God's seeking), and a more liberal one (people's seeking) in which free will and works play a part. Typically, D does pg 201not come down on one side or another, but instead registers an anxiety over extremes, and then seeks a compromise for (or an escape from) the conundrum in an ensuing exemplum (ll. 395–400 and cmts); cf. ll. 425–59, and Headnote.
396. Primum … dei: cf. Matt. 6: 33 (Vulg. 'Quærite ergo primum regum Dei'; AV 'But seeke ye first the kingdome of God'); F26's supplied trans. (tn) is literal.
396–7. the … ympossible: paraphrased: 'the "first" ("Primum") is not to come before ("prevent") God, to seek the kingdome of heaven ("yt") before God shows it to us; that is impossible'.
398–400. Butt … Iesus: D here wriggles out of the conundrum of election vs. free will not only by arguing a necessary combination of both—that God provides the means of faith ('the light of grace', l. 397), which the believer then uses to seek Christ—but by quickly casting the problem not in the terms of eternal election but in the everyday moral terms of seeking God 'before … anie thing elce'.
400–1. Quærite … viuetis : cf. Amos 5: 4 (Vulg. 'Quærite dominum & viuite'; AV 'Seeke ye mee, and ye shall liue'); F26 supplies a literal trans. (tn).
405–7. Euill … yt: the Hebraism in Isa. 47: 11 is rendered literally in Geneva ('Therefore shal euil come vpon thee, and thou shalt not know the morning thereof); AV reads 'not know from whence it riseth', but with the marg. n. 'Heb. the morning thereof"; T-J gives the marg. n. 'Heb. auroram' (cf. 'propperlie Auroram', l. 404).
406. shakrah: Strong H7835, 'שָׁחַר', 'shachar', 'to seek diligently early, in the morning'; cf. Johannes-August Forster, Dictionarivm Hebraicum Novvm (Basle, 1564), 2B1v: 'שָׁחַר' … significat aurorauit, diluculauit, in aurora, seu ad auroræ ortum aliquid fecit' ('schachar means to have dawned, in the morning, or anything that rises like daybreak'). Note that D's transliteration of the Hebr. misplaces the second vowel. For similar philological comment, see Ralph Baynes, In Proverbia Salomoms Tres Libri Commentariorum (Paris, 1555), F1r; and Pagninus and Raphelengius, Epitome Thesauri Linguae Sanctae (Leiden, 1599), B8r, giving Isa. 47: 11 (which D quotes here) as an example.
407–8. elegantlie … me: the use of 'Aurorantes' in a Lat. trans. of D's text is extremely rare, not occurring in any of the many commentaries on Prov. published before D's sermon that I have searched. The sole example I have found is in Forster, Dictionarivm Hebraicvm (2B1v), which gives as its last example of the word, 'Prouerb. 8. Et aurorantes me, inuenient me.' It is applied to texts in the S. of S. by Tuccius Tucci, Annotationes Super Cantico Canticorum (Lyon, 1606), T4r; and Juan de Pineda, In Salomonem Commentarios (Mainz, 1613), 3B2r. Though too late for D to have used here, cf, for its use of D's text and elaborate commentary thereon, Thomas Malvenda, R. P. F. Thomæ Malvenda, Ordinis Prædicatorum Opera Omnia in Septem Tomos Divisa (Lyon, 1650), Commentariorum . . Tomus Quartus, 3R4r, 3S1r; the work was published posthumously, but Malvenda had inscribed his trans. of Prov. '23. Septembris 1625' (3N4r).
410–11. Ierome … vigilauerint: Vulg. Prov. 8: 17: 'Ego diligentes me diligo, & qui manè vigilauerint ad me, inuenient me' (AP, iii. 2A4v; lit., 'I love them that love me, and those who are awake for me early in the morning, will find me').
412–13. Chaldee … consurgunt: the Aramaic ('Chaldee') interpretative paraphrase of Prov. 8: 17: 'Ego diligentes me diligo, & qui manè consurgunt ad me, inuenient me' (AP, iii. 2A5r; lit., 'I love them that love me, and they who rise up early in the morning will find me').
415. motions: 'an inner prompting or impulse … desire or inclination' (OED, 'motion', n., 12.a); also 'a prompting or impulse originating from God' (12.b).
418. in … him not: S. of S. 3: 1 (marg.); closest to Geneva.
419–23. Christ … sick: a delicate passage, which attempts playfulness in its seriousness; the 'other thoughts' that could exclude Christ in bed must include sex (anticipating l. 424's 'bed of the wanton'), but D quickly allows more positive bed-thoughts, probably such as Job's ('my pg 202bed shall comfort me', 7: 13) or David's ('I remember thee upon my bed', Ps. 63: 6), before giving one safely specific example with a paraphrase of Ps. 41: 3 ('thou wilt make all his bed in his sicknesse').
424. [tn] marring: F26's and M's 'marriage' is understandable, but only as an error; 'making' (l. 423) and 'marring' create a far sharper antithesis in both sound and sense.
425. To make haste: an acknowledgement of the need to draw to a close, though it also enacts the theme of the sermon's last part itself—diligent urgency.
425. [tn] bee sought: M ('besought') misreads the verb as transitive, with 'hee' as a subject, rather than the (correct) object of the seeking.
433. imprinting: 'to impress … on or in a person or thing; to communicate, impart' (OED, 'imprint', v., 3.b)
434. [marg.] Grego:: see next cmt.
434–5. Miro … diligebat: although all witnesses marginally document this quotation as Gregory the Great, it is in fact Augustine, In Joannis Evangelium Tractatus CX, 6: 'Proinde miro et divino modo et quando nos oderat, diligebat' (PL 35. 1924; 'Accordingly, in a wonderful and divine manner, even when He hated us, He loved us'; NPNF, 1st ser., vii. 411).
438. fashionall: 'pertaining to outward form or ceremony; merely formal' (OED = fashionable, 2); OED cites only four uses, three of which are by D (including this example; and, as the first use, a letter by D of '?1607').
439–55. Hee … saluacion: a catalogue of fortunes of the elect which D would adapt for use before different auditories; cf. for the Household, in this vol., Sermon 6, ll. 182–206; at St Paul's in 1622 (PS iv.5.118—35); and at court in 1627 (OESJD iii.6.70–99 and cmts).
441. inclosures: 'an encompassing fence or barrier' (OED, 'enclosure', 3 .a), here in the sense, often controversial in the period, of converting by private Act of Parliament 'pieces of common land into private property' (OED 1.a), usually for grazing (cf. 'pastures', l. 441).
448–50. leavened … Doe: at the heart of this image is Augustine's for original sin, the 'massa damnata' ('mass of damnation', or 'condemned mass'): that is, all humanity, infected with Adam's guilt (cf. De Civitate Dei, 21.12). D here tropes Augustine's 'massa' metaphorically as bread or dough ('Doe'; see l. 450 tn and cmt), 'leavened' (infected, soured) by Adam's guilt (cf. 1 Cor. 5: 6–8). D returns repeatedly in the sermons to this figuration of original sin: this vol., Sermon 6, ll. 190–3; PS i.7.203–8; ii.15.445–6; iii.3.663–5; v.9.94–6; vi.16.80–1.
448. confuzed: 'disordered, disorderly' (OED, 'confused', 3.a).
449. refuze: 'discarded … spare, waste; worthless', here 'of a person or group of people' (OED, 'refuse', n.1 and adj., A.1.a, B.2.b); E and M's 'refused' (tn), though strictly allowable for sense, lacks the strength of 'refuse' applied to a person or persons (OED 'refused', adj. and n., A.1, and B).
449. [tn] condemned: F26's 'condemnable' seems a modernizing adjustment, which is also doctrinally slightly weaker—'capable of being condemned', vs. strictly and already so.
450. [tn] Doe: not a form of 'dough' recorded in OED, but cf. D, 'loafe of Adams dow' (PS v.9.95); E and M's scatalogical 'doung' is probably a misreading of copy with the spelling 'dough'.
450. seuerd out: 'severed out', biblical; 'to set apart or segregate for a special purpose' (OED, 'sever', 1.f); cf. Ezek. 39: 14.
452. scripture: lit., 'writing', but also recalling the sermon's exordium about 'penning the bookes of scriptures' (ll. 6–7), and alluding to the biblical promise of the 'book of life' (see next cmt).
453. booke of life: God's heavenly register of the elect; cf. Exod. 32: 32, Rev. 3: 5.
457. ignoble: generally, 'mean, base, sordid' (OED adj. and n., A.2), but here in comparison between creatures, perhaps an early example of 'not noble … of animals, compared with each other or with man' (OED adj. and n., A.1.a, b).
457. vacuitie: 'absolute emptiness of space; complete absence of matter' (OED, 'vacuity', 1.a, citing D, PS ii.17.85).
460–5. There … vses: an effective use of insinuation rather than explication—D hints that seeking Christ in the throes of serious illness or on the deathbed will be too 'late' (l. 463); sinning wilfully throughout life and presuming upon the success of a last-minute conversion is a 'misvse' (l. 464) of seeking; cf. ll. 468–70.
465. Covetousnes earlie: contrast the sermon's opening vignette of the covetous man's successful conformity to godliness, ll. 17–34.
466. incontmencie: 'want of … self-restraint … With reference to the bodily appetites' (OED, 'incontinency' = incontinence, 1.a).
468. irrecouerablie: irretrievably.
470. bell … for us: a church bell tolled at the death of any person in a parish; a recurrent image in D's prose; see this vol., Sermon 1, l. 355 and cmt.
471–8. Itt … age: given the queen's age, and the birthday context of the sermon (see Headnote and ll. 481–2 cmt), a potentially pointed reflection on advancing age after a misspent youth, perhaps deliberately distanced here by D's careful casting of the exemplum with reference to a man, not a woman.
475. light yoake: cf. Matt. 11: 29–30.
481–2. daie of regeneracion: I can find no other examples of the epithet in the period in Eng. In Lat. works, it is used (unlike here) to refer to the general resurrection, following Matt. 19:28 (Vulg. 'in regeneratione, cum sederit filius hominis in sede maiestatis sus'; AV 'in the regeneration when the Sonne of man shal sit in the throne of his glory'); cf. Calvin, Institutio Christianæ Religionis (Geneva, 1568), 2*ir: 'in die regenerationis seu carnis resurrectione' ('in the day of regeneration or resurrection of the flesh'). As this introduces an ensuing baptismal theme (see next cmt), D is probably importing its only prominent patristic use, Basil the Great's description of baptism as the beginning of life ('vitæ initium est baptismus'), and that day of regeneration as the first of days ('dierum omnium primus est dies regenerationis'; De Spiritu Sancto, 10.26; quoting Erasmus, ed., Octauus Tomus Theologica ex Graecis Scriptoribvs (Basle, 1540), N5V, for the text used in D's time). More widely, 'regeneration' is strongly linked with the initiation that is baptism, and forms of the word appear five times in the BCP rites for public and private baptism ('except hee be regenerate', 'by spirituall regeneration', 'these children bee regenerate', 'to regenerate this Infant', 'the lauer of regeneration in Baptisme'); cf. D, 'as innocently, as he received thee, from thy first Bath, the laver of Regeneration, the font in Baptisme' (PS ix.11.849–50). I have suggested elsewhere that the proximity of Anne's birthday (12 Dec.) may freight D's 'your daie of regeneracion' with allusion to the anniversary of her christening; see next cmt, Headnote and Further reading.
483–5. spiritt … baptisme: the para. resolves strongly on the baptismal theme introduced with 'daie of regeneracion' (see prev. cmt), here by direct allusion to Christ's baptism (Matt. 3: 13–17, Mark 1: 9–11, Luke 3: 21–2; cf. John 1: 32–4); D invites a return of the Holy Spirit, the person of the Trinity operative in baptism (BCP, Public Baptism: 'it hath pleased thee to regenerate this Infant with thy holy Spirit').
486–7. Therfore … found: Ps. 32: 6, Geneva.
488–9. confession … noua: for the first time in the sermon D cites the work and author that have punctuated the sermon at strategic points (see Sources), Augustine's Confessions: here 10.27.38, the climactic exclamation to God: 'Sero te amavi, pulchritudo tam antiqua et tam nova! sero te amavi!' (PL 32. 795; 'Too late did I love Thee, O Fairness, so ancient, and yet so new! Too late did I seek thee!'; NPNF, 1st ser., i. 152). See Sources and Further reading.
492–8. And therfore … Daunger: D moves masterfully from his Augustinian peroration (see prev. cmt) to a concluding prayer, an adapted version of the most familiar collect in the BCP, 'The third Collect for grace', said daily at the conclusion of Morning Prayer, the service that pg 204probably preceded D's sermon (see Headnote). In a graceful imitatio, D adds descriptive clauses and repetitions of his own to the principal invocation and two petitions of the collect (here with the portions that D quotes in italic): 'O Lord our heauenly Father, almightie and euerlasting God, which hast safely brought vs to the beginning of this day, defend vs in the same with thy mightie power, and graunt that this day wee fall into no sinne, neither runne into any kinde of danger, but that all our doings may be ordered by thy gouernance, to doe alwayes that is righteous in thy sight, through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen.'
496–7. daie … visitacion: D's interpolation into the 'Collect for grace' (see prev. cmt) a familiar biblical epithet in which 'visitacion' is 'the action, on the part of God … of coming to, or exercising power over, a person or people' (OED, 'visitation', 6). In biblical sources (cf. Isa. 10: 3, Hos. 9: 7) God comes on that 'daie' to 'test, try, examine, or judge' (OED 6.b); but cf. how a divine visitation can also be made 'in order to encourage, comfort, or aid' (6.a). As a special day which marks Anne's birth and baptism, this is for D's auditory the anniversary of an auspicious 'visitacion', but the epithet also simultaneously registers a warning note of judgment.
498–9. as maie … kingdome: here D departs from the imitated collect (prev. cmts) to supply a final petition more fitting to his topic—finding, and then not being eternally 'separated' from God.
500–1. with … blood: D uses these superlative attributes in prayers concluding seventeen other surviving sermons (PS ii.18.548; iii.2.649, 9.670, 10.240, 11.522; iv.10.637–8; vi.7.619; vii.10.774–5, 15.800–1; viii.2.1100–1, 3.537–8, 6.585–6; ix.4.784; x.10.583; OESJD iii.6.584, 7.876–7, 14.617–18) all of which were for feast days or an elite occasion or auditory (including D's last, Deaths Duell) which suggests the force and dignity he associates with the formula.
501. In whome &c: conventional abbreviation of ascription of praise to Christ and the other Persons of the Trinity, or 'lesser doxology'; some preachers (e.g. Andrewes) conclude all sermons so, but D frequently concluded with a simple 'Amen'. This and some of D's most formal sermons which conclude with a prayer retain an abbreviated remnant of the doxology, using either 'To whom' or 'In whom' (PS ii.1.604, 18.548–9; iii.2.649–50, 17.1022; iv.10.638–9), the simplest complete forms of which are 'to whom with the Father and the Holy Ghost be all glory now and forever, Amen', and 'in whom with the Father and the Holy Ghost is all glory now and forever, Amen'; F26 takes one step towards completion of the doxology here ('To whom with the Father, &c.'; tn).
5. A lent-sermon … February 20. 1617.
Text. F26, B1r-C3v (no. 1, 1–14). There are no other witnesses. There are some careless errors in typesetting, and my collation reveals that very little attempt was made to correct the sheets containing this sermon during printing (the only stop-press correction being the resetting of one comma found in three copies; l. 94 tn). I intervene, largely in agreement with PS and several correcting hands found in some copies, to correct obvious typesetter's errors; some of these—perhaps, most especially, incorrect Lat. forms—may be due to MS copyist errors. A salient example of this is the setting as 'Hpli.' of the likely MS abbrv. 'Apli' (for 'Apostoli') (l. 285 marg. tn). The four incorrect marginal citations of Scripture at ll. 313, 332, 345, and 401 (tns), however, seem less likely to be the fault of a printer, and could be due to copy deriving from an authorially unrevised text, where marg. citations were from memory.
Headnote. This sermon is to me one of the most compelling of D's early court career, notable for its emotive power, bold use of varied sources, and strong intervention in current theological debates. These distinctive characteristics are probably due to the fact that, although D had been a royal chaplain for two years, this sermon is a debut—D's first appearance at the annual series pg 205of Lent sermons preached to the court. In contrast to the regular sermons, preached in the more intimate surroundings of the Whitehall chapel royal or the apartments of Denmark House (this vol., Sermons 1–4; see Introduction, §III, (iii)–(iv)), the Lent sermons were often preached outdoors to huge crowds, and—as a whole—the series achieved a national prominence that sermons preached on routine days did not. Accordingly, appointment to the Lent rota was a mark of promotion and favour, and D was now taking his place for the first time among preachers chosen from higher clergy, who were at a minimum DD (doctors of divinity, the highest university degree), and mostly deans or bishops (see Introduction, §II and §III, (v)). D seems to acknowledge the means by which he appears in this new capacity in his remark that 'the favour of a Prince can make a man a Doctor, per saltum' ('at a leap')—precisely what King James had done (controversially) for D two years before in Cambridge (see ll. 271–2 and cmts). But the bravura qualities of this sermon—in use of sources, emotive exhortation, and daring in controverted matters—amply justify D's inclusion in so august a company. One must wonder whether it was a disappointment to D that his patron-king—the worse for wear after watching a masque the night before—did not attend (see l. 5 cmt).
D opens the sermon with an extended exordium and summary of his text, both of which are rich in metaphor, description, and satire. The arrestingly playful first sentence tropes the penitent thief crucified next to Christ not just as a preacher, but also as a bishop and a self-canonized saint (ll. 10–14). He then abruptly shifts to a description of the tapestries in the Temple of Solomon as a metaphor for the variegated beauties of Scripture, which he exploits as an occasion for witty satire against alleged RC defacings of it (ll. 14–43). Next D approaches the division of his text via a justification of preaching about Good Friday—the Crucifixion—six weeks early, on the first Fri. in Lent (ll. 53–73). This is the first example of D's impulse to deliver a proleptic Passion sermon at the beginning of Lent, as in his Lent sermons for 1622, 1623, 1628, and, most famously, his last (1631), Deaths Duell (PS iv.1,13; OESJD iii.6,14). These all, of course, manifest the abiding gravitational pull of the Crucifixion on D's religious devotion and poetic works (cf. 'Good Friday, 1613', 'The Crosse', 'The Annuntiation and Passion', 'Spit in my face', and La Corona's 'Crucifying').
After the vivid metaphors of the exordium, the body of the sermon resolves into a dialogic form, shorn of thematic imagery to make stark and sharp the implications of the conversation on Calvary between the three crucified protagonists. D divides his text simply into three thematic parts: the operation of God's grace upon those 'ordained to salvation', such as the penitent thief (ll. 70–5); the 'doctrine' of the fear of God then preached by him (ll. 75–8); and finally the 'Auditory … that he preached to' (ll. 78–95), that is, the impenitent thief, and how the converted thief tailored his address to the most pressing spiritual needs of his fellow sinner. The last part addresses the three components of the thief's' 'text', that is his words to his impenitent companion: fear ('times'), God ('Deus'), thy God ('Deus tuus'), the condemnation ('condemnatio'), the same condemnation ('eadem condemnatio'). The attention to the modifiers 'thy' and 'the same' drive the sermon's message ever closer to the individual, which prepares for the final coup de théâtre, where D puts the text into the mouth not of the impenitent thief but of Christ himself, who speaks not to the historical thief, but to the thief that is every sinner—that is, to D's auditory; cf. the climactic shift to Christ's voice in D's conclusion to the sermon for Easter 1619 (this vol., Sermon 10, ll. 493–4), and sudden dramatic present of the Crucifixion at the end of Deaths Duell, (OESJD iii.14.601–18).
The entire sermon, then, is in one sense a sermon about best practice in preaching (cf, for example, the excursus against extemporal preaching, ll. 275–300 and cmts). But it also addresses, with surprising directness, hotly debated points about predestination and free will. These had been a matter of controversy in the English Church since the 1590s, when Cambridge divines such as Peter Baro and Lancelot Andrewes began openly to question the Calvinist consensus on God's predestination of the elect to salvation, and related doctrines pg 206of the limitation of Christ's atonement to the elect and 'double' predestination of some to damnation as well as others to election. The terms of the debate in England were set by the Dutch theologian Jacobus Arminius (1560–1609), who asserted the individual's free will to resist God's grace. Shortly after Arminius' death, fellow Dutch theologians sympathetic to his views issued a challenge, or 'Remonstrance', which contained five articles against defining tenets of Dutch Calvinism, and requested the convening of a national synod to consider them. The dispute had political as well as religious ramifications, and King James and his ambassadors to The Hague actively supported the orthodox Calvinists against the 'Remonstrants' (or, abusively, 'Arminians'), and supported plans first for a national and then for an international synod to settle the dispute. By Oct. 1617 the king was actively endorsing the proposed articles for the synod, which would open in Dort (Dordrecht) in Nov. 1618; in June the States General invited James to send British delegates (Anthony Milton, The British Delegation and the Synod of Dort (1618–19) (Woodbridge, 2005), 12, 20, 30).
D's sermon was thus preached at a highly charged moment when royal plans were well advanced to support the case against 'Arminianism' at the Synod of Dort. And in the sermon's very first part, D not only addresses the currency of the debate, but also its very specific and most novel terms, the 'Resistibility, and Irresistibility of grace' (ll. 115–17 and cmt). Though broached first with a typically moderate call for discretion when touching matters of 'Gods prerogative' (ll. 123–4), D goes on to assert unambiguously that man can resist God's grace, and he says so in a sharp application of Arminius' own exemplum of Christ standing at the door and knocking (Rev. 3: 20): Christ promises to stand, knock, and even wait at the door, but does not say that 'he will break open the door' (ll. 127–9 and cmt). The cmts below document these and several other places where D's arguments, diction, and exempla are remarkably close to Arminius' published writings, and to the 'Remonstrance' itself (see Sources).
However, D is careful not to elevate the power of the human will above the divine. Immediately after the almost facetious observation that Christ does not break down doors into the soul, D insists that, ultimately, God's will cannot be 'frustrated … prevented … precluded' (ll. 131–2), and he rests again with the argument that it is 'impertinent' (l. 135) to speculate about the depths of the nature of God or of man. As so often for D, his interest lies in practical rather than speculative divinity. The bulk of the sermon is a vivid consideration of both thieves' sin (which, no matter how heinous, could be remitted by God in Christ), and of the penitent thief's zealous, charitable response to forgiveness and conversion. And even in its engagement with free will, the whole content as well as tone is that of a plea for the moderation of common sense, not the extremes of doctrinal philosophizing. The exact operative moment of the thief's conversion, for example, is itself for D a matter only for anti-predestinarian parody (ll. 304–6 and cmt). Rather, the 'doctrine' that D presses is not what he considers to be newfangled quibbles about how divine grace operates, but instead the primitive, undisputed doctrine that 'no man may be so secure in his election, as to forbear to work out his salvation with fear and trembling' (though this, in itself, is an assertion that has an Arminian ancestry; see ll. 315–16 cmt). D devotes the sermon's third (and longest) part to a pastorally animated exhortation to his auditory to see their own case in that of the impenitent thief—under the condemnation of sin, but able to be freed from it if they hear a compassionate preacher, fear God's condemnation of impenitence, and turn to ('choose', l. 511) God's saving grace.
Sources. Two major categories of sources are present in this sermon, though in very different ways. These are, first, patristic authors, who play an almost flamboyant part; and, second, 'Arminian' ideas, which are never attributed by D, but which I suggest here can be traced—at least ultimately—to Arminius' works themselves.
As a foil to his own use of the Fathers, D in his exordium sneers at the RC Jodocus Coccius' Thesaurus Catholicus (Cologne, 1600), a compendium of proof texts for RC doctrines, as an pg 207example of how not to use sources—that is, the RC habit of using dubious ones (here, for easy comic effect, writings by women, 'She-fathers') to prove things not supported by Scripture (ll. 39–43 and cmt). Later, he expands the point by condemning all who trade deeper study in 'the Fountaines, and the Fathers, and the Schooles' for the products of 'Common placers', who gather deceptively simple extracts, ripped out of context, to prove points at the expense not just of truth, but also of scholarship (ll. 157–8 and cmts). Against those, D proceeds, especially in the sermon's first part, to an almost self-conscious display of patristic sources; in fewer than 100 lines (ll. 170–263) he mentions by name or quotes (often more than once) Tertullian, Athanasius, Origen, Chrysostom, Hilary, Theophylact, Jerome, Augustine, Ambrose, Cyprian, and Gregory the Great. Here D is surveying patristic opinion on Luke and the other Gospels' accounts of the thieves at the Crucifixion, and it seems clear that he was using a mediating source, probably (as suggested in the cmts) the Catena Aurea. Doing so within minutes of denouncing 'Common placers', however, is not a contradiction: D is demonstrating here the proper use of sources—that is, to prove orthodox rather than disputed interpretations of Scripture from the most esteemed Fathers. However, D also clearly studied a smaller subset of his patristic sources in full, rather than in extracts, and, typically, they are three Passion sermons attributed to his favourite Father, Augustine. The Sermo de Verbis X probably provides the unique diction of D's Lat. for his scriptural text and a model for at least one rhetorical set piece (ll. 78, 83–95, and cmts); and Sermo de Tempore, 155, and Sermo de Tempore, 156 (both on the two thieves), are woven into quotation, diction, and structure throughout the entire sermon.
The attribution of Sermo de Tempore, 156 (as numbered in PL), to Augustine was being weakened considerably during D's lifetime. D acknowledges the shifting of its attribution to Chrysostom (ll. 440–1 and cmts), where his very unusual citation of the sermon's numbered title in his spoken text ('130. de Tempore', ll. 440–1) is glossed in the marg. with the even more specific, but different, citation, 'Tom 10. in Append. Ser. 49.'. The first ('130.') is the numbering introduced by Johannes Amerbach, who first compiled the series De Tempore in his Plura ac Diuersa Dim Aurela Augustim Sermonum Opera (Basle, 1494–5). Amerbach's classifications and numbering were reproduced in Erasmus' Decimus Tomus Operum Divi Aurelii Augustim (Basle, 1529; many reprints), though with a marginal caution that some were spuriously attributed. The numbering in the marg. here derives from the first early modern reclassification of the sermons, by Louvain divines in their Tomus X Operum D. Aurelii Augustini … Sermones ad Populum et Clerum (first pubd at Antwerp, 1576; more commonly found in the edn. printed at Paris in 1586, cited here). At 'Sermo Cxxx' (V4r) the reader is directed 'Est in appendice sermo xlix'; and in the appendix (v4r) the sermon is presented as 'Sermo xlix. Fuit de tempore 130. sed in ms. Libris et excusis asscribitur Ioanni Chrysost.' (I am very grateful to Jean-Louis Quantain (personal communication) for this information about early editions of Augustine.) Both from D's remarks in his text about Chrysostom's possible authorship of this homily, and the evidence of the marginalium, it can be argued that at least on this occasion (if not using a mediating source), D used a Louvain, and not an Erasmian, edition of Augustine.
Documenting D's likely use of Arminian writings is less clear-cut. So many of Arminius' most controversial ideas had already so entered public religious discourse as to be beyond confident attribution to any single printed work as D's source. However, I find some of D's diction and his choice of scriptural exempla to support 'Arminian' ideas to be so close to Arminius' works as to warrant presenting the latter as likely sources, even if in actuality D encountered them at some remove. I have, however, limited myself to citing in the cmts writings by Arminius that would have been available to D in print at the time of this sermon. Arminius' theological works, including those previously published, were posthumously gathered in Iacobi Arminii … Opera Theologica (Leiden, 1629); Eng. trans. as The Works of James Arminius, 3 vols., ed. James Nichols, rev. W. R. Bagnall (Auburn, Ala., and Buffalo, NY, 1853). For ease of pg 208reference, I quote below from Works, with occasional recourse to Opera where Lat. is pertinent. Individual works cited below and their dates of first publication are: Declaratio qua Auctor Sententiam (Declaration of Sentiments) in Iacobi Arminii … Orationes itemqve Tractatvs (Leiden, 1613); Examen Modestum Libelli, quem G. Perkinsius edidit De Praedestinationis (Review of Perkins) (Leiden, 1612); and Articuli nonnulli Diligenti Examine (Certain Articles) (Leiden, 1613). The 'Five Articles of Remonstrance', which derive directly from Arminius' Declaratio, appeared first in Dutch in 1613, and then in 1616 as Articuli Arminiani sive Remonstratia; both, with Eng. trans., are in Philip Schaff, Bibliotheca Symbolica Ecclesiæ Universalis, rev. 3rd edn., 3 vols. (1882).
Further reading. For D's use of patristic sources, with discussion of this sermon, see Katrin Ettenhuber, Donne's Augustine: Renaissance Cultures of Interpretation (Oxford, 2011), 50, 53. For the origins and progress of Arminian disputes in England, see Nicholas Tyacke, Anti-Calvinists: The Rise of English Armimanism, c.1590–1640 (Oxford, 1987); and Brian Cummings, The Literary Culture of the Reformation: Grammar and Grace (Oxford, 2002), 406–17, whose attention to D and this sermon is highly pertinent (see further below). For the definitive documentary account of British involvement in the Synod of Dort, including early preparations for it, see Anthony Milton, The British Delegation and the Synod of Dort (1618–19) (Woodbridge, 2005). The most recent bibliography of Arminius' works is Keith D. Stanglin and Richard A. Muller, 'Bibliographia Armimana: A Comprehensive, Annotated Bibliography of the Works of Arminius', in Th. Marius van Leeuwen, Keith D. Stanglin, and Marijke Tolsma (ed.), Arminius, Armimanism, and Europe (Leiden, 2009), 263–90. Many attempts have been made to define D's doctrinal position on grace and free will, with scholars arguing for D as either a Calvinist or an anti-Calvinist. The seminal contributions of the last century are well summarized and documented in Achsah Guibbory, 'Donne's Religion: Montagu, Arminianism, and Donne's Sermons, 1624–1630', English Literary Renaissance, 31 (2001), 412–39. All of these earlier studies which use D's sermons as evidence take the outcome of Dort as their starting point, with D's sermons preached at Heidelberg and The Hague in 1619 (PS ii.12 and 13 ) as evidence of his endorsement of the synod's Calvinist outcome. They then point to much later—that is, Caroline—sermons to argue that 'there was … a kind of change in Donne's religion' (Guibbory, 415) towards open Arminianism (a case put again more recently by Th. Marius van Leeuwen, 'Arminius, the Synod of Dort, and John Donne', 2012: <www.remonstranten.org/site/images/ARMINIUS_donne.doc>). Until recently the only scholar to address this pre-Dort sermon and its qualifications of strict Calvinism was Jeffrey Johnson, The Theology of John Donne (Woodbridge, 1999), 124–5. I am less convinced than Johnson that D's views in this sermon are wholly in concert with those later expressed by the British delegates to Dort, who, though on the one hand call God's grace 'far from being irresistible', add the qualification that God does not 'cease to stir … till he have thoroughly subdued [men] to his grace, and set them in a state of regenerate sons' (quoted in Johnson, 124–5), a step that D does not quite take (contrast, for example, ll. 130–5, and 315–18). Moreover, Johnson (125) unfortunately uses the Old Style date '1617' (New Style 1618), thus missing the proximity of the sermon to Dort; moreover, he does not attend to the specific links in it to Arminius' own works, which together put a much sharper edge on D's views. By far the best work on D and grace is Cummings, Literary Culture of the Reformation, chap. 9, which includes a brief but trenchant assessment of this sermon (389; see ll. 127–9 cmt). For a fine overview of D's negotiation of the theology of grace in his sermons for the Caroline court, see OESJD iii. xxxvi-xl.
5. February 20. 1617.: i.e. 1618; the first Fri. in Lent, a fixture in the court Lent sermon series that D would hereafter keep until 1631 (see Headnote). Chamberlain wrote the next day to Sir Dudley Carlton describing an unconventional transition from Shrovetide to Lent at court: on Shrove Tuesday (17 Feb.) the Twelfth Night masque, Ben Jonson's pg 209Pleasure Reconciled to Virtue, was restaged; because its scenery could not be struck in sufficient time, the Gray's Inn Masque of Mountebanks was delayed until Thurs., the day after Ash Wednesday and the night before D's sermon. Chamberlain commented that 'yt were thought to be somewhat out of season to revell in Lent', noted that Queen Anne was ill at Denmark House (see this vol., Sermon 4, Headnote), and that 'Dr. John Dunne preached … but the King was not there, beeing wearie belike of the former nights watching' (Chamberlain, ii. 142).
6–7. Luc. … condemnation?: Luke 23: 40; D quotes exactly neither AV ('Doest not thou feare God, seeing thou art in the same condemnation?') nor Geneva, though he is closer to the latter ('Fearest thou not God, seing thou art in the same condemnacion?').
8–13. Christning … Consecration: all conventional occasions for sermons. Sermons at baptisms ('christenings') were uncommon except among the elite; the majority of rare surviving examples are by D (PS v.4–6; see OESJD vii, Introduction). Funeral sermons were very common and frequently printed (one example by D is PS vii. 10; cf. also PS viii.2). Sermons at consecrations of bishops were routine and sometimes printed; cf. Richard Marshe, A Sermon Preached at the Consecration of the … Bishop of Carlile (1625), STC 17470.
9. at the Canonization: here D's list of conventional sermon occasions becomes playfully metaphorical; the literal sense of 'canonization' in the period ('formal admission into the calendar of saints', OED a.) was observed only in the RC Church and was rejected by Protestants; OED cites no figurative uses before 1854. As in his love lyric, 'The Canonization', D is here being deliberately shocking, not only by using the RC idea of creating saints in a Protestant context but also by asserting an act of self -canonization, 'of himself (cf. 'The Canonization', ll. 35–6: 'And by these hymnes, all shall approve / Us Canoniz'd for Love: / And thus invoke us'). Paradoxically, D's assertion that the thief preaches at his own 'Canonization' is possible only by understanding sainthood not as something papally decreed, but in the NT sense of the status of any Christian (cf. 1 Cor. 1: 2), which the penitent thief has just become; but cf. ll. 13–14 and cmt. Cf. also D, IC (89–97), where the parodic finale is the pope's canonization of St Ignatius.
12–13. Diocess … Bishop: a bishop was the sovereign pastor within his geographical jurisdiction, or diocese; from his small 'diocess' on Golgotha, the penitent thief ministers to the soul of the impenitent thief; D is bending a point here—strictly speaking, only consecration by laying-on of hands by other bishops, not simply performing the duty of a bishop, made one a bishop.
13–14. translated … Canonization: here D limits sainthood to souls taken ('translated') to heaven; cf. l. 9 and cmt.
15. Exodus … Plumarii: cf. Exod. 26: 36: 'Facies & tentorium in introitu tabrnaculi de hyacintho & purpura, coccoque bis tincto, & bysso retorta opere plumarii' (Vulg.; 'And thou shalt make an Hanging for the doore of the Tent, of blew, and purple and scarlet, and fine twined linnen, wrought with needle work'). The meaning of 'opere plumarii' (lit., 'feathered work') was a well-worked crux for both philologists and biblical interpreters, who debated how literally to interpret 'feathered' (an aspect that D ignores entirely). Adrianus Turnebus used sources from classical literature to argue, with Jerome, that the term was applied metaphorically to any medium, including painting, textile, or stone, that imitated the variegation of feathers, as on decorated tunics, shields, or tiled surfaces; see Adriani Tvrnebi … Adversariorvm … in Tres Tomos (Paris, 1580), i. 2I2v.
16. imployed … Tabernacle: the Tabernacle was the portable tented sanctuary used before the construction of Solomon's temple, within which was the Holy of Holies containing the Ark of the Covenant; this second, interior, part was entered through a multicoloured curtain wrought with 'opere plumario' (see prev. cmt and Exod. 25–40); both Bishops' and Geneva include woodcuts of the Tabernacle interior at Exod. 26. The contemporary scholarly pg 210interpretations of the embroidered curtain's appearance are gathered in Andrew Willet, Hexapla in Exodum (1608), STC 25686, 3G2v.
18. Embroidery … otherwise: for AV, see ll. 16–17 cmt; other Eng. translations are 'linen wroght with nedle' (Geneva), 'imbrodered work' (D-R), and 'whyte twyned silke wrought with needle worke' (Bishops').
19–21. Opus variegatum … buildings: Lat., 'variegated work' (from Lat. variego, 'to be party-colored or variegated', LS); D here shifts from decorative fittings (the Tabernacle's textile curtain; see ll. 15–18 cmts) to architectural mosaic decoration ('divers pieces … inlaid'); see ll. 22–3 cmts.
21. in sumptuous buildings: D gestures toward conoisseurship informed by Continental travel and study; his friend Sir Henry Wotton's Elements of Architecture (1624), STC 26011, defined mosaic as 'inferior' to painting and 'fittest to garnish Fabricks' (i.e. buildings), especially 'pavements and floorings' (O2r); he cites contemporary Mediterranean examples. Cf. John Evelyn's An Account of Architects, appended to Roland Fréart, trans. Evelyn, A Parallel of the Antient Architecture with the Modern (1664), Wing C1923, in which Evelyn praises 'Mosaic work' in Venice and Rome, but says, 'I do not remember to have seen any publick Work in our Country', excepting perhaps the post-Restoration 'Floorings of Wood which her Majesty the Queen Mother [Henrietta Maria] has first brought into use in England at her Palace of Sommerset House, which has some resemblance to these magnificencies' (Vbr–v).
22–3. Mosaick … diversifie: OED cites 1606 as the first usage of 'mosaic work', meaning 'work produced in mosaic' (i.e. 'The process of creating pictures or decorative patterns by cementing together small pieces of stone, glass, or other hard materials of various colours'); 'mosaic' itself entered Eng. from middle French c.1540, but its etymology is unknown (OED, 'mosaic', adj. and n.1, A.1.a).
28. gross: 'Consisting of comparatively large parts or particles. Hence in a disparaging sense: Wanting in fineness or delicacy of texture' (OED, adj. and n.4, A.11.a.).
28. Apocryphal books: fourteen books received as canonical in LXX, but not found in the Hebr. Bible, from which the Reformed tradition judged them not to be inspired Scripture; in Vulg. and RC dogma (D's target here) they are a canonical part of the OT; Eng. Bibles printed them between the OT and NT, following the judgment of the 1563 version of the Thirty-Nine Articles that they are 'read for example of life and instruction of manners'.
29–30. Mosaick … Commandment: D's allusiveness is so compound here as to approach paradoxical punning: mosaic, earlier defined as 'some figure, some representation' (ll. 20–1), and thus an artistic image, is here said to be the object of iconoclasm ('defacing') if Exod. 20: 4 ('Thou shalt not make vnto thee any grauen Image') is one of the 'stone[s]' taken out of the metaphorical mosaic that is the Ten Commandments, which were themselves written on 'tables [i.e. tablets] of stone' (Exod. 31: 18, 19: 15–16). Further, the proximity of 'Moses' to the repeated word 'Mosaick' may approach the sense of the later meaning 'of or relating to Moses, or to the writings and institutions attributed to him' (OED, 'Mosaic', adj.2, 1); though the first such use recorded in OED is 1632, the post-classical etymon 'Mosiacus' was extremely common in Lat. sources; cf. D, quoting a contemporary Jesuit's quotation of Bonaventure, 'Sententia Magis Euangelica, quàm Mosaica' (PS iii.18.87–8); in delivery here, an aural connection would be difficult to avoid.
31–2. Lords Prayer … &c: the concluding doxology of the Lord's Prayer, ('for thine is the kingdome, and the power, and the glorie for euer, Amen'; Matt. 6: 13), is omitted in Vulg.—for D another example of RC 'defacing' of Scripture. Cf. King James, A Meditation vpon the Lords Prayer (1619), STC 14384, K1v: 'It is true that this Epilogue is wanting in the vulgar Latine Translation, euen in Saint Matthew … but that is no matter, it is sufficiently acknowledged to bee Canonicall.'
33–8. Canon-Law … God: Protestant accusations of falsification or forgery of patristic authors in canon law was another commonplace for controversialists; cf. Matthew SutclifFe, Abridgement or Suruey of Poperie (1606), STC 23448, Y1r: 'The writings of the fathers they alledge most falsely. … To prooue that the Popes decretale epistles are to bee reckoned among canonicall scriptures'. This allows D further word-play (antanaclasis) on 'Canonization'—here the making something part of canon law. See next cmt.
39–43. greatest authors … She-fathers: as marg. (l. 39 ) notes, D reacts to Jodocus Coccius, Thesaurus Catholicus (Cologne, 1600), which collected proofs for RC doctrines under three heads: Scripture, Gr. Fathers, and Lat. Fathers (D's inclusion of 'Councels' is incorrect). The 'Catalogus Scriptorum' (catalogue of writings) quoted, includes Catherine of Siena and Bridget of Sweden ('Brigitta Vidua'; 3*4v), as well as the female saints Bridget of Ireland ('Brigitta Scota Virgo'), Hildegard of Bingen, and Pulcheria Augusta. Two excerpts from Bridget of Sweden's visions are cited in support of RC doctrine on Mary the Mother of God ('Maria Deiparta', Z3v). Four excerpts from Hildegard appear (S4r, 2P6v, 464v), but, needless to say, Coccius does not 'fill up that body with sentences from women'. For D's critique of RC use of sources here, see Headnote and Ettenhuber, Donne's Augustine, 50–1, 53.
46. Serpent … parents: Gen. 3: 1–5.
46–7. Balaams Ass … himself: Num. 22: 28–30.
47–8. Poets … Apostle: cf. Lancelot Andrewes, XCVI Sermons (1629), STC 606, 5C4r, summarizing Augustine and others in reference to 1 Cor. 15: 33 and Tit. 1: 12: 'they find St. Paul in matter of doctrine alleging Aratus a heathen writer, in his Sermon at Athens. And again, in matter of life, alleging Menander, a writer of Comedies, in his Epistle'.
48–9. Caiaphas … for all: John 18: 14.
49–50. Divel … I know): Acts 19: 15.
53–5. this time … Christ: reference to Lent (l. 56 ), the forty days of fasting observed by the CofE before Easter, precedented by Christ's forty days' temptation in the wilderness (cf. Matt. 4: 1–11); cf. BCP collect for the first Sun. in Lent: 'O Lord, which for our sakes diddest fast fourtie dayes and fourtie nights: giue vs grace to vse such abstinence … '.
55. day … crucifying: Good Friday.
59–62. Advent … in glory: Advent, the four weeks before Christmas ('the Incarnation of Christ', ll. 59–60), is, like Lent, a penitential season; here D emphasizes not only penitential 'preparation' (l. 61 ) for a festival, but also imitation of Christ's 'humiliation' in taking human form; cf. D's epithet 'An Advent of Humiliation' to describe the Incarnation (PS vi.16.618–19). Augustine's Sermo de Verbis Apostoli X, 10 (PL 39. 2051–2; see Headnote) is an extended comparison of the Passion to the ominous portents that accompany the first and second 'advents' (Christ's Nativity and Second Coming).
62. passion: in the general sense, 'A suffering or affliction of any kind' (OED n., 3) with play on the more specific 'Crucifixion itself (OED n., 1.c).
64–5. some drops … Circumcision: Christ's Circumcision as an anticipation, or type, of the Passion was a medieval commonplace, but shunned by English Protestants who preferred to gloss it as a metaphor for spiritual mortification (cf. Collect for Circumcision, BCP); the RC iconography, however, was at the heart of Jesuit devotion, and the first English Protestant publicly to revive it was Andrewes in a court sermon for Christmas 1606 (see Lancelot Andrewes: Selected Sermons and Lectures, ed. Peter McCullough (Oxford, 2005), 405).
67–8. be presented … passion : i.e. will be treated in the court sermon on Good Friday; the preacher appointed was the Dean of Westminster, Dr Robert Toulson or Towson (Sermons at Court, 'Calendar', in loc.); cf. D's more fulsome proleptic allusion to the Good Friday sermon of John Williams in 1623 (PS iv.13.1–14; Peter McCullough, 'Donne as Preacher', in Achsah Guibbory (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to John Donne (Cambridge, 2006), 178).
71. dispatch: probably in two senses, 'The sending off … on an errand or to a particular pg 212destination' (OED n., 1) and '(prompt or speedy) execution' of something (OED n., 5.a); D repeats the formulation at l. 96.
74. Convertite: 'professed convert to a religious faith' (OED n., 1.a).
75. Confessor … Doctor: traditional distinctions made by the church in relation to saints; a 'confessor' 'avows his religion in the face of danger' (OED n., 2.a), a 'martyr' dies for the faith, and a 'doctor' is distinguished by 'eminent learning' and 'heroic sanctity' (OED n., 3.a); cf. D, 'The Litanie', ll. 82–99, 109–17. See ll. 270–1 cmt.
76–7. curiosities … State: conventional Jacobean conformist dismissal of treating disputed doctrines not fundamental to the faith (e.g. predestination) or secrets of state in sermons.
78. Nonne times Deum?: D's text in Lat. ('"Do you not fear God?'); not Vulg. ('Neque tu times Deum') or T-J ('Ne tu quidem Deum times'); also not found in PL. This formulation using 'Nonne'—an intensifying interrogative adverb for a question to which an affirmative answer is expected—may, then, derive from De Verbis Apostoli, Serm. 10.7 (PL 39. 2050), where Augustine, in the voice of the penitent thief, repeats the question, the second time using the intensifying elision of 'Nonne': 'Non times, inquit; quoniam in ipso judicio sumus, id est, in eadem condemnatione? Nonne, inquit, et tu in ipsa cruce es?' (' "Do you not fear?" he asked, "because we are under the same judgment, that is, under the same condemnation?" "Do you not [Nonne]", he asked, "and you are on the same cross?"'). Cf. ll. 440–2.
83–95. First … God?: an extended prosopopoeia, where D speaks in the voice of the penitent thief, questioning the impenitent crucified with him, but which also dramatically doubles as D's interrogation of his own auditory; cf. ll. 510–11. Augustine, De Verbis Apostoli, Serm. 10.7 (PL 39. 2050), exploits the same strategy, though the questions here are D's except for ll. 89–91, which embroider Augustine's thief's distinction between earthly and heavenly tribunals (see ll. 91–2 cmt).
88. kiss the rod: proverbial; to submit willingly to punishment.
91–2. another … execution: judgment and punishment not only by men on earth, but also by God after death; cf. Augustine, De Verbis Apostoli, Serm. 10.7, describing the penitent thief: 'Ut ergo non diceret, quoniam damnatus deorsum in terris, et adjudicatus est poenae, perduxit eum ad judicium supernum, commemoravit tribunal illud horribile' (PL 39. 2050; 'So therefore he does not say, "because [we are] damned and punishment is given below on earth", [instead] he showed him heavenly judgment, he called to mind that dreadful tribunal').
96. [marg.] Part I: because the new para. has only one line of text before the page break, the marg. note marking 'Part I.' is displaced in c-t to B2V.
97–9. Judas … before: D harmonizes Luke 22: 3–4 and John 13: 27.
99. Inchoation: 'Beginning, commencement; origination; initial or early stage' (OED a).
100–7. Saint Paul … him: Acts 9: 1–20.
108–10. Whether … dispute?: a startlingly direct intervention by D on the hotly disputed point of whether God's saving grace could be resisted or rejected by the individual (see Headnote and next cmts).
115–17. new terms … Irresistibility: OED bears out D's claim for the novelty of these words in Eng., citing these very examples as the first and second uses of 'Irresistibility' and 'Resistibility', respectively (the latter is, in fact, also a first use, since OED gives only 'a[nte] 1631' for this sermon). They seem to have entered theological discourse first in Lat. in the writings of Arminius, as in his summary Declaration of Sentiments: 'tota enim controversia in eo solum est posita, utrum gratia Dei sit irresistibilis quædam vis. … de modo solum operationis, utrum irresistilis [sic] ea sit nec ne.' (Opera, Q1v; 'For the whole controversy reduces itself to the solution of this question, "is the grace of God a certain irresistible force?" .… it relates solely to the mode of operation, whether it be resistible or not.' Works, i. 254–5). 'Irresistibility' was further disseminated in Article IV of the 'Five Articles of Remonstrance': 'quod ad modum pg 213operationis ejus gratiæ attinet, non est ille irresistibilis, quandoquidem scriptum est de multis, quod "Spiritui Sancto resisterint"' (Schaff, Bibliotheca Symbolica, iii. 547; 'as respects the mode of the operation of this grace, it is not irresistible, inasmuch as it is written concerning many, that they have resisted the Holy Ghost'). For a typical contemporary example of these terms disputed by supporters and opponents of Arminius, see Johannes Arnoldus Corvinus (contra Daniel Tilenus), Defensio Sententiæ D. Iacobi Arminij (Leiden, 1613), N6v, Q5r–6v. See l. 118 cmt and Headnote.
117. Artificers: 'an artisan; a craftsman' (OED, 'artificer', 1.), making a sarcastic point: tradesmen are faddishly speaking of things they do not understand. Cf. D at Lincoln's Inn: 'every artificer will pretend to understand the purpose, yea, and the order too, and method of Gods eternall and unrevealed decree' (PS iii.16.234–6).
117. stuff: 'Material for making garments' (OED n.1, 5.a).
118. Fathers … spake not: the terms are in fact absent in patristic writing (see ll. 115–17 and cmt); cf Arminius' rejection of predestination on the grounds of its being foreign to 'those Doctors or Divines of the Church who held correct and orthodox sentiments for the first six hundred years after the birth of Christ' (Declaration, in Works, i. 219).
119–24. Common Law … prerogative: a striking use of the English legal system as a metaphor for soteriology (the theology of salvation). The common-law courts, whose senior judge was the Lord Chief Justice, heard and ruled in cases governed by statute and precedent; the Court of Chancery, presided over by the Lord Chancellor, heard cases not covered by statute or precedent, which therefore allowed consideration of ambiguous factors such as mitigation and damages, and judgments based on conscience or equity. Chancery's powers of discretion stemmed explicitly from the sovereign because it dispensed the exclusively royal prerogative of mercy. Disputes over the precedence of the two courts were of long standing, and had reached a head in 1616, when the king ruled in favour of Chancery and D's early patron, Lord Chancellor Thomas Egerton (Lord Ellesmere). Chancery's pre-eminence was further solidified in the month before this sermon by the promotion of Francis Bacon to replace Ellesmere as Lord Chancellor. D's legal metaphor here reiterates these priorities by troping the rigorous OT law, given by 'chief Justice Moses', as mitigated or superseded by the mercy of God's 'Chancellor Christ Jesus'. Control over both Old and New covenants, though, is 'Gods prerogative'—on the English legal side of the analogy, this is the king's prerogative and 'absolute power' (l. 124). For a wider discussion of D's use of the legal metaphors, see Katrin Ettenhuber, '"Take heed what you hear": Re-reading Donne's Lincoln's Inn Sermons', John Donne Journal, 26 (2007), 127–57.
125. Nolumus disputari: Lat., 'we do not dispute'; pl. form of the common legal and scholarly 'nolo disputare' ('I do not dispute').
125. disputed … Schools: free will to resist grace had, since the publication of Arminius' works from c.1610, been the subject of a prominent controversy in formal university ('Schools') disputations at both Oxford and Cambridge; see Tyacke, Anti-Calvinists, 38–9.
127–9. Christ … the door: Rev. 3: 20 became a locus classicus in debates over free will, following Robert Bellarmine's Disputationes de Controversiis Christianae Fidei, first published 1581–93; cf. Disputationes … Tomus Tertius (Lyon, 1609), T2v. See Arminius' deployment of Bellarmine as a challenge to Calvinist apologists for predestination in Review of Perkins: 'On this Bellarmine remarks—"He, who knocks at a door, knowing with certainty that there is no one within, who can open, he knocks in vain, and indeed is a foolish person. Far from us be such an idea in reference to the Deity. Therefore when God knocks, it is certain that the man can open, and consequently he has sufficient grace." Your [Perkins's] answer does not touch this argument of Bellarmine … yet it is necessary to love the truth, by whatever person it may be spoken.' (Works, iii. 521). Cf. also Arminius' Certain Articles: 'All unregenerate persons have freedom of will … of not opening to Him who knocks at the door of the heart' (Works, ii. 497). pg 214As Cummings observes (Literary Culture of the Reformation, 389), 'this is not a disciplined refusal to speculate, but an open denial of "Irresistibility"'.
137–8. execrable … execrated: 'Deserving to be … cursed' (OED, 'execrable', adj., 2.a); to execrate is to 'pronounce a curse upon' (OED 1.a); the impenitent thief blasphemes Christ at v. 39 ('railed on him saying, If thou be Christ, saue thy selfe and vs').
138–41. Thief … the Cross: a point commonly made, usually to highlight the excessiveness of crucifixion as a legal punishment for Christ; cf. Caesar Baronius, 'De Supplicio Crucis' ('On the punishment of the cross'), in Annales Ecclesiastici, i (Rome, 1593), P1r.
141–2. Judas … a thief: Matt. 27: 3–5.
144. propriety: 'right of possession or use; ownership' (OED 4.a).
145–6. very … mankinde: completes an antithesis with 'well-being of mankinde' (l. 135).
148. Si … cum eo: Vulg. Ps. 49: 18; lit., 'If thou didst see a theefe, thou didst rune with him' (D-R); see next cmt.
148–50. we … so too: cf. AV Ps. 50: 18: 'When thou sawest a thief, then thou consentedst with him'.
150–2. Princes … Court: cf. D's epigram 'Raderus', 'as Katherine, for the Courts sake, put downe Stewes' (l. 3); although a moral commonplace, D's diction makes it tempting to see here the influence of Shakespeare's Measure for Measure (the only recorded performance of which was at court in December 1604), or its source, George Whetstone's Promos and Cassandra (1578), both of which juxtapose brothels ('Stewes') closed by harsh new legal measures, while sexual 'Licentiousness' breeds among magistrates and courtiers.
153–0. Sermons … the better: sermons against usury (moneylending at interest) were a pulpit staple, especially at Paul's Cross (Art of Hearing, 336–9). In this sentence, the referent of 'they themselves' is unclear—either preachers, or (much more likely) usurers, learn how to lend ('put out their money') more profitably by listening to sermons against doing so.
155. preferment: here D's exempla begin to refer unambiguously to clergy (cf. prev. cmt), who 'steale' their appointments ('preferment') if they neglect their duties.
157–8. Fountaines … Schooles: Protestant humanist touchstones for religious learning: early patristic ('Fathers') and later scholastic ('Schooles') authors, admired for their antiquity and purity (thus 'Fountaines', from the humanist ideal of recourse ad fontem, 'to the source'), though in his sermons D praises the scholastics only selectively; cf. next cmt.
157. Rhapsoders … Method-mongers: a return to satirical criticism of taking excerpts from patristic sources out of their original context and arranging them according to topic or method as proofs for disputed RC doctrines (ll. 39–43 and cmt). According to OED, all three terms are original coinages by D 'Rhapsoder' ('A collector of miscellaneous literary pieces') was first used in P-M ('all these Rhapsoders, and fragmentary compilers of Canons, which have onely amass'd and shoveld together', 38); in Biathanatos (38), D identifies Peter Lombard (12th-century compiler of the patristic anthology Sententiarum Libri Quatuor) as the 'first Rhapsoder'; and in 1614 he described his attempt to gather his own poetry for printing as being 'made a Rhapsoder of mine own rags' (Letters, 2C3r). For 'Common placer' ('One who or that which commonplaces'), OED cites as the first use D's 1623 criticism of RCs who know 'only such ragges and fragments of those Fathers, as were patcht together in their Decretat's, and Decretals, and other such … Common placers' (PS vi.i.616–18). Finally, OED gives this as the first use of 'Method-monger' ('a person who deals excessively or over-subtly in logical distinctions and schemes of classification'; 'method-monger', n. Obs. (depreciative), in 'method', Compounds). I have found no ante-datings.
158–9. Let … first stone: cf. John 8: 7.
162. sop: see ll. 97–9 and cmt.
163–4. preventing … money: simony; buying a position for oneself, and thereby depriving someone better qualified.
166–8. great theft … corner: clandestine conversion of English subjects to the RC Church, a 'theft' from both God and king, and 'Treason' (as in the Gunpowder Plot) to the latter.
168–9. felo de se: Lat., lit., 'felon of himself', legal term for a suicide; in common law, suicides were technically deemed murderers, and therefore felons. D here extends felony to the metaphor of 'stealing' one's own life, or suicide (l. 166).
170–1. Omnis … Murderer: adaptation of Tertullian, De Idololatria, I: 'idololatres, idem homicida est' (PL 1. 663B; 'the idolator is likewise a murderer'; ANF iii. 61); although D replaces 'idololatres' with 'peccator', this is in the spirit of the original, as Tertullian's argument is that all sin is a form of idolatry ('in idololatriae tamen crimine expungitur'; 'marked off under the count of idolatry'). See next cmt.
171–6. Quæris … own soul: D continues to quote, more exactly than at l. 170, Tertullian, De Idololatria, I (PL 1. 663B; ANF ii. 61).
177. Indisposition: 'unfitness, unsuitableness; incapacity, inability' (OED 1.); i.e. the first of the characteristics marking the thief as ostensibly unsuited to grace, as enumerated in D's divisio (see ll. 72–5).
183–4. The same … teeth: Geneva.
184–5. they … reviled him: Geneva.
185–6. Athanasius … execramur?: D's Lat. paraphrase ('two thieves; the one cursed, the other said, why do we curse?') suits his argument. But cf. Athanasius, 'Sermo de omnes hæreses': 'Duo quoque latrones cum eo suspensi erant, quorum altero exsecrante, ait alter latro: "Quid exsecraris justum?"' (PG 28. 182; 'Also the two thieves who were hung next to him, of which the one blasphemed and the other asked, "Why do you curse the innocent?"'), where the question is put in the singular: 'you curse' ('exsecraris'), not the plural 'we curse' ('execramur'). D probably changed the number of the verb to fit his own purposes.
188. Origen … blasphemasse: cf. Origen, Hom. in Levit., 9: 'Considera duos illos, qui tempore crucis ejus unus a dextris, et unus a sinistra ejus pependerunt latrones, et vide illum qui confitebatur Dominum, sortem factum esse Domini, & abductum esse sine mora ad paradisum, illum vero alium blasphemantem, sortem factum esse apopompæi, qui in eremum abduceretur inferni.' (PG 12. 238–9; 'Consider those two "robbers" who at the time of his crucifixion "were suspended one at his right hand and one at his left." See that the one who confessed the Lord was made "a lot of the Lord" and was taken without delay "to paradise". But the other one who "reviled" him was made "the lot of the scapegoat that was sent into the wilderness." FC lxxxiii. 184).
191–5. Chrysostome … unto him: D uses both Lat. (lit., '[so that] no one could think it was done by agreement') and Eng. to paraphrase Chrysostom, Hom. 87 in Matt.: 'Ne putes enim ex quodam pacto rem gestam fuisse, aut latronem non fuisse latronem, a contumelia illud tibi declarat: superne in cruce latro erat et inimicus; sed repente mutatus est.' (PG 58. 771–2; also Aquinas, Catena Aurea, in Matt. cap. 27, lect. 8). 'For that thou mightest not think the thing had been done by any agreement, or that the thief was not a thief, by his insolence he showeth thee, that up on the cross he was a thief and an enemy, and at once was changed.' (NPNF, 1st ser., x. 498).
195–8. Hilary … ostendit: cf. Hilary of Poitiers, In Evang. Matt. Comment., 31: 'Quod autem latrones ambo conditionem ei passionis exprobrant; universis etiam fidelibus scandalum crucis futurum esse significat' (PL 9. 1074B; also Aquinas, Catena, in Matt. cap. 27, lect. 8); lit., 'That both the thieves reproached the manner of his passion, signifies that the cross will be a scandal even to the faithful'.
198–200. This shews … persecution: D's interpretative paraphrase of Hilary (see prev. cmt) adds to the original an assertion of both election and the possibility of temporarily losing the state of grace, another hallmark of Arminian theology (see Headnote).
201–4. Theophylact … did. cf. Theophylact, Enarr. in Evang. Matt.: 'Figura autem erant hi pg 216duorum populorum, Judaiei et gentilis, qui … exprobrantes Christo, sicut et primum ambo latrones improperabunt' (PG 123. 470; 'but they were a figure of those two peoples, the Jews and the Gentiles, who … reproached Christ, just as the two thieves first reproached [him]').
204–6. S. Hierome … one: cf. Jerome, Comment. in Evang. Matt., 4, where Jerome is more specific about the proposed rhetorical 'figure' of syllepsis (one word having two meanings): 'Hic per tropum, qui appellatur σύλληψιϛ, pro uno latrone uterque inducitur blasphemasse' (PL 126. 211B; lit., 'here by way of a trope called "syllepsis", by one thief are both understood to blaspheme').
206–10. But S. Hierom … him: accurate precis of the continuation of Jerome's argument (PL 126. 211B-C; see prev. cmt), but substituting for Jerome's catalogue of Passion miracles D's own Lat. summary ('[he] believed seeing the miracles').
210–14. S. Augustine … so : summary of Augustine, De Consensu Evang. 3.16.53 (PL 34. 1190–1; also Aquinas, Catena, in Matt. cap. 27, lect. 8); 'Matthew and Mark … have employed the plural number instead of the singular .… And what is more common, for example, than for a person to say, "The rustics also behave insolently to me," even although it should only be one that acted rudely?' (NPNF, 1st ser., vi. 203).
225–6. bowels … execrations: a medieval and early modern commonplace that oaths that swore by the attributes of Christ's Crucifixion were a blasphemous renewal of those very attributes; cf. The Sermons of Mr Iohn Caluin vpon … Deuteronomie, trans. Arthur Golding (1583), STC 4443.5, R–2v: 'For when they sweare by his bloud, by his death, by his woundes and by whatsoeuer else is it not a crucifying of Gods sonne againe as much as in them lyeth, and as a rending of him in peeces?'
228. [marg.] Impetus: Lat., 'force'; 'vehemence' (l. 236).
235. Impetum … pœnitentis : Lat., lit., 'the force of grace in the force of penitence'; cf. Ambrose, Comment. in Evang. Luc., 10.121: 'Pulcherrimum affectandae conversionis exemplum, quod tam cito latroni venia relaxatur, et uberior est gratia quam precatio' (PL 15. 1833D; lit., '[It is] a most beautiful example of the affecting of conversion, how quickly the thief is eased by grace, and how [God's] grace is more abundant than [the thief's] prayer'); also in Aquinas, Catena, Luc, cap. 23, lect. 7, which includes the further comparison, 'Cito ignoscit dominus, quia cito ille convertitur' ('The Lord forgave quickly because he converted quickly').
238–40. Christ … twelve Tribes: Matt. 19: 28, Luke 22: 30.
240–1. Facit … criminosos: from 'De Sancte Latrone II', a sermon on the two thieves by Maximus of Turin, in D's time printed in the works of Ambrose but attributed to Maximus (e.g. Omnia quotquot Extant D. Ambrosu … Tomus Tertius, ed. Erasmus (Basle, 1555), Z2v; thus, Hom. 52 of Maximus' Hom. Hiemales de Tempore: 'Facit igitur et fides innocentes latrones, et perfidia apostolos crimonosos' (PL 57. 348C; 'Faith I say made the thieves innocent, and faithlessness made the Apostles criminals'); the most salient examples of the latter are Judas' betrayal and Peter's denial of Christ.
243–5. Peter … Paradise: cf. Augustine, Serm. de Temp., 156 (De Passione, 7) on Christ's promise to the penitent thief: 'Solus denique Petrus passionis timore perterritus, quasi hominem denegat, latro crucifixum adorat: sed Petrum Dominus correxit respiciendo, latronem vero beatificavit in gloria assumendo.' (PL 39. 2054; 'Furthermore, only Peter was frightened by dread of the passion; just as he [Peter] rejected the man, the thief adored the crucified one: the Lord corrected Peter by looking away, but the thief he truly beatified by taking him up into glory')
245–6. Cut … expedivit : Lat., lit., 'who was freed at the time he was to be condemned'; quoting Maximus of Turin, 'De Sancte Latrone I', Hom. Hiemales de tempore, 51 (PL 57. 345A); for Maximus in the works of Ambrose (cf. l. 245 in marg.), see ll. 240–1 cmt.
247–9. for he … Kingdome: cf. Cyprian, De Cardinalibus Christi Operibus, 'De Passione': 'in cruce latro … factus est particeps regni, per confessionem factus collega martyrij' ('the thief pg 217on the cross … was made a partaker of the kingdom, and by confession made of the company of martyrs'); printed as 'adscripta' in all early edns. of Cyprian; here, D. Caecilii Cypriani … Opera (Paris, 1616), 2S3r; cf. PL 3. 1123A n.
249. [tn] Kingdome): the typesetter of F26 surely mistook a closing parenthesis for a semi-colon; PS's use of both here is unnecessary.
251–2. Apostles … temporall Kingdome: the 'exaltation' D intends here is the Passion, not the Ascension (Mark 16: 19, Luke 24: 51); when, after the Last Supper, Christ prophesied his betrayal, 'there was also a strife among them, which of them should bee accompted the greatest' (Luke 22: 24).
253–4. Non … cæpit: Lat., lit., 'not to be Christ's, but the thief's, and began to love'; cf. Maximus of Turin, 'De Sancte Latrone I', Hom. Hiemales de tempore, 51: 'et scivit, quod illa in corpore Christi vulnera, non essent Christi vulnera, sed latronis; atque ideo plus amare coepit, postquam in corpore ejus sua vulnera recognovit.' (PL 57. 346B; 'and he knew that because those wounds were in Christ's body, they were not Christ's wounds but the thief's; and for the same he could love him more, after he recognized that his wounds were in his [Christ's] body') For the attribution to Ambrose (in marg.) see ll. 240–1 cmt.
255–8. So … his companion: cf. Gregory the Great, Moralium in Job, 40.64 (PL 76. 74B-C): 'the Apostle testifies, saying, And now abideth faith, hope, charity; all of which the robber being filled with instantaneous grace both received and kept on the Cross. For he had faith, who believed the Lord was about to reign, when he saw Him dying equally with himself; he had hope, who begged for admission into His kingdom, saying, Lord, remember me when Thou comest into Thy kingdom. Charity also in his death he livingly retained, who at once charged home for his iniquity a brother and fellow robber dying for the like crime, and preached to him the life which he had learnt' (LF xxi. 365); also Aquinas, Catena, in Luc, cap. 23, lect. 7.
258–62. S. Augustine … Latrones: D quotes and then glosses two passages from the peroration of Augustine, Serm. de Temp., 156.4, 5 (De Passione Domini, 7; PL 39. 2054): 'O latronem laudabilem, mirabilem, imitabilem' (lit., 'O thief laudable, wonderful, imitable'); and 'Etenim, fratres, assumamus et nos vocem latronis hujus, si non volumus esse latrones.' ('For indeed, brothers, we should take upon ourselves the voice of this thief, if we do not wish to be thieves.') The gloss on stealing away from grace (ll. 262–3) is D's own, and distinctly anti-Calvinist.
263–4. Ut … a dextris; : Lat., lit., 'so that we may sit on the right hand, let us hang on the right hand'; not an identifiable quotation, though Augustine does repeatedly invoke the antithesis of Christ hanging on the cross and then being seated in heaven at the right hand of God (cf. Acts 7: 55, 56; 1 Pet. 3: 22); cf. Augustine, Serm. de Temp., 263.1 (De Ascensione Domini, 3): 'Habemus ergo Dominum et Salvatorem nostrum Jesum Christum prius pendentem in ligno, nunc sedentem in coelo. Pretium nostrum dedit, cum penderet in ligno: colligit quod emit: cum sedet in coelo.' (PL 38. 1209; 'We therefore have our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ who before hung from the tree, now seated in heaven. He gives us a reward, at the same time that he hangs upon the tree, he adds to it that which he purchased: he is seated in heaven.').
270–1. Confessor … Doctor: see l. 75 cmt. The recurring conceit of the thief as both doctor (teacher) and preacher derives from Augustine, Serm. de Temp., 156.6, 7, the epigrams of which are, respectively, 'Latronis meritum. Latro, doctor' and 'Latro et Latro. Latronis charitas et praedicatio' (PL 39. 2049; 'The Merit of the Thief. The Thief, Doctor'; 'The Thief and The Thief. The Charity and Preaching of the Thief).
271–2. Prince … Doctor: autobiographical allusion to D's having been created Doctor of Divinity at Cambridge in 1615—by royal command, against the wishes of the university (see next cmt); see Bald, 306–8; Peter McCullough, 'Donne and Court Chaplaincy', in Jeanne pg 218Shami, Dennis Flynn, and M. Thomas Hester (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of John Donne (Oxford, 2011), 558–9.
272. per saltum: Lat., lit. 'by a leap'; idiomatic phrase for a promotion that leaps over usual intermediary steps, particularly the custom of automatically granting a new bishop the degree of Doctor of Divinity 'per saltum'; more generally, any hasty clerical or academic promotion. Cf. D, P-M: 'For this high degree of a consummate Martyre, is not ordinarily attained to per Saltum, but we must be content to serve God first in a lower ranke and Order' (33). See Headnote.
276. common place: from Lat., Hocus communis', in formal rhetoric 'a leading text cited in argument', 'the text of a sermon or discourse; a theme, topic' (OED, 'commonplace', n. and adj. A.1.a, b, respectively, citing this example as the last use of the latter); see Art of Hearing, 342.
277. extemporal Sermon: a sermon preached without any preparation; popular among early English Reformers, and thereafter with the most enthusiastic Protestants, but frowned upon by most early moderns; for degrees and kinds of sermon preparation, including D's, see Art of Hearing, 131–5.
283–6. Saint Augustine … Text: this reference to St Augustine initiates a passage (to l. 293) in which both marginalia and main text contain errors in the attribution of D's patristic sources, further complicated by the changing titles for them in editions that D used (see Sources); these are addressed individually in this and the next two cmts. Here, the example cited in marg. (see next cmt) opens with a summary overview of the epistle, Psalm, and Gospel read in that order before the sermon, and observes: 'Has tres lectiones, quantum pro tempore possumus, pertractemus, dicentes pauca de singulis' (Sermones de Scripturis, 176. 1; PL 38. 950; 'There is much for us to study in these three readings for this amount of time, saying a little about each').
284. [marg. tn] Ser. 10. … Apli.: the F26 reading (accepted by PS; see tn) is a copyist's or typesetter's misreading of the abbreviation 'Apli (for 'Apostoli') as 'Hpli.' The sermon cited (see next cmt) is, in medieval and early modern collections and edns., De Verbis Apostoli … Sermo X (cf. Sermones (Lyon, 1561), A6v; this is vol. 10 of the Erasmian text, in the fifteen-vol. Lyon edn.). Later 17th-century edns. placed the sermon among the 'supposititii' ('supposed' works), Sermones de Scripturis, 176.
286. [marg.] Ser. … &c.: Maximus of Turin, 'De Sancte Latrone I', Hom. Hiemales de tempore, 51 (PL 57.343), quoted previously by D with attribution to Ambrose (see ll. 240–1 245–6, 253–4, cmts); see next cmt.
286–7. S. Bern. … together: similar temporal clauses do appear in Bernard of Clairvaux's sermons (cf. 'hesterno … diximus'; 'heri diximus', both meaning 'yesterday'; In Psal. XC, Serm. 12.1, 2; PL 183. 231B, 232A). However, D's quotation here is not from Bernard, but from the Taurinus sermon cited in marg. (see prev. cmt): 'Quoniam hesterno die de latrone fecimus mentionem … '; 'Because yesterday we made mention of the thief … '; PL 57. 344A).
288–9. Saint Basil … day: the second homily in Basil's Hexæmeron opens, 'In the few words which have occupied us this morning', referring to the first homily preached earlier the same day (NPNF, 2nd ser., viii. 58; PG 29b. 27C).
289–91. de Baptismo … oris: cf. Basil, De Baptismo Libri Duo, I.2.6: 'Necesse autem esse duco, singulorum verborum vim per fidem intelligere, et considerare, et ita loqui, ut nobis sermo per communes preces in apertione oris nostri dabitur' (PG 31. 1535A; 'It is necessary though that I lead you to understand and to consider the meaning of each word by faith, and thus I speak in such a way that the words are opened to us by our common prayers.')
292–3. S. Augustine … Paulum: not an identifiable quotation in Augustine's works. Cf. PS iv.3.1483–5: 'St Augustines three Wishes: He wish'd to have seen Rome in her glory, to have heard St. Paul preach, and to have seen Christ in the flesh'. Jean Louis-Quantain (personal communication) identifies the latter as Augustinian legend, popular in the early modern period, pg 219and this may also be the source of D's alleged exclamation here of Give me Paul'; cf. Cornelius Lapide, Commentaria in omnes Diui Pauli Apostoli Epistolas, (Antwerp, 1617), Cv, where the 'three Wishes' are attributed to reports by Ravisius and Lipsius.
293. Da … Augustinos: Lat., 'Give me Basil and Augustine'; see prev. cmt.
295–6. but let … speak: a common anecdote about over frequent preaching; cf. Sir John Harington (1608): 'a reverent bishop yet lyving said … when one told of a young man that preached twise everie lords day … yt maie be saith he, he doth talke so often, but I doubt he doth not preach'; A Supplie or Addicion to the Catalogue of Bishops to the Yeare 1608, ed. R. H. Miller (Potomac, Md., 1979), 138. See ll. 298–300 cmt.
297. two Sabbaths: an idea probably informed more by polemic than ecclesiastical history; D's choice of 'Sabbath' meaning Sunday points to radical 'Sabbatarians' who argued the equality or even precedence of the Jewish Sabbath (Sat.) over the Christian Sun. Cf. William Perkins's orthodox rebuttal, wherein Christ 'created the Sabbath' by his Resurrection, and hence 'it is not true, that the Church hath power to appoint two Sabbaths in one weeke, or one in many weekes' (Lectures vpon … the Reuelation (1604), STC 19731, 2M4v–2N1r).
298. two Lents: isolated remnants of Middle Eastern Christianity were reported to keep two strict annual fasts. See Nicolas de Nicolay, The Nauigations … made into Turkie (1585), STC 18574, describing Mesopotamian Christians who 'do obserue two Lents with great abstinence' (X3v–4r); Orazio Torsellino's life of St Francis Xavier (Rome, 1595) recorded that missionary's encounter with an island sect in the Indian Ocean who kept 'also euery yeare two Lents, wherof one lasteth two moneths' (The Admirable Life of S. Francis Xavier, trans. T. F. (Paris, 1632), STC 24140, N1r).
298–300. two Sermons … hearing: criticism of sermon-centred piety in diction strongly reminiscent of Lancelot Andrewes; cf. Andrewes at court the previous Nov. (1617): 'For, what is it to serve GOD in holinesse? why, to go to a Sermon: … All our holinesse, is in hearing' (XCVI Sermons, 4R4v); for the popularity among the godly of hearing multiple sermons on Sundays, see Art of Hearing, 110–11.
302. De arcanis Imperii: Lat., lit., 'of the secrets of state'.
302–3. De arcanis Dei: Lat., lit., 'of the secrets of God'.
304. Perage … decreveris: Lat., lit., 'carry out that which you have decreed'.
304–6. Thou hast … thence: outright parody, by reductio ad absurdam, of strict Calvinist predestinarianism; the repeated declaratives and imperatives directed by the speaker to Christ—'hast decreed', 'must be executed', 'must necessarily be performed', 'hadst determined'—epitomize what D took to be the sheer arrogance of popular Calvinism.
307. Memento . . veneris: Vulg. Luke 23: 42 ('remember me when thou commest into thy kingdome'), the penitent thief's plea to Christ.
310–11. Christ … election: One of Arminius' primary objections to predestinarianism was its assertion that a decree of election, rather than Christ's expiatory sacrifice, was deemed the 'first decree concerning salvation' (Certain Articles, in Works, ii. 496), and therefore 'highly dishonourable to jesus Christ' because 'it denies, that Christ is the meritorious cause … by placing him as only a subordinate cause of that salvation which had already been fore-ordained' (Declaration of Sentiments, in Works, i. 229–30); cf. also the Review of Perkins: 'The acts and sufferings of Christ … reconciled us unto God, and obtained for us eternal redemption, without any respect or distinction of elect and reprobate … as that distinction is, in the order of nature, subsequent' (Works, iii. 483–4).
310–12. without … thence: i.e. without Christ's Resurrection we have no knowledge of heaven or of what Christ did there before his Incarnation; thus a restatement of the previous, broadly Arminian, point (see prev. cmt) that there is no knowledge to be had concerning an individual's salvation except through Christ.
313. [marg.] Psal. 34.11: As PS observe (i. 334), 'Psal. 11. 10.' (F26 tn) 'is obviously pg 220impossible' (Ps. 11 has only seven vv.). Also as PS note, there are many candidates in the Pss. for the injunction to 'fear God', and I accept here their viable suggestion.
313–14. Doctors … Doctor: see l. 75 and cmt.
315–16. no man … trembling: another emphatically Arminian point and proof text (Phil. 2: 12: 'worke out your owne saluation with feare, and trembling'); cf. Arminius' Declaration, where understanding Christ's sacrifice, and not a decree anterior to it, as 'the foundation of predestination and the meritorious as well as communicative cause of salvation' is 'the power, and the very means which lead to salvation … by causing men to "work out their salvation with fear and trembling"' (Works, i. 250).
317. God saves … will: cf. Arminius, Declaration, which condemns predestination because 'it prevents the exercise of this liberty [free will], by binding or determining the will absolutely to one object, that is, to do this thing precisely, or to do that' (Works, i. 224); the same point in condensed form was available to D in Augustine's encomium to the penitent thief's voluntary confession of sin and subsequent salvation (Serm. de Temp., 156.6, 8): 'Nemo compulit, nemo vim fecit: sed ipse se divulgavit, ipse condemnavit .… Confessus est, et paradisum aperuit' (PL 39. 2050; 'No one compelled, no one used force: but he declared [his guilt] himself, he condemned himself . … He confessed, and heaven was revealed.').
317–18. nor any … decree: i.e. 'neither does God save anyone against his will, nor anyone who thinks himself free from moral obligations after a decree [of election or of reprobation]'; cf. Arminius, Declaration, where predestination causes despair in those convinced of their reprobation, and 'removes all pious solicitude' in those convinced of election (Works, i. 230–1).
319. Mauzzim: Hebr. root 'מָצךֺז' (Strong H4581, 'maoz or mauz', 'stronghold'); transliterated thus in Geneva ('But in his place shal he honour the god Mauzzim', Dan. 11: 38), with the gloss 'That is, the god of power and riches'; AV ventures a trans. ('But in his estate shall he honour the god of forces') close to that D gives here, with the further marginal note, 'Or, munitions. Heb. Mauzzin, or, as for the almighty God in his seate he shall honour'. Andrew Willet, Hexapla in Danielem (Cambridge, 1610), STC 25689, summarizes the contemporary scholarly disputes over whether the word was a proper name and, if so, one for God; like D (l. 301), Willet determines against those who 'vnderstand Mauzzim here to be the true God, which can not bee', but rather 'a strange idol' (2K3v, 2N2v).
321–6. There is … Judge: again, D makes a firmly Arminian case, which acknowledges first that God's will is always ultimately carried out, but further that the divine will can be experienced in judgment against those who deserve punishment for wilfully refusing to cooperate with his grace. Cf. Arminius, Declaration: 'The doctrine of this predestination is injurious to the glory of god, which does not consist of a declaration of liberty or authority, nor of a demonstration of anger and power, except to such an extent as that declaration and demonstration may be consistent with justice' (Works, i. 228).
328. Auditory: congregation, audience at a sermon.
329–30. poor Parish … there: the ideal of a priest content in a poor parish, without ambition of promotion.
332–3. They … Prætereuntes : Matt. 27: 39 (AV, Geneva; Vulg. Matt. 27: 38, see tn).
336–40. Oathes … execrations: see ll. 211–12 cmt.
341–2. Origen … blasphemant: Lat., lit., 'They do walk straight, [so] they blaspheme'; cf. Origen, In Mattheum, 132: 'Nemo stans Jesum blasphemat, neque recte incedens. Transeuntes enim blasphemabant eum' (PG 13. 1779D; 'None [of them] blasphemes Jesus standing still, nor attacks him directly. But they blaspheme him passing by'). Origen's literal point is that those who blaspheme are not doing so with determination or direction ('recte'), but rather casually as pg 221they pass by. Like D here, he goes on to allegorize the image as the moral dangers of casual or aimless 'wandering'.
343–4. Hierome … blasphemant: Lat., lit., 'they did not walk in the true path of the Scriptures, [so] they blaspheme'; D's attribution of the quotation to Jerome follows Aquinas, Catena, in Matt. cap. 27, lect. 8 ('Hieronymus. Blasphemabant quidem, quia praetergre-diebantur viam, et in vero itinere Scripturarum ambulare nolebant'), an incorrect attribution of Rabanus Maurus, Comment. in Matth. Libri Octo, 8.27 (PL 107. 1139A).
347. obiter: Lat., 'in passing, incidentally' (LS).
353. [marg.] Thr. 1.12.: i.e. Lam. 1: 12 (see next cmt); in the Clementine Vulg. (1592–3, 1598), the full title of the book is 'Threni idest Lamentationes' (lit., 'Threnody, that is, Lamentations'); VG uses 'Thren.' for the book's running titles.
358. that Prophesie: Lam. 1: 12 (quoted in l. 353).
360–3. All they … people: D constructs a monologue of complaint for Christ from a tissue of quotations from the Pss. (see marg.), predominantly Ps. 22, which Christ himself quotes on the cross (Matt. 27: 46). For this liturgical and exegetical tradition, see Andrewes, Selected Sermons, 368. D's quotations follow most closely Geneva.
366. reduced: 'bring to order' (OED, 'reduce', v., 18.a).
367. obduration: 'hard-heartedness, stubborn impenitence' (OED 1.)
368. this one: the impenitent thief.
382. colluctations: 'a wrestling or struggling together' (OED, 'colluctation', a)
383. Quorum maximus: Lat., lit., 'of which the greatest'; cf. 1 Tim. 1: 15: 'Christ Iesus came into the world to saue sinners, of whom I am chiefe' ('quorum primus', VG).
384. Pauls History: Paul's story, or life (Acts 9–28, and his epistles).
389. Quid mihi: Lat., lit., 'What [is it] to me?'.
389–9. that man … drown?: ironic exemplum based on God's covenant with Noah after the Flood (Gen. 9: 11–17); a successor of D at St Dunstan's-in-the-West, the moderate dissenter William Bates (d. 1699), retailed the same anecdote, very similarly worded, in a treatise on 'the Causes why men reject Christ' (The Harmony of the Divine Attributes (1674), Wing B1113, 2R2V). Might F26 here have been his source?
392. Quid tibi?: Lat., lit., 'What [is it] to you?'
396. staying: steadying, supporting.
398–0. Fear … Wisdome: cf. Ps. 111: 10; Prov. 1: 7, 9: 10.
400. Vehiculum timoris: Lat., lit., 'vehicle of fear'.
401–2. Because … sister: Abraham claimed that his wife, Sarah, was his sister when the King of Gerar, Abimelech, took her into his harem (Gen. 20: 1–2). Warned by God in a dream that she was married, Abimelech confronted Abraham and was given the response D paraphrases here (Gen. 20: 11–12; cf. marg. and tn). Even though Abimelech is more morally admirable than Abraham in this episode, D seems to take Abraham's words at face value, as evidence (ll. 402–4) that a ruler who does not fear God (Abimelech, at least in Abraham's view) does not inspire forthrightness in subordinates.
414. miraculous deliverances: conventionally, from the Spanish Armada (1588) and the Gunpowder Plot (1605).
415. in ordinary: 'in an offical capacity. Chiefly used … as postmodifier in official titles' (OED, 'ordinary', n., Phrases, 2). Hence, a compound ('miracles-in-ordinary') ironically, or comically, freighted in the court context, with its many servants 'in ordinary', not least D, a 'chaplain-in-ordinary'.
416. Glass: hourglass; at this point in the sermon, D's hourglass (a standard fixture to pulpits) was running out as well, so also a witty metadramatic allusion.
416–17. Bell … executed: a death-knell was tolled as convicted criminals were taken from prison to execution.
418–21. In Rome … innocence: the earliest Roman law, the Twelve Tables, required that 'No burial or cremation of a corpse shall take place in the city' (X.3); according to Maurus Servius Honoratus, the Vestals 'in civitate habent sepulchra' ('have their sepulchres within the city') (Servi Grammatia … in Vergilu Carmina Comentaru, ed. Georgius Thilo and Hermannus Hagen (Leipzig, 1884), 499–500). The standard early modern work, Johannes Kirchmann, De Funenbus Romanorum (Hamburg, 1605), cites the same and other literary sources for the exceptional intramural burial of the Vestals and illustrious men, but not of punished criminals (V3r-v). (I am grateful to Anthony Grafton for the Kirchmann reference.)
427. mild Justice: a lenient justice of the peace, responsible for local law and order; one is reminded here again of Shakespeare's Measure for Measure (see ll. 150–2 and cmt), with its indulgent counsellor Escalus and 'simple constable' Elbow.
429–30. Council-table: the reference is to the monarch's Privy Council, the highest non-parliamentary council of state.
430–1. Omni … Emperours: D quotes unusually exactly from one of the panegyrists ('Panegyricks') rediscovered, collected, and widely disseminated in the period as Panegyrici Latini or Panegyrici Veteres, here Latinus Drepanius Pacatus before the Roman Senate in praise of Emperor Theodosius I (388–9 ce). Cf. Johannes Livineius (ed.), XII Panegyrici Veteres (Antwerp, 1599), S4v.
432–4. naked … fig-leaf: cf. Gen. 3: 7–11, Job 29:14, Rev. 3:17–18.
440–2. S. Augustine … God?: in spite of the specificity of D's citation (marg.), this paragraph contains no direct quotations or even paraphrases of Augustine's sermon (see next cmt). Instead it expands, in a sweeping imitative amplificatio derived from Scripture, the short peroration of the penitent thief's 'sermon' to the impenitent thief, in Augustine's retelling: 'ita jam ex abundantia receptae justitiae proximum ilium vel socium quondam suum arguens, ut diceret ei, Non times, inquit; quoniam in ipso judiao sumus, id est, in eadem condemnatione? Nonne, inquit, et tu in ipsa cruce es?' (PL 39. 2050; 'thus now out of the abundance of the justice received, he argues to the one next to him, his sometime fellow in blaspheming, and speaking to him, "Do you not fear?" he asked, "because we are under the same judgment, that is, under the same condemnation"? "Do you not", he asked, "and you are on the same cross?").
440. [marg.] Tom. … 49. : the same sermon cited in the text (Augustine's '130. de Tempore', ll. 440–1), but here in the renumeration first made in the Louvain edition (Antwerp, 1576); see Sources and next cmt.
440–1. Augustine … Chrysostome too: The Maurist editors of Augustine note that the version attributed to him is shorter and inferior to that attributed to Chrysostom (PL 39. 2047 n. b); for the latter in Erasmus' Lat. trans., see Divi Ioannis Chrysostomi … Operum Tomus Tertius (Venice, 1574), 2P5v–8r. See prev. cmt and Sources.
442. Nonne times: see l. 78 cmt.
448. Scrutator … reines: cf. Jer. 17: 10 (Vulg., AV).
449. God … persons: cf. Acts 10: 34.
449–50. renouncing … frater: Lat., 'mother and brother'; cf. Matt. 10: 37, Luke 14: 26.
451. Nescio … are: cf. Luke 13: 25, 27 (Vulg., AV); pertinently, Christ's response (aimed particularly at those who have too confidently assumed their salvation) to the question 'are there few that be saued?' (v. 23).
452. Ite … accursed: cf. Matt. 25: 41 (Vulg.; 'depart from me ye accursed', AV, Geneva).
459. Exceptis vinculis: Vulg. Acts 26: 29 (lit., 'except these chains'; 'except these bonds', AV).
460. Quia … vinculis: Lat., lit. 'because [you are] in the same chains', D's conflation of his own text (Luke 23: 40) and Acts 26: 29 (see prev. cmt).
471–4. As … thy sin: D's Eng. quotations of 2 Sam. 12: 5, 7, and 13 broadly follow Geneva; the Lat. (lit., 'I have sinned before the Lord', and 'the Lord has taken [it] away') adapt Vulg. 2 Sam. 12: 13.
480. true copy: reliable text.
481. sub eadem: Lat., lit., 'under the same'; from D's text (Luke 23: 40) in Vulg.
486. [tn] who (though: PS intervene to make the whole descriptive clause parenthetical (see tn); this seems to me grammatically unnecessary; either reading (though with a resulting difference in stress in delivery) conveys a proper sense, and I choose here to respect the c-t.
488. eadem condemnatio: Lat., lit., 'the same condemnation'; see l. 481 cmt.
493. Court … Sizes: Court of Assizes, 'the sessions held periodically in each county of England, for the purpose of administering civil and criminal justice, by judges acting under certain special commissions' (OED, 'assize', n. 12).
498–9. Quod … potest: cf. Publilius Syrus, Sententiæ, 'Cuivis potest accidere, quod cuiquam potest' ('What happens to anyone can happen to everyone'), most widely encountered in quotation by Seneca (cf. De Tranquillitate, 11.1, and De Consolatione, 9.5).
502. in Effigie: 'under the form, or by means of, a portrait or image' (OED, 'effigy', n., 2, citing this example as the first use of the phrase).
503. Medius … divinas: Lat., lit., 'in the middle among [between] the divine persons', i.e. Christ seated in heaven with the other persons of the Trinity (Father and Holy Spirit); 'inter personas divinas' was a common phrase in scholastic discussions of the Trinity.
503–4. Medius … Thabor: at the Transfiguration, Christ appeared to the disciples with the prophets 'Moses, and Elias, talking with him' (Matt. 17: 3; also Mark 9: 4, Luke 9: 30); the location (Mt Tabor) and iconography of Christ between ('Medius inter') the prophets was traditional.
504. Medius inter Latrones: Lat., lit., 'in the middle between the thieves'; each of the synoptic Gospels specifies that Christ was crucified with one thief on his right, and another on the left (Matt. 27: 38, Mark 15: 27, Luke 23: 33).
505. Medius inter nos: Lat., lit., 'in the middle of us'.
510. Nonne timetis?: Lat., lit., 'will you not fear?'; D's final twist of his text, into an interrogative future tense, addressed, in Christ's voice, to his auditory.
6. A sermon preached at White-Hall Aprill 12. 1618.
Text. F26, Z1r–2A4r (no. 12, 169–83). There are no other witnesses. The typesetting of this sermon, as with so many in F26, is fraught with errors. Assessing them presents challenges, but also yields insight into the character of the MS that was used as copy. Textual analysis is further complicated, and given further interest, by stop-press corrections made to 2A1r-v, 2A3V, and 2A4r (177–8, 182–3). This edition's collation of fifteen copies reveals three states of 2A1r-v, and two of 2A3v and 2A4r. Copies collated contain haphazard combinations of these corrected signatures: two (F261, 13) with no corrections; one (F265) with corrected 2A3v only; seven (F262, 3, 7, 9, 10, 13, 15) with corrected 2A1v, 2A3V, and 2A4r only; and six (F264, 6, 8, 11, 12, 14) with corrections to all four. There are therefore at least four different states of this sermon—which extends the variance of these sheets beyond PS's 'original', 'partly corrected' and 'corrected' (x. 410). For further analysis, see TC.
Unlike PS, who accepted a majority of the corrections made at press, I reject a similar proportion on the grounds that they are modernizations of spelling and punctuation unwarranted by the principles of this edition. This is not a case of the purely antiquarian privileging of old spelling and orthography, but more urgently a case of preserving textual evidence that is here deemed closer to the authorial original. The sermon is peppered with a number of spellings that were becoming obsolete even by 1618, or are otherwise idiosyncratic, pg 224such as 'loock', 'colars', 'garthers', 'phylosophers', 'guid', 'safty', 'wifes' as a plural, 'Crose', 'Gentils', and 'devided' (ll. 249, 315, 333, 497, 508, 511, 518, 520, tns and cmts), and all are redolent of D's usage elsewhere. Similarly, an incomplete attempt was made in press to modernize forms of the verb 'to shew' to 'to show'; I apply the older form consistently (ll. 284–7, 301, tns). Punctuation throughout is very free, with what seems by modern standards an indiscriminate use of commas and semi-colons, and the frequent omission of full stops. Many of the stop-press corrections are an attempt (extended to the rest of the sermon independently by PS) to standardize punctuation according to the rules of modern grammar or the more regularized practice of texts revised for print in the early modern period. However, I believe that the 'rougher' state of this sermon suggests that copy was not as carefully revised as that used for the earlier folios (F80 and F50; see TC). To accept and extend the changes found in the corrected sheets of this sermon would obscure a stratum of evidence for how the sermon was composed for oral delivery, where the free punctuation is governed by expressiveness rather than by the stricter grammatical structures conventional, even in the period, for a printed reading text. For discussion of a complex example, see ll. 502–5 and cmt.
None of this is to say, however, that this text requires no editorial intervention. I shall first describe the categories of idiosyncrasy and error that relate directly to typesetting, which seems to indicate compositorial haste, carelessness, or inexperience, or a combination of all three. The frequent use of initial rom. capitals ('L', 'E', 'D', 'I', 'J', 'B', 'S', and 'R') in otherwise ital. proper nouns (e.g., 'Laban', l. 13; or 'Dominum', l. 275) may be an attempt at a deliberate style. But more likely—because so inconsistently applied—this is evidence of limited type to hand, or fouled case, and as these are incidental and do not affect sense, I have silently emended to ital. The spacing of words within lines is often very uneven to achieve justification of the text block. Many pages also show increased crowding in their lower parts, presumably to fit more text in. It is impossible to record here the resulting distortions, particularly the frequent absence of spaces before and after punctuation marks, and I have standardized silently. Crowding is most pronounced on the sermon's last page (2A4r, presumably to avoid starting a new page for only a few lines of text), where the typesetter even resorted to a smaller font size to squeeze in the concluding quotation of the biblical text (ll. 434–7). Categories of simple, egregious error requiring correction include turned letters ('enconrage', l. 286 tn; 'hnndred', l. 514 tn; 'retnrns', l. 533 tn); slipped or dropped type ('m y', l. 177; hi^s^, l. 291; qu^æ^, l. 291; 'h is' wishes, l. 506; all here silently corrected); simple mis-settings ('true' as cw for 'na-ture', l. 427 tn; 'staes' for 'states', l. 527 tn; 'spiritualll', l. 515 tn); and the duplication of fourteen words due to eyeskip (l. 104 tn).
Lat. posed a particular test for this compositor, which he failed at almost every turn. Yet it is also in his attempts to set Lat. that one catches glimpses of a MS c-t that was probably difficult to read, regardless of one's latinity That Lat. was not a language with which the compositor was familiar is clear, however, in instances like the assumption that Lat. 'irreprehensibile' was the Eng. 'irreprehensible' (l. 171 tn); failure to identify the correct declension of 'conjuncta' (l. 368 tn), or the verb forms in 'cogar vivere' (set as 'cogarvicere'; l. 374 tn); or his Gr.-sounding guess at 'Occurereuntoi' for 'Occurrerunt ei' (l. 496 tn), all of which require correction. The compositor also probably failed to recognize as Lat., rather than Eng., prepositions in the phrases 'in Spe' (l. 65), 'in Re' (l. 67), 'in singulis' and 'in omnibus' (l. 148), 'in massa damnata' (ll. 190–2), 'in miserationibus' (l. 207), 'in veritate' (ll. 208, 269), 'in Baculo' and 'in suo' (l. 412). However, this is so consistently applied (and could arguably imply an authorially Eng. 'in') that I do not correct to ital. Other errors committed out of ignorance, however, preserve traces of what was clearly a MS c-t that contained abbreviations and contractions. This again suggests that the compositor was working with unrevised copy. On four occasions he was stumped by the conventional contractions of forms of the Lat. dominus, and set his typographical approximations of them as if they were whole words (see ll. 313–14, pg 225372, 485, tns and cmts). Similarly, he set the MS brevigraph for Lat. 'que' in its conventional type approximation of 'q' and semi-colon, in 'cuiq;' (l. 481 tn). My correction—on the basis of identifying D's source—of the compositor's mistaken typesetting of 'providentia' for 'prudentia' restores to sense an important passage on Christian prudence (ll. 480–1 tn and cmts).
Finally, there is a high degree of error and incompleteness in the system of marginalia. The erroneous chapter and verse numbers, and even, in one case, the name of a book of the Bible are easily attributable to poorly written copy that has been misread by the compositor (see tns to marg. at ll. 101, 109, 295, 390). Overall, the marginalia are very thinly applied, and in forms more minimal than those encountered in quartos published during D's lifetime or in the more carefully prepared texts found in F8o and F50. See, for example, the quick abbreviations of the Fathers such as 'Cyp.' (l. 126 [marg.], which itself is incorrect; see cmt); or the citation, 'Hier. Epist. 1. ad.' (l. 130 [marg.] and cmt), which stands incomplete—as if D or his amanuensis meant to find the exact reference, but never did. The marginalia, then, like so much else in the typesetting, support the likelihood that copy for this sermon was unrevised—probably a first scribal copy, or even, possibly, a holograph.
Headnote. The assessment of this sermon in PS (i. 141–2) is extremely insightful—though not for the reasons its editors intended. They dismiss it as needing 'little detailed comment' because it is, among the sermons in that volume, 'the least eloquent and effective', preached on a 'most curious text', without 'particularly ingenious exegesis', and devoid of 'the fire and brilliance of Donne at his best'. Their concluding judgement is that D's 'inspiration failed him and he either did not sense its temporary failure or had no time to start all over again'. This correctly identifies symptoms, but fails in its diagnosis of them. The observations about the sermon's simplicity in structure, style, and exegesis are fair, but are interpreted without knowledge of the fact that as chaplain-in-ordinary, D preached sermons not only for the king and Chamber (the elite household 'above stairs') on late Sun. mornings, but also (separately) in the early morning for the court department 'below stairs', the Household, which was overseen by its senior officers, who composed the Board of Greencloth. This sermon bears every hallmark of a Household sermon as suggested (unknowingly) by PS, identified by McCullough, and recently studied in brilliant detail by Colclough (see Introduction, §I, and Further reading, below). Although only one court sermon by D survives in a witness explicitly titled as preached 'to the Household' (OESJD iii.4), and Colclough (181–2) has identified two by other preachers, the title 'preached at White-Hall' is sufficiently general not to preclude the possibility that sermons so designated were addressed to the less elite court department. The characteristics of evident simplicity, identified by PS as flaws but shown by Colclough (182) to be a deliberate pastoral and homiletic accommodation of a less erudite audience, combine with further internal evidence to make me confident in assigning this sermon, for the first time, to the Household.
D's text is unusual in being an extract from a passage of OT narrative (the life of the patriarch Jacob), rather than a more morally or theologically self-contained sentence from prophecy, Psalm, Gospel, or Epistle. More striking is the very long summary of the verse's narrative context (ll. 10–47), which recapitulates two whole chapters of Genesis; this in itself is a level of Bible-story basics that would have been unnecessary, if not indecorous, for the king and Chamber. The divisio of the text itself is in two very simple parts: Jacob's worthy 'disclaiming of Merit' (l. 49), and the 'reason' for Jacob's two different worldly states upon his exile from and return to Canaan (l. 75). And, as PS observe (i. 141), D's exegesis is 'in the traditional manner, literally, morally, and "typically"': i.e. with reference to the historical actions of Jacob, moral applications of the same to present life, and (very lightly) symbolic application to Christ. D eschews speculative divinity entirely, something particularly noticeable in his simple treatment of prevenient and cooperative grace here (ll. 99–141), which only weeks before, in the pg 226great Lent sermon series, he had tackled with both daring and detail (see this vol., Sermon 5 and Headnote). Also comparatively unsophisticated for D are the heavy-handed remedial summary at the conclusion of the sermon's first part (ll. 320–35), and the simple conclusion of the whole sermon with quotation of the biblical text (ll. 534–7), untransformed by the foregoing handling of it (a device that D seldom employed in his more sophisticated sermons).
More locally, diction and exempla scattered throughout the sermon show not failure or lack of time in preparation, but rather successful care in tailoring the sermon to the Household, something signalled first in D's handling of Jacob's progress from penury to wealth in contemporary terms of 'preferment' (l. 95). As Colclough has reminded us, the Household was not a department of menial servants only: some of middle rank were ambitious seekers after promotion in what by 1625 had become a department with no fewer than 305 officers supervising 195 'servants' servants', and which offered 'social mobility whereby merchants were able to obtain positions of influence' (184). So, in a customized variation of a set piece, such as occurs in other sermons (ll. 182–206 cmt), D here traces a career progress open to that middle class, who could gain court 'employment' not by birth but by 'education, and study, and industry' (ll. 185–6). That D deliberately intends to allow here progression from apprenticeship in trade to employment at court is further suggested in his commendation of the auditor's 'parents, perchance strangers' (i.e. benefactors who were not kin), who chose 'to breed him to a capableness of some course' until 'God took him by the hand, and led him into the Court' (ll. 197–9). Elsewhere, D glosses Jacob's identification of himself as God's 'servant' by commending proper ambition to serve higher masters in terms that also suggest promotion from trade to court: 'men that serve inferiour masters, when they mend in their estate, or in their capacity, they affect higher services, and at last the Kings' (ll. 303–5).
But D also shows an awareness of the highest echelons of the Household's hierarchy, including its head, the Lord Steward—something first hinted at in his choice of 'stewards' as a synonym for 'servants' (l. 300), and the inclusion of 'rings, and colars, and garthers' in a metaphorical list of rewards for good service (l. 315 and cmt). Most striking, however, is D's interpretation of Jacob's 'staff' as 'a Mace, & a mark of thy office, that he hath made thee his Steward of those blessings' (ll. 424–6). The main point of D's remark here is moral and symbolic, where a conscience guided by Scripture is, like a mace, the 'mark of thy office' as a Christian. Yet the metaphor's reference extends in context not only to the many senior Household officers who bore ceremonial staffs or maces, but also further to their head, the 'Steward' (capitalized only here in the sermon). Such a specific allusion invites ad hominem interpretation, which also perhaps addresses another of PS's quibbles: that D seemingly ignores the fact that Jacob's 'two bands' 'might easily be applied to the two nations, England and Scotland' (i. 141), united under James, whose name in Lat., 'Jacobus', is the same as the biblical patriarch's. But D hardly needed to make that point to the Household, for its Lord High Steward at this date was Ludovick Stuart (d. 1624), then Duke of Lennox and Earl of Richmond. Stuart was not only a Scot, but one of the king's most trusted kinsmen, and had himself been heir to the Scottish throne until the birth of Prince Henry. He was also a Knight of the Garter (cf. 'garthers', l. 315). By including the 'Steward' in his commendation of good stewardship to the Household, D may here be registering anxieties over waste and corruption, which were then coming to a head: a special independent commission, at work for over a year on ways to reform the bloated department's expenditure, came close to agreeing its final recommendations in June (see Further reading). Colclough shows D making similar points in his 1625 sermon before the Household (184). And although applicable to any auditory in the period, the sermon's very careful but direct condemnation of 'recusancy' hidden behind outward conformity (ll. 343–52 and cmts) could easily apply to Stuart, whose religion was suspiciously vague and thought to incline towards covert Catholicism.
pg 227Although admittedly not a sermon of 'fire and brilliance', this is in fact a sermon of great pastoral consideration and care, aptly written by D to address—and to challenge—his appointed auditory.
Sources. The sermon contains little sustained engagement with primary sources, whether patristic or later. Where D gestures towards patristic consensus, or names Augustine (ll. 133, 265, 213–14, 438, 482, 516, and cmts), Chrysostom (ll. 170, 254, and cmts), and Cyprian (incorrectly for Jerome, l. 126 and cmt), the references are slight, and probably come from a mediating source or from memory. Unusually, though, with one exception (ll. 516–17 cmt), VG does not contain D's patristic sources. Two of them, however, were commonly found in later commentaries and are clearly the ultimate source of D's moral and allegorical readings of the Jacob story: two sermons De Beato Jacob, then attrib. to Augustine (PL 39. 1760–5) and Rupertus Tutiensis, Commentarium in Genesim, 22 (PL 167. 467A–468B). D's moralized readings of Jacob's 'staff' are found in such varied and scattered sources as to suggest his recourse to any of the numerous compendiums of biblical images and symbols available in the period; of the many I have consulted, that which contains the greatest majority of D's readings, including patristic ones, is the entry for 'Baculus' in Jerome Lauret, Sylva seu Potius Hortus Floridus Allegoriarum totius S. Scripturae (Cologne, 1613), O6r-v.
Further reading. For court Household sermons, see Peter McCullough, 'Donne as Preacher at Court', in David Colclough (ed.), John Donne's Professional Lives (Cambridge, 2003), 179–204; and, more fully, David Colclough, 'Upstairs, Downstairs: Doctrine and Decorum in Two Sermons by John Donne', Huntington Library Quarterly, 73 (2010), 163–91. For office-holders in the royal household, see Sir George Sainty, 'Officers of the Greencloth', <http://www.history.ac.uk/publications/office/greencloth.html>. For the 1617–18 commission to reform Household expenditure, see P. R. Seddon, 'Household Reforms in the Reign of James I', Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 53 (1980), 44–55. Jeffrey Johnson discusses D's views on prevenient and cooperative grace in this and related sermons in The Theology of John Donne (Cambridge, 1999), 120–7.
10–28. This text … war: D's summary of his text, somewhat unusually, includes a long recapitulation of its narrative context in the account of Jacob's trials in exile with his father-in-law Laban, his return to Canaan, and his encounter with his elder brother Esau (from whom Jacob had stolen their father's blessing and Esau's birthright). The matter D condenses here is from Gen. 31–32: 20.
21. stupified: stunned with amazement or fear (OED, 'stupefy', 2).
25. respective: 'courteous, civil; respectful' (OED adj., 3.a).
35–7. Thou … sea: Gen. 32: 12.
38–40. Erue … Children: Gen. 32: 11, with first words from Vulg.; note that D changes the order of the petitions leading to Jacob's 'formal prayer' (cf. prev. cmt).
40. [tn] for … Children: as this is explicitly a quotation, I follow PS here in supplying the convention of ital.; see also ll. 296–7 tn and cmt.
51. increpation: 'reproof, rebuke' (OED)
51. exprobation: 'upbraiding, or speaking reproachfully' (OED 1.a).
54. [tn] benefits. It: both grammar and the capitalization of 'It' require a full stop after 'benefits'; judging this to be typesetter's error, I follow PS in supplying the missing punctuation.
54. Nihil sum: Lat., 'I am nothing'.
55. parvus … Sum: Lat. translations of the Hebr. 'qaton' (see prev. cmt ) in D's biblical text; lit., respectively, 'I am little' and 'I am inferior'. Several lexical sources offer paruus as a Lat. pg 228trans. of the Hebr., including Pagninus and Raphelengius, Epitome Thesauri Linguae Sanctae (Antwerp, 1599), Y1r, and Johannes Drusius, Ad Loca Difficiliora Pentateuchi (Franeker, 1617), 202v, and 3K2V ('katon parvus'). Neither, however, cites this v. as an example. Among leading commentators on Gen., only Pererius, D's likely source here, discusses 'Paruus sum' as an appropriate Hebraism for Vulg. 'Minor sum' (Benedicti Pererii … Tomus Quartus Commentariorum in Librum Genesis (Leuven, 1600), 2r2v). Among other major commentators T-J gives, as D also here, 'Impar sum'; Calvin, Musculus, and Vulg. read 'minor sum'; and Pareus and Mercerus give both 'Inferior sum' and 'minor sum' (Gen. 32: 10, all in loc). Finally, Andrew Willet, Hexapla in Genesin (1608) STC 25683, 2F1v, notes T-J's 'impar', but also adds his own Hebr. transliteration 'chatan', which he translates as 'little', equivalent to D's 'katon, parvus' here.
57–8. præ omnibus … singulis: Lat., lit., 'whether indicated together, or separately'.
61. degrees: both in the more literal sense of 'A step in an ascent or descent' (OED, 'degree', n., 1.a; cf. 'step', l. 59) and the transferative 'stage or position in the scale of dignity or rank' (OED 4.a; cf. 'in office, in estate', ll. 58–9).
64. non sum dignus: cf. Vulg. Luke 7: 6 ('non enim dignus sum ut sub tectum meum intres'; 'Lord … for I am not worthy that thou shouldest enter vnder my roofe'); cf. ll. 113–15.
65. in Spe: Lat., 'in hope'.
67. in Re: Lat., lit., 'in thing'; the antithesis of 'in Spe' (prev. cmt)
81–2. God … set out: cf. Gen. 31:3.
83–4. God … his assistance : cf. Gen. 32: 1–2.
86–7. In benefits … merit: these ll. all express the inappropriateness of lesser men appealing even to their true merit when requesting a benefit from a superior, because to do so appears as a demand; D applies the exemplum to the even more inappropriate demanding of benefits from God on the grounds of merit, which glances at the RC doctrine of the efficacy of good works. More vivid here, though, is the analogy between God and social elites, neither of whom should suffer the indignity of demands from inferiors.
93–4. Et … cogitare: Lat., lit., 'as if to think of God not as a free giver, but as a tardy debtor'; I cannot identify this as any very near or exact quotation; it seems, however, to derive from Augustine, Serm. de Temp. 254 (In Diebus Paschalis 25), 5.6: 'Parum putatis, quia promissorem tenemus, ut jam debitorem exigamus? Promissor Deus debitor factus est bonitate sua, non praerogantia nostra. Quid ei dedimus, ut eum debitorem teneamus?' (PL 38. 1184; 'Do you think it not enough that we hold him to his promises and still demand debts from him? God was made our debtor by the goodness of his promise, not by our prerogative. What did we give him, that we can hold him a debtor?')
93. [tn] non tanquam: PS's emendation corrects the obvious compositorial error, which reversed, with an added preceding space, the letters 'n' and 't'.
95. give over: cease, yield.
98. biden: bidden.
100. that first grace: prevenient grace; the initial grace from God, which alone makes possible the believer's cooperation with God's subsequent grace to effect and confirm salvation; D introduces here briefly a concept crucial to this and many other sermons; see Headnote and ll. 135–8.
103–4. take not … follow: cf. Matt. 16: 24, Mark 10: 29, Luke 9: 23.
104. [tn] follow, or: eyeskip (catching the repeated clause 'or if we') led the compositor here to duplicate fourteen words of text; the problem might have been compounded by the MS copy if any of these several parallel clauses were interlinear or marginal additions.
105. stupidity: 'Insensibility to pain or sorrow; blameable absence of resentment under injury or insult' (OED 3.b, citing D (PS viii. 1.838) as the first use).
105. Stoique: 'One who practises … indifference to pleasure or pain' (OED, 'stoic', n., 2).
105. pertinacy: 'persistency; perverse obstinacy' (OED = pertinacity).
105. Heretique: 'One who maintains theological … opinions at variance with the "catholic" … doctrine of the Christian Church' (OED, 'heretic', n. and adj., 1).
108. imputatively: by imputation; the example here predates OED's first use (Samuel Ward, 1627); the concept is explicitly theological—that any worthiness in a person is imputed ('To attribute or ascribe', OED, 'impute', v., 2) solely by God.
118. [tn] honour; thou shalt: given the ease with which MS 'l' and 't' can be confused, I assume a typesetter's error here, and correct to complete a triple iteration of 'thou shalt' (ll. 117–19).
120. extenuate: 'depreciate, disparage (a person, his actions, or attributes)' (OED v., 5).
121. Katon: see l. 54 cmt.
121. Elil: Hebr. 'elil', 'insufficiency, worthlessness' (Strong H457).
121. parvus sum: see l. 54 cmt.
124. [tn] exhibite: a candidate for a textual crux. In the text as set, the verbs 'exhibites' and 'cooperate' do not agree, and one or other must be incorrect; MS terminal 'e' and terminal ligature 'es' can be easily confused. If both verbs are transitive—'exhibites … cooperates'—then the subject is God's grace, which both shows ('exhibites') man what 'acceptable service' to God is, and 'cooperates' with him. This is not an impossible reading. However, I accept PS's speculation (i. 335) that the subject is 'man' (l. 123), and that the three participles 'answer', 'exhibite', and 'cooperate' are all governed by the modal 'can' (l. 123). This reinforces the overall argument in the passage (and its restatement in ll. 123–4) about man's ability to respond to God's grace.
126–7. Cyprian … accepisti: the text presented here as a single quotation is in fact two, and erroneously attributed. The second clause ('nam … accepisti, which D translates immediately) is in fact Vulg. 1 Cor. 4: 7. The first clause ('nihil est nostrum', lit., 'nothing is ours') is not an identifiable quotation from Cyprian; it may be a memory of that Father's denial of having rebaptized heretics, on the grounds that, as they were not properly baptized originally, they thus had no grace to rebaptize. Epistola ad Quintum: De Haereticis Baptizandis: 'Neque enim accipiunt illic aliquid ubi nihil est' (PL 3. 1104C; 'For neither do they receive anything there, where there is nothing'; LF xvii. 237). The common idea of not having anything that has not been received, and the verb used by both Vulg. and Cyprian (accipere, 'to receive') may explain the link in D's mind between the two sources. The quotation, though, is in fact not of Cyprian but of Jerome, and is found in the sentence immediately preceding that from the epistle which D quotes and correctly cites next (see ll. 130–1 cmt). After quoting 1 Cor. 4: 7, Jerome proceeds, 'sciamusque nos nihil esse, nisi quod donavit' (PL 22. 1154; lit., 'and we know nothing to be, save that which he [God] bestowed', more freely, 'we are powerless unless He continually preserves in us His own gift'; NPNF, 2nd ser., vi. 276).
128. nihil nos: Lat., 'we are nothing'.
130. [marg.] Hier. … ad. : the marg. reference is incomplete, omitting the addressee ('ad', Lat., 'to') of Jerome's epistle (see ll. 130–1 cmt); the typesetter may have been flummoxed by 'Ctesiphontem' (or an abbrv. of it), or possibly D or an amanuensis intended, but failed, to check and complete the reference. 'Epist. 1.' is not likely to be an epistle number, but rather a vol. number. Erasmus' edn. of Jerome (and its many reprints) did not enumerate the epistles, but did collect them into three vols. (in one), with the Ad Ctesiphontem in the second (cf, for example, D. Hieronymi Stridonensis Opus Epistolarum una cum Scholiis … Erasmi (Basle, 1537), X5v; the quotation is Y1r). The '1.' cited here perhaps refers to the first volume of the later Omnia Opera, ed. Marianus Victorius, published as Epistolæ D. Hieronymi, Stridoniensis, et Libri pg 230contra Hæreticos (Antwerp, 1578), where 'Hieronymvs adversvs Pelagivm ad Ctesiphontem' appears after the numbered sequence of epistles; the text D quotes appears at R3r, where a running foot-of-page title reads 'Hieron. Tom. I.'
130–1. Hierom … meum: Jerome, Epistola CXXXIII, Ad Ctesiphontem, 6; the full sentence is 'Velle et currere meum est: sed ipsum meum, sine Dei semper auxilio non erit meum' (PL 22. 1154; 'To will and to run are mine, but they will cease to be mine unless God brings me His continual aid'; NPNF, 2nd ser., vi. 276).
133. Augustin … facimus: Augustine, De Gratia et Libero Arbitrio ad Valentinum, 1.16 (PL 44. 900).
136–8. Ambrose … facilitatem: De Vocatione Gentium Libri Duo, 1.2 (PL 17. 1077A); attr. to Ambrose in D's time and earlier, but later to Prosper of Aquitaine. Published separately (e.g. Divi Ambrosii … De Vocatione Gentium Libri Duo (Cologne, 1527)), and in collected editions (e.g. Secundus Tomus Diui Ambrosii Operum, ed. Erasmus (Basle, 1555)). A more lit. trans. than D's of the first part of the quotation is 'to trust in it [human will] is nothing else than to be forsaken'.
139. natural man: i.e. any person, with reference only to human nature without or before responding to God's 'first grace' (l. 134).
143–6. nihil … themselves: a particularly sharp summary of D's objection to a Calvinism that so emphasizes predestination and irresistible grace that it leads to moral complacency; unlike many contemporaries, D is less concerned here with the possibility of despair at divinely ordained reprobation than he is with a pride perversely assumed out of being helpless before the will of God, where being nothing ('nihil sum') is an excuse for waiting passively or inertly for grace to operate, without any effort or cooperation on the believer's part. For the belief that the sun purified metals and gems, see this vol., Sermon 1, ll. 420–1 and cmt. D treated this analogy at much greater length in 1621, in his first Christmas sermon at St Paul's (PS iii. 17.909–45).
147. [marg.] Præ omnibus.: Lat., 'manifested' or 'shown' (LS, 'præ', II.B.i) 'in all'.
149. a sunder: common early modern spelling of 'asunder' (OED).
150–1. stamp … gold: 'the impressed design characteristic of a particular issue of coins of a certain value' (OED, 'stamp', n.3, 12.b).
169–71. whats that … irreprehensibile: cf. Chrysostom (attr.), In Justum … Job, Sermo Secundus: 'Quid est homo? Homo est, inquit, animal rationale, mortale. Sic placet philosophis, Scriptura autem non tales dat definitiones; sed quid? Homo irreprehensibilis, justus, verax' (PG 56. 568; 'What is man? Man is, he says, a rational, moral animal. Thus are the philosophers satisfied, however Scripture does not give such definitions; but what then? A blameless man, just, true.').
171. [tn] irreprehensibile: PS are surely right to correct the compositor's anticipation of the Eng. form, 'irreprehensible'; cf. prev. cmt.
172–3. There … feared God: Geneva Job 1:1.
180–2. seeing … cut up: a striking example, among many, of D's interest (both clinical and metaphorical) in anatomical science, which practised dissection ('desection') of human cadavers; cf. especially PS ix.11.226–32: 'As the body of man, and consequently health, is best understood, and best advanced by Dissections, and Anatomies, when the hand and knife of the Surgeon hath passed upon every part of the body, and laid it open: so when the hand and sword of God hath pierced our soul, we are brought to a better knowledge of our selves'.
182–206. Let every one of us therefore dissect and cut up himself, and consider what he was before God raised him friends to bring those abilities, and good parts, which he had, into knowledge, and into use, and into employment; what he was before he had by education, and study, and industry, imprinted those abilities in his soul; what he was before that soul was infused into him, capable of such education; what he was, when he was but in the list, and catalogue of creatures, and might have been left in the state of a worm, or a plant, or a stone; what he was, when he was not so far, but onely in the vast and unexpressible, and unimaginable depth, of nothing at all. But especially let him consider, what he was when he lay smothered up in massa damnata, in that leavened lump of Adam, where he was wrapped up in damnation. And then let him consider forward again, that God in his decree severed him out, in that lump, and ordained him to a particular salvation; that he provided him parents, that were within the Covenant, that should prepare, and pour out a body for him; that he himself created, and infused an immortal soul into him; that then he put a care in his parents, perchance in strangers, to breed him to a capableness of some course. That then God took him by the hand, and led him into the Court; that there he held him by the hand, and defended him against envy, and practise; that he hath clothed him with the opinions of good men; that he hath adorned him with riches, and with titles; let a man stand thus, and ruminate, and spell over Gods several blessings to him, sylable by sylable, and he shall not onely say, parvus sum, when he considers himself at his growth and altogether, but parvus eram I was too mean a subject for thee to look or work upon in the least of these expressings of thy goodness : for a very similar gradatio, tracing the believer's fortune in election to a higher state of being and salvation, see this vol., Sermon 4, ll. 439–55 and cmts; the earlier sermon emphasizes election to a sound (i.e. Protestant) church, while the version here is keyed more to providential fortune in education and courtly preferment, though the passages on the 'catalogue of creatures' (l. 188) and the 'leavened lump of Adam' (l. 192 and cmt) pg 231are repeated here almost verbatim from the earlier sermon. D recycled these passages at St Paul's in 1622 (PS iv.5.118—35), and again at court in 1627 (OESJD iii.7.80—90).
192. massa damnata … Adam: for the 'damned', or 'condemned mass' of Adam's flesh, and its source in Augustine, see this vol., Sermon 4, ll. 448–50 cmt. Note the arguably improved (because more exactly scriptural) diction here of 'lumpe', where in the earlier sermon D uses 'loafe'.
198. strangers … some course: probably a reference most directly to the customary practice in apprenticeship of a young man's lodging in the household of his master while learning a trade; in more elite circles, both young men and women were often lodged with those who were not family (hence, 'strangers') to refine their domestic and social accomplishments. D may also here allude to 'strangers' who as patrons paid for a youth's placement or apprenticeship.
202. spell over: 'To consider, contemplate, scan intently' (OED, 'spell', v.2, 2.c); this use pre-dates the first cited by OED (George Herbert, 1633); D's image captures precisely the emergence of the figurative sense '(ruminate') from the literal ('sylable by sylable', l. 203).
207. [marg.] Miserationis: Lat., 'in mercies'.
208–9. mercy … severed: cf. Ps. 85: 10.
214. School terms: i.e. the terms of higher learning, in the divinity schools of the universities; or, more specifically, as here, relating to scholastic philosophy and theology (see next cmt).
214. Misericordia … miseriam: cf. Aquinas, ST, IIa IIae, q. 21, a. 4, arg. 1: 'Misericordia autem respicit miseriam' ('Mercy regards misery').
223. others … forfeit: D's verb choice here is typically evasive on a crucial point of free will; the construction allows both the sense of the believer's wilfully losing his election ('To lose … the right to … in consequence of a crime, offence, breach of duty', OED, 'forfeit', v., 2) or of that election's being withheld directly by God ('To lose or give up, as a necessary consequence', OED, 'forfeit', v., 2.c).
227. [marg.] Veritates: Lat., lit., 'in truths'.
233. my Anchor: symbol of hope, which D chose for his personal seal after his ordination; see Bald, 305–6.
234. shiver: 'To break or split into small fragments' (OED, v.1, 1.a); here as in a 'shipwrack' (l. 232 ).
241. inchoation: 'Beginning, commencement, origination' (OED a).
244. Largeness: liberality (OED 1)
251–2. Davids … one: cf. 1 Chron. 21: 10–15.
252. [marg.] Exod. 20.: vv. 5, 6.
254–8. St Chrysostome … Eight: cf. Chrysostom, De Pœnitentia Homilia VIII (PG 49. 329).
261. [marg.] Expectation Lat., 'in expectation'.
264. reversions: 'a thing or possession which a person expects to obtain' (OED, 'reversion', n.1, 3.a), particularly resonant here for the common use of legally binding promises of succession to court offices; cf. D, 'Satyre IIII', 'He knowes who loves; whom; and who by poyson / Hastes to an Offices reversion' (ll. 101–2).
265. [marg.] Aug.: Augustine.
265. Perdidimus … boni: Lat., lit., 'we have lost all capacity for good'; an axiomatic summary of Augustine, De Gratia Christi et de Peccato Originali, 1.4 (PL 44. 362; NPNF, v. 218); Augustine's fuller argument, like D's here, is not that man is entirely incapable of good, but that he is incapable of any good 'of our selves' (l. 266 ); for this as one of D's fundamental Augustinian axioms, see Katrin Ettenhuber, Donne's Augustine: Renaissance Cultures of Interpretation (Oxford, 2011), 72.
266–7. decimations … tithe: D plays here with two meanings of 'decimation': 'The exaction of tithes, or of a tax of one-tenth' (OED 1), and 'The selection by lot of every tenth man to be put to death, as a punishment in cases of mutiny or other offence by a body of soldiers' (OED 2.a).
268. Lotteries: only one state lottery (to raise funds for maintenance of English ports and harbours) was ventured by Elizabeth I, in 1567–8; in James's reign, lotteries for private enterprises were common, most prominently those held 1613–21 to benefit the Virginia Company; see Robert C. Johnson, 'The "Running Lotteries" of the Virginia Company', Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, 68 (1960), 156–65.
270. remainder: 'A property interest that gives an entitlement to possession only when prior interests, granted at the same time, end' (OED n. and adj., 1.a).
270–1. raced out: 'razed out', erased, 'originally by scraping' (OED, 'raze', v., 2.a).
271. [marg.] Joh. 5.: John 5: 2–9.
274–5. Davids … Lord: see l. 257 tn.
274. [marg.] Psal. 40.: Ps. 40: 1; see l. 257 tn.
274. [tn] expectans: F26's 'expectam' is not a word, so correction is required; PS amend to the perfect verb ('expectavi', 'I waited') from Vulg. Ps. 39: 1, which D quotes here. However, there seems to be further corruption: although 'expectavi' alone corrects sense and grammar, the full clause from Vulg. ('Expectans expectavi Dominum', also the title of the Ps. in BCP, so additionally familiar), with its modification of the main verb ('expectavi') with a present participle ('expectans'), not only anticipates the ensuing Eng. trans. given by D (cf. Ps. 40: 1) but also parallels the construction D immediately quotes from Hab. (ll. 275–6), with its main verb ('veniet') modified by another present participle ('veniens'). Further, compositor misreading of MS 'expectans' as 'expectam' seems far more likely than misreading of 'expectavi', so I suggest that the compositor not only misread the first word but also omitted a second from the quotation. This may again be in part due to unrevised copy with difficult interlineations or marg. additions.
275. [marg.] 2.3.: Hab. 2: 3.
277. to stay … will stay: antanaclasis using two senses of 'stay', respectively 'to stop, halt' (OED v.1, 1.a) and 'To tarry or linger' (OED v.1, 7.a).
281. [marg.] Expenentia.: Lat., 'by (proof of) experience'.
283. both our translations: AV and Geneva.
285. withdraw … Sacrament: CofE eucharistic theology insisted that the consecrated elements were sacramentally efficacious only for those who were in a state of grace; cf. Thirty-Nine Articles, article 25: 'in such only as worthily receive the same, they have a wholesome effect or operation: but they that receive them unworthily, purchase to themselves damnation, as Saint Paul saith'.
288. [marg.] Deut. ult.: i.e. the last (Lat., ultimum) chap. of Deut.; vv. 1–4 recount God's showing Moses the view of the Land of Canaan from Mt Pisgah; see next cmt.
288. Videre fecit: Lat., 'he was made to see'; closer to a Lat. trans. of AV Deut. 34: 4 ('I have caused thee to see it') than Vulg. ('earn vidisti eam oculis tuis'; lit., 'you have seen it with your eyes').
291. [marg.] Psal. 116: Ps. 116: 11 (see next cmt).
291–2. quid … mihi. Vulg. Ps. 115: 12 (BCP Ps. 116: 11, 'What reward shall I giue vnto the Lord: for all the benefits that he hath done vnto me?').
292–5. Thine … strength: 1 Chron. 29: 11–12.
295. [tn] strength: I accept the correction in some copies as the accurate quotation of 1 Chron. 29: 14.
295. [marg. tn] I Cro. 29.14.: the compositor, perhaps owing to illegibility of the MS copy, initially confused I Corinthians and I Chronicles, correctly set the chap. number, and misread the v. number; the corrected version, probably to avoid the difficult insertion of an extra letter, misspells the abbrv. of 'Chronicles'.
296–7. [tn] after … thee: as at l. 40, I complete the italicization of the quotation, in keeping with the convention observed elsewhere; probably omitted here owing to typesetter or scribal oversight.
297. [tn] thee, why: the correction to a full stop and beginning of a new sentence here in some copies does impose a clearer grammatical sense, but I reject this as it impedes the rhetorical flourish of the para.'s peroration.
302. [marg.] Servus: Lat., 'servant'.
303. whose … freedome: quoting 'The second Collect for peace', BCP, Morning Prayer.
303–5. Here … the Kings: although applicable to D's contemporary world generally, the allusion has most force if it refers to the auditory's progress toward appointments in the Household (see Headnote); having improved their fortunes ('estate') and professional abilities ('capacity'), they have set their eyes on the king's household as the highest desired place of employment.
305. [tn] there: I accept the corrected sheets' prepositional adverb 'there' as a correct completion of the contrast introduced by 'Here' (l. 303); although both are in terms of location at court (see ll. 303–5 cmt), 'there' refers more specifically to the status, rather than the place, of service arrived at ('the Kings', l. 305).
306. a better: as in 'One's superior' (OED adj. and adv. (and n.1), 7.b); here of course, God (see l. 308).
308. Gods, service: the removal of a comma after 'Gods' (see tn), though more conventional grammatically, removes (in spoken delivery) a likely pause after, or emphasis on, 'Gods', the operative completion of the contrast with service to 'Mammon' (l. 307).
313–14. [tn] compedite … ornamenta: stop-press correction here provides good evidence not only of a MS copy that was unrevised (with the contraction 'dno' for 'domino', initially set as 'duo'), but also suggests that a perhaps more latinate corrector was in the printing house to spot the contraction and properly expand it, as well as to supply the proper verb form 'vertentur '.
313. [marg.] Aug.: Augustine (see next cmt).
313–14. Noli timere … ornamenta: cf. Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos, 'In Psalmum xcix', 7: 'Noli timere, serve compedite, confitere Domino: meritis tuis attribue compedes tuas; confi-tere in compedibus, si vis ut in ornamenta vertantur' (PL 37. 1275; 'Fear not, bound slave, confess unto the Lord: ascribe thy bonds to thine own deservings; confess in thy chains, if thou art desirous they be changed to ornaments'; LF xxxii. 469).
315. rings … garthers: all ceremonial ornaments associated with offices or honours at court; here most likely signet or 'seal' rings, gold chain collars, and most specifically, 'the badge of the highest order of English knighthood', the Order of the Garter (OED, 'garter', n., 2.a).
315. [tn] colars … garthers: the spellings, though rare after 1550, found later; cf. 'rings of gould, carkanets, colars, and bracelets great store', in Livy, The Romane historie, trans. Philemon Holland (1600), STC 16613, 2Z6v; and in A true & faithful relation … between Dr. John Dee (1659), Wing D811, V4.r: 'the people have leather Coats … and garthers'. The letter forms are so distinctive that I doubt typesetter's errors here; that they would have attracted modernizing by a corrector in 1661, though, is unsurprising.
320. [marg.] Quia: Lat., 'for', or 'because', in D's text; D is translating from AV ('thy servant; for with my staff', my ital.) to Lat.; Vulg. has no conjunction ('servo tuo in baculo meo'); T-J ('servo tuo: etenim cum baculo meo') is closest to AV and D here.
324. debatement: 'deliberation' (OED n.1, 1).
332–3. Such … head: although set in ital. as one quotation, actually two; 'Such … curse' is (as marg.) Prov. 27: 14; the second clause (as PS i. 337) is D's turning of Ps. 141: 5–6 ('Let the righteous rather smite me friendly: and reproue me. / But let not their precious balmes breake mine head', BCP).
333. [tn] Those: PS's unsupported intervention to start a new para. here instead of at l. 336 (PS i. 337) seems to result from a desire to group together D's discussion of both kinds of skeptics—pagan 'phylosophers' and 'Christians'. However, doing so erases the rhetorical emphasis upon the latter, D's treatment of which stands alone as a rhetorical set piece (ll. 336–55), properly separated from the less important ancient 'phylosophers' (l. 333). See Text.
333. Sceptique phylosophers: i.e. 'sceptics', 'One who, like Pyrrho and his followers in Greek antiquity, doubts the possibility of real knowledge of any kind; one who holds that there are no adequate grounds for certainty as to the truth of any proposition whatever' (OED, 'sceptic', adj. and n., B.1); cf. D, 'as amongst Philosophers, the Sceptique which doubts all is more contentious then eyther the Dogmatique which affirmes, or Academique which denyes all' (PP, 5–6).
338–42. doubting men … profession: D here describes diffidence in matters of faith and doctrine by those who conform 'outwardly' by attending church simply to meet their legal obligation and thus to avoid prosecution; cf. D, 'Satyre III', 'Foole and wretch wilt thou let thy Soule be tyed / To mans lawes, by which she shall not be tryed / At the last day?' (ll. 93–5).
343–8. those men … deceived: D continues (see prev. cmt) his satire against those who cynically hedge their religious doubt with outward conformity, here by practising religion in case it harms them not to (Lat., 'ne noceat') in that God ultimately proves to exist; the denotation of 'sacrifice' here is that of offering worship, albeit with a 'reservation' (doubt) about God's existence; but the terms 'reservation' and 'pretended God' may also have punning connotations of RC reservation and adoration of the eucharistic host or bread, explicitly rejected in article 15 of the Thirty-Nine Articles. Cf. 'recusant', ll. 351–2 and cmt.
349. Church-wardens: laymen elected to administer finances and discipline in a parish, including the presentment to the authorities of any who do not attend church; who the heavenly equivalents of churchwardens are is here left playfully vague by D, but whether saints, angels, or God himself, they will bar insincere churchgoers from heaven; see next cmt.
351–2. recusant … excommunicate: a recusant is 'A person, esp. a Roman Catholic, who refuses to attend the services of the Church of England' (OED n. and adj., 2.a); as the definition suggests, the term was applicable in the period to both RCs and non-conformist Protestants; aggravated or 'stubborn' recusancy was punishable by excommunication. Cf. the ironic metaphorical deployment of the same in D, 'Elegie VI' ('Oh, let mee not serve so'): 'and when I / Am the Recusant, in that resolute state, / What hurts it mee to be'excommunicate?' (ll. 45–6).
356. [marg.] Exul.: Lat. (exsul), 'an exile'.
358–9. figure … banishment: typological interpretations of all the OT patriarchs, including Jacob, were conventional, having been fully essayed by the early Fathers. Most influential were two sermons attrib. to Augustine, 'De Beato Jacob' ('Of Blessed Jacob'; PL 39. 1760–5), both of which are governed by the assertion that 'Christi mysteria in Jacob adumbrantur' ('the mystery of Christ is adumbrated in Jacob'). Cf. in particular here, Jacob, like Christ, being sent out by his 'father' (respectively Isaac and God): 'Jacob qui missus est, Christum Dominum designavit' (PL 39. 1762; 'Jacob, who is sent, represents Christ the Lord').
359–62. Christ received … twenty: cf. Matt. 2: 1–21, Gen. 31: 38.; the comparison between Jacob's and Christ's exile from and return to their homeland is made by Rupertus Tutiensis, Commentarium in Genesim, 22 (PL 167. 467A–468B). For the length of the Holy Family's exile in Egypt, confused by differing regnal and death dates for the Roman rulers named in the Gospels, cf. Augustin Marlorat, A catholike and ecclesiasticall exposition of … Mathewe, trans. Thomas Tymme (1570), STC 19948, D4v: 'How long the childe abode in Aegypt it is not well knowen … There are some that write that [they] abode in Aegipte seuen yeares'. Joseph Scaliger, De Emendatione Temporum (Frankfurt, 1593), acknowledges the possibility of the pg 235four-year exile; cf. also Franciscus Lucas, In Sacrosancta Qvatvor Iesv Chnsti Evangelia … Commentarivs, tom. i (Antwerp, 1606), C3r–v.
368. [tn] conjuncta: the typesetter, not alert to correct Lat. endings, mistook 'a' for 'u'.
370–4. S. Bernard … vobis: cf. Bernard, Epistola CXLIV: 'Est commune exsilium ipsumque molestum satis, quod quandiu sumus in hoc corpore, peregrinamur a Domino. Huic accessit et speciale, quod pene impatientem me reddit, ut cogar vivere sine vobis' (PL 182. 300C; 'The exile from God, which we all endure while we are in the body, is hard enough to bear; but added to this I have to endure an exile from you which almost renders me impatient with my lot'; Letters, trans. Bruno Scott James (1953), 214, letter no. 146).
372. [tn] domino: as elsewhere (cf. l. 485 tn), the compositor mistook for a single word the MS abbrv. 'dno' (perhaps here even setting a turned letter, giving 'duo') of 'domino' (cf. prev. cmt for the correct reading).
374. [tn] cogar vivere: the nonsensical 'cogarvicere' shows again the typesetter's poor latinity
374–6. particular misery … blessing: cf. Gen. 25–27.
377. [marg.] Baculus.: Lat., 'staff' (from D's text).
378–9. strength … of bread: cf. Ezek. 4: 16, 'I wil breake the staffe of bread ['baculum panis', Vulg.] in Ierusalem'; cf. also Lev. 26: 26 (Geneva), 'staffe of your bread', with gloss, 'That is, the strength, wherby the life is susteined'.
382–3. S. Matthew … staff: Matt. 10: 10; D here must remember Geneva, 'nor a staffe'; Vulg. reads 'neque virgam' ('nor a rod'), and AV 'nor yet staues'.
383–5. S. Mark … onely: Mark 6: 8.
385–91. The fathers … me: although VG (in loc. Matt. 10: 10) acknowledges the discrepancy in the Gospels, it does not survey patristic opinion, and Lyra's postil argues that the use of 'staff' (virga) in Matt. is metaphorical (cf. D's 'figurative'), while that in Mark (6: 8) is literal; Aquinas, Catena, does not marshal patristic opinion of the sort D alleges here. See ll. 392–3 cmt.
391. his language … Syriack: Syriac, a late form of Aramaic, was the dominant vernacular in the eastern Mediterranean in the early ce, thus the language spoken by Christ; the Syriac NT was included in AP.
392–3. two significations … sustentatorius: cf. Lucas, In … Evangelia … Commentarivs, tom. ii, 2F5r, who not only glosses the discrepancy between Mark and Matt. similarly to D—Mark's staff sustains ('sustinet') the disciples, Matthew's is defensive ('armorum loco')—but also quotes and discusses Gen 32: 10 (D's text). Another possible source is Martin Chemnitz, Harmonic Evangelicæ (Geneva, 1628), 2V5v, who also argues that the Syriac for 'baculo' supports both the sustaining ('viatores sustentationis causa') and offensive ('loco armorum vti poterant') senses. (This popular work was first published in 1598.)
394. Evangelists Greek: Gr. was the language in which the authors of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John (the 'Evangelists') wrote.
411. [marg.] Suus.: Lat., 'his' (cf. next cmt).
412. in Baculo … suo: cf. Vulg. Gen. 32: 10 (D's text), 'servo tuo in baculo meo' (lit., 'to your servant with my staff'); D adjusts here from first person ('meo', 'my'), to third person, lit., 'with a staff, and with his [staff]'.
414–15. My people … them: Geneva.
417. [marg.] 2 Reg.] Lat. (Regum), 2 Kgs.
417. [tn] broken … peirce it: I correct to ital. because the text is both correctly cited (in marg.) and also exactly quoted (Geneva).
419. conveniency: 'being suitable or well-adapted to the performance of some action' (OED = convenience, 5).
420. pike: 'a point or spike' (OED n.1, I).
421. piked: 'spiked, pointed' (OED, 'piked', adj.1, 2.a).
422. Baculus inimici hominis: Lat., lit., 'the staff of man's enemies', quoting Vulg. Matt. 10: 36: 'et inimici hominis domestici eius' (Geneva 'And a mans enemies shalbe they of his owne householde').
422–3. envious man … devil: cf. Matt. 10: 36 (see prev. cmt), Geneva gloss: 'Which thing cometh not of the propertie of Christ, but procedeth of the malice of men, which loue not the light, but darkenes'; cf. also Wisdom 2: 24 ('through the enuie of the deuill came death into the world').
423–4. blossom … night: cf. ll. 248–50, and Num. 17: 8.
424. preferred … place: given you an office; but see tn and next cmts.
424. [tn] place: the reading 'preferred thee a pace' did not attract emendation in press, and is preserved by PS, presumably inferring the sense of 'apace', thus, 'preferred you quickly'. However, given the force of identification here with preferment to very specific court offices and their ceremonial symbols (cf. ll. 315, 425 and cmts), I take F26's 'a pace' to be not an idiosyncratic spelling of 'apace', but correctly two words, with the letter 'l' erroneously omitted (for comparable errors, cf. ll. 192, 463, tns and cmts).
425. Mace: 'A sceptre or staff of office' (OED n.2, 2.a), such as those borne ceremonially by officers in the royal household; cf. prev. and next cmts.
425. Steward: primarily here in the fig. sense of 'one regarded as the servant of God or of the people' (OED n., 6.), but with allusion in the court context to the Lord Steward of the Household, the peer who governed court staff below stairs (not 'above stairs', pace OED 2.b; see Sainty, 'Officers of the Green Cloth'). See Headnote.
431. [marg.] Revertitur: Lat., 'he returned'.
432–3. in which … present: PS (i. 338) plausibly suggest textual corruption here; they insert a colon after 'this' and suggest (but without emendation) that the third 'is' (l. 433) may be a misprint for 'it'. Although the literal sense of the passage is difficult, and may be corrupt, the general sense—possibly clearer in delivery—is discernible: D hastens to bring his interpretation of Jacob's story to its happy conclusion, encouraged by the emphatic present tense of 'Now I am two bands' in his text. Problematic, when scrutinized, is 'degree' (l. 432), which I take here to mean that moving on to Jacob's 'happyness' is a step ('degree') in D's sermon to be taken quickly, with possible punning on 'degree' as social rank (cf. the contrast between 'his low estate' and 'his happyness', ll. 431–2). There is also a possible sense of 'haste' and 'degree' being proverbial tropes for a temporal consummation (cf. D's 'it is always'), as in Thomas Nashe, 'Haste therefore eche degree, / To welcome destiny' (Summers Last Will and Testament), in Works, ed. R. B. McKerrow, 5 vols. (1904–10), iii. 283, ll. 1609–10). The final clause is perhaps even more confusing grammatically, but clearer in sense: the main point of Jacob's 'happyness' is that it is now come. So 'present' carries a strong grammatical sense, as in 'the present tense', hence the temporal emphasis in the quotation that follows ('Now I am two bands, now', my ital.).
438–42. S. Augustins … Babylon: Cf. Augustine, Of the City of God (De Civitate Dei), 16.10–11, where Augustine discusses Shem, eldest son of Noah, as ancestor of Abraham and thus of the Hebrew people (cf. Gen. 9: 24, and Gen. 10: 21, Geneva note).
443–4. [tn] still, Christ: grammatical punctuation (as PS; see tn) would place a full stop after 'still'; but although what follows is an independent sentence, it is linked to it as a second example (this time from the NT) of a return to a state held before; the punctuation in the MS c-t was probably a virgule, for which a comma was substituted by the compositor.
449. [tn] of: F26's 'or any sin' is redundant, and surely the compositor's mistaking of 'f' for 'r'; like PS, I emend.
452–3. accounts … Sacrament: confession of sin before receiving holy communion; not (as RC practice) auricular confession to and absolution from a priest, but the self-examination and reconciliation enjoined by the exhortations in BCP, Order for Holy Communion.
459. [marg.] Iubente Domino: Lat., 'commanded by the Lord'.
461–2. turn again … thee: Geneva (cf. AV 'Return unto … ').
462. preferment: professional advancement, here through court patronage.
463. [tn] Stare in usque: clearly a corruption of Vulg. Jer. 6: 16 ('state super vias'), most easily confirmed by D's ensuing trans., 'stand upon the ways' (Geneva 'Stand in the waies'; AV 'Stand ye in the wayes'). The simplest emendation would be to correct to Vulg., or perhaps T-J ('State secundum vias'), but this would be to reject the viable and arguably correctly typeset prepositional phrase 'in usque' when the only indisputable error is the omission of the first vowel in 'St[a]re'. I suggest, first, that D here, as often, is freely paraphrasing Vulg., or translating AV to Lat., which accounts for the use of the synonym 'Stare' for 'State', and the interpretative 'in usque' ('continuously', 'constantly'; LS, 'usque', I.a.4) for 'super' ('in', 'upon'). Second, the absence of the object 'vias' ('ways') could be a deliberate rhetorical intensification which first emphasizes in Lat. how one should 'stand' ('constantly'), and then reveals in the next Eng. clause where one should 'stand' ('stand upon the ways').
463–5. stand … shalt go: cf. prev. cmt and Jer. 6: 16: 'Stand ye in the ways, and see, and ask for the old paths, where is the good way'. Cf. D, 'Satyre III': 'in strange way / To stand inquiring right, is not to stray' (ll. 77–8), and 'aske thy father which is shee [true religion], / Let him aske his' (ll. 71–2). Similarly at St Paul's, Easter Day 1624, 'a man may stand upon the way, and inquire, and then proceed in the way, if he be right, or to the way, if he be wrong' (PS vi.2.250–2).
466–9. Applica … them?: the ephod was a ceremonial garment worn by the Israelite high priest (Exod. 28: 6–10); David, in distress, calls for it in the passage cited here (in marg.) as an aid to seeking God's will in battle.
470. book of God: the Bible; in delivery presumably with a gesture towards a Bible, either in the pulpit or on the chapel lectern.
473. Plutarch … oraculorum: Plutarch's De Defectu Oraculorum ('On the Obsolescence of Oracles'), in Moralia.
473. [tn] defectu: the typesetter here clearly mistook 'f' for long 's'; cf. 'defectus', l. 478.
479. Vrim, and Thummim: stones worn in the breastplate of the high priest's ephod (cf. ll. 466–9 cmt) and used for the ceremonial divination of God's judgments (cf. Exod. 28: 30, Num. 27: 12–23); here, metaphorically, one's 'rectified Conscience' (ll. 482–3 and cmt).
480–1. Morall Man … Deus: D quotes (incorrectly in F26; see tn and prev. cmt) from the Panegynci Latini (also quoted in this vol., Sermon 5, ll. 430–1), here the 'Panegyrici Incertus Constantino Augusto', iv: 'sua enim cuique prudentia deus est' (PL 8. 657B). D's ensuing trans., with the subject 'Diligence, and discretion', accurate for 'prudentia', supports my decision to emend from F26's 'providentia', which not only does not correspond to 'diligence' or 'discretion', but also makes little sense (e.g. 'every man's providence is a God to himself); an echo of 'prudence' follows in ll. 482–3 (see cmt). 'Morall Man' in the period often refers to Seneca or Cicero; the anonymity of the Panegyrici, but their close association in D's time with Ciceronian oratory, probably explains his use of the epithet here.
481. [tn] cuique prudentia: in addition to the need to expand the MS abbrv. 'cuiq;', I also judge 'providentia' to be a typesetter's error (perhaps due to further MS abbrv. or illegibility) for 'prudentia'. See prev. and next cmts.
482–3. Augustm … God : a misquotation of, and misattribution to, Augustine of Aquinas's Aristotelian definition of prudence (cf. ll. 480–1 cmt) as 'recta ratio agibilium' (Lat., the 'right reason about things to be done'), ST, Ia IIae, q. 57, a. 4. D adapts Aquinas' definition of prudence ('Recta ratio', 'a rectified Conscience') to Protestant scripturalism, where the Bible ('Verbum Dei') is the guide for the believer's prudent conscience.
484. debatment: debate, deliberation (OED, 'debatement', n1.', 1).
485. [tn] still shalt thou: like PS, I find it necessary for sense to supply the second person subject 'thou', probably omitted through compositorial error.
485. [tn] Dominum or dominum: the typesetter was here probably confronted with two abbreviations of the Lat. singular accusative 'dominum' (e.g. 'Dominu', which he expanded incorrectly as the nominative 'Dominus'; and then a more heavily abbrv. form, such as 'dnum', where letter forms were difficult to distinguish, which he mistook for the nonsensical single word 'duni').
488. Testimony of Angells: cf. Gen. 32: 1.
489. Teste me ipso: Lat., lit., 'I testify myself; a familiar legal phrase closely associated with the royal prerogative. Cf. John Cowell, The Interpreter (Cambridge, 1607), STC 5900, 2Q1r: 'in all writs or precepts sent out for the dispatch of Iustice, he vseth none other witnesse but himselfe, alwaies vsing these words vnder it, Teste me ipso.'
490. [tn] os: although they do not record the var., PS rightly intervene to correct the compositor's likely misreading of the two-letter word 'os' as 'ei', which neither makes sense nor comes from the quotation (see next cmt).
490. Quia … spoken it: Isa. 40: 5 (Vulg., AV).
493. pillars … Wilderness: the 'pillar of cloud' and the 'pillar of fire', which guided the Israelites through the wilderness (Exod. 13: 20–2).
493. Tabarnacle: the Tabernacle, or portable sanctuary, used from the time of Moses until the construction of Solomon's temple (Exod. 25–40).
494. temple … furniture: the Temple of Solomon, described in detail (with illustrations in Geneva) in 1 Kgs 6–7.
496. [tn] Occurrerunt ei: the uncorrected 'Occurereuntoi' in copies of F26 is further evidence of the typesetter's poor latinity, probably then noticed by a more experienced printing-house corrector.
497. guid: 'guide'; a common spelling—cf. D, 'That Nature is our Worst Guid'; Paradoxes (1652), Wing D1867, B12r.
501. not … private interpretation: a typical injunction against ill-informed private interpretation of Scripture; for its roots in D's early engagement with Augustine in ED, see Ettenhuber, Donne's Augustine, 117–21.
502. [marg.] Turmæ: Lat., 'bands', or 'troops'.
502–5. This was … fortune: the difficult syntax of these lines is not wholly solved by the changes in punctuation made in some sheets and rejected here (see tns); as in the uncorrected sheets of some copies, I retain punctuation that seems rhetorical and expressive rather than strictly grammatical. Left in this state, the passage can be read in a way that attends to the mimetic effect of the short, sharp clauses, which dramatize the temporal urgency of Jacob's return 'nunc; now'. A possible approximation, using modern expressive typography, could be: 'This was Jacob's "nunc"; now: when he was returned—returned upon God's commandment, upon God's commandment pursued, and testified by angels, and angels visibly manifested—now he could take a comfort in the contemplation of his fortune'. There are of course other possibilities, but the 1661 corrector's attempt to impose grammatical punctuation cools what seems to be the dramatic heat intended for the passage in delivery.
505. Heres: i.e. 'Here's' ('Here is'); the unpunctuated contraction was common in MS, and even in print, especially in genres, such as plays and pamphlets, that replicated colloquial speech; the uncorrected form that I retain (see tn) is a subtle clue not only to the emotional tone D adopts here, but also to the orality of the sermon in delivery.
507–8. If … God: Gen. 28: 20–1 (Geneva).
508. safty: 'safety' (cf. tn).
509. exhibite: 'To offer, present' (OED, 'exhibit', v., 1).
509. retribute: 'To give (a thing) in return or as repayment' (OED v., 1).
511. wifes: 'wives'; another early modern form frequently used by D but modernized in some sheets (see tn); cf, from several examples in D, 'Husbands love your Wifes' (F50, Dvv) and 'That Priests must alwaies abstain from their wifes' (Pseudo-Martyr (1610), STC 7048, 2Qr); each is modernized in, respectively, PS (vi.5.68) and P-M (194).
512–13. staffe … Labans wealth: a further iteration of the thematic imagery of rods and staffs; here a reference to Jacob's increasing of his own flocks (and thus 'wealth') at Laban's expense by contriving the mating of his sheep in front of 'rods of greene poplar' with 'white strakes in them', which produced lambs for him but not for Laban (Gen. 30: 37–43).
513–14. present … cattell: cf. Gen. 32: 13–16.
514–15. The fathers … spintuall : the interpretation is implicit in Rupertus Tutiensis, Commentanum in Genesim, 8.4 (PL 167. 494C–495A), his allegorical reading of Jacob's return from exile across the River Jordan as the believer's redemption through baptism; it is most sharply summarized, and closer to D here, in Johannes Sarisburiensis, De Nugis Cunalium et Vestigus Philosophiorum, 7.13: 'in duabus turmis spiritualium et corporalium bonorum in patriam dives regreditur' (PL 199. 670B; 'in the two bands he returns to his country rich in spiritual and corporal goods'). The latter work is the subject of D's 'Problem XVIF (PP, 46–7).
516. tipicall: 'of the nature of … a type or emblem' (OED, 'typical', 1); cf. ps.-Augustine, De Beato Jacob, ii.i: 'beatum Jacob typum habuisse et figuram Domini Salvatoris' (PL 39. 1762; 'in blessed Jacob one has a type and figure of the Lord of Salvation').
516–17. St. Augustm … redut : ps.-Augustine, De Beato Jacob, ii.6 (PL 39. 1764), quoted in VG, in loc. Gen. 32: 10; D's ensuing trans. is freely interpretative of the lit., 'Christ, by the staff of the cross, seizes the world and by the two bands he returns the two peoples to the Father'.
518. Crose: a spelling of 'cross' current in D's lifetime; cf. John Buckeridge, 'Sermon', appended to Lancelot Andrewes, XCVI Sermons (1629), STC 606, 5Q3r: 'offered by CHRIST to his Father on the Crose'; but also here probably with an awareness of 'crose', 'The pastoral staff or crook of a bishop or abbot; a crosier' (OED 1), thus an accurate trans. of Augustine's 'Baculo' (ll. 516–17 cmt), and metaphorically pertinent here for the comparison between Jacob's and Christ's 'staffes' (passim). If pronounced to rhyme with 'rose', the punning sense could be conveyed in delivery. For these reasons, I reject the correction in some copies to 'Cross' (see tn) as a modernization that diminishes sense.
518. [tn] muster'd: the emendation in some sheets to this past tense is not entirely necessary for sense; I adopt it here since it more exactly translates the perfect (past) tense of the Lat. verb 'apprehendit' (l. 517 ).
518. Gentils: 'Gentiles' (OED, 'gentile', adj. and n., B.1.a); cf. tn.
520. devided: strictly speaking incorrect, and so emended in some sheets of F26 (see tn), but perhaps evidence of D's authorial proximity to the MS c-t, as the same appears in Biathanatos: 'when the kingdome of Naples came to bee deuided' (107).
527. Semper idem: Lat., lit., 'always the same thing'.
528. Quomodo … Morning: Lat., lit., 'How the son of the east [morning] is fallen'; D's turning of Vulg. Isa. 14: 12 ('quomodo cecidisti de caelo lucier qui man oriebaris'; AV 'How art thou fallen from heauen, O Lucifer, sonne of the morning?').
7. A sermon preached at White-Hall. April 19. 1618.
Text. F26, 2B1r–2C3r (no. 13, 177–89; all copies collated misnumber 178 as '177'). There are no other witnesses. This sermon shares the inaccuracies in typesetting evident throughout pg 240much of the folio; collation of fifteen copies found only seven stop-press corrections, limited to 2B2r in F262–15 (l. 86 tn); 2B3r in F261, 3–6, 8, 9, 11–15 (l. 165 tn); 2C2r-v, and 2C3r in F261, 3–6, 8–15 (ll. 398, 409, 427, tns); and 2C3r in F261, 3, 4, 6, 8–11, 15 (l. 483 marg. tn); PS (x. 411) identified one further var. in 2C3r ('forence' for 'forense', l. 470) in three copies not collated for this edn.; see TC for further analysis. All of these—except the addition of a marginalium at l. 483 (itself then set incorrectly; see tn and cmt)—corrected simple errors in spelling or punctuation. Some thirty further incidental errors require editorial correction, and in the majority I have followed PS. Only two seem attributable to misreading MS copy: 'then' for 'been', 'summe' for 'sunne', and 'men' for 'more' (ll. 122, 127, 134, tns). Corroboration of two readings against D's quoted sources allows the correction here of PS in two places (ll. 24, 401 tns and cmts), and I further reject as unnecessary or incorrect the first of two speculative interventions by PS (ll. 122, 155, tns and cmts). PS are surely correct to identify missing text—presumably omitted by the compositor—at ll. 188 and 452, which unlike PS I do not venture to supply (see tns and cmts).
Headnote. This is the first part of the earliest surviving example by D of paired sermons on the same text. The second sermon follows as this vol., Sermon 8. Each treats one half of D's text (the first, 'This is a faithfull saying, and worthy of all acceptation'; and the second, 'That Christ Jesus came into the World to save Sinners; of which I am the chiefest.'). The divisio in each, and the short explanatory remark at the very end of the first (ll. 495–7), strongly suggest that D took the pulpit on Sun. 19 Apr. planning to deliver only one sermon treating the entire verse in three main heads: the 'Roote' of Scripture, the 'Tree' of Christ's incarnation, and the 'fruit' of it in St Paul's humility (ll. 44–50). Then, realizing that he had taken his allotted hour to deliver less than half of what he had prepared, he truncated his discourse with the promise to deliver the remainder in 'another exercise' (l. 497 ). Understood thus, these sermons confirm Walton's claim that D delivered his sermons from memory and committed them to paper in full narrative form only afterwards (Bald, 406–7). But they also show that in some cases, such as these, D recorded the sermons as they were preached and resisted the possible temptation to elide evidence of their not having gone to plan in the pulpit. It must still be entertained, however, that two sermons were planned from the start, with the surprise announcement of 'another exercise' (l. 497 ) as a deliberate rhetorical ploy. In either case, contrast the far more explicit and openly acknowledged construction of the paired sermons on Gen. 1: 26, preached before Charles I in 1629 (OESJD iii.10, 11; see Headnote to Sermon 10). Yet more complicating are the inconsistencies between the divisios of the two sermons here and the summary D offers at the end of the first. Here, D claims to have dispatched both the first and second parts promised in the divisio: 'the Roote of this Gospell … Scripture' (ll. 493–4, corresponding to divisio, ll. 44–6, 50–66) and 'the Tree it self … The coming of Christ … To save Sinners' (ll. 494–5, corresponding to divisio, ll. 66–76). But, with the exception of a fleeting quotation of 'Christ is come to save Sinners' at ll. 314–15, D, in fact, stayed within the bounds of his 'Part I.' (l. 84 marg.) for the entirety of the sermon preached on 19 Apr. This is further signalled by the absence of a marginalium 'Part II.' or 'Part III.' in this sermon, and the more obvious fact that he opens the second part on 21 Apr. with a frank acknowledgement that he has as yet treated only 'the Roote', and will now expound the promised 'Tree' and 'fruit' (this vol., Sermon 8, ll. 6–9).
This sermon takes the form of a deliberative seriatim commentary on three key words—'saying' ('sermo'), 'faithful' ('fidelis'), and 'acceptation' ('acceptatio')—in which D responds to the text's invitation to insist and expound upon the irreducible fundamentals of the Word ('sermo') as both Scripture and Incarnate Christ, the eternal faithfulness of God's promises, and the urgent obligation for the individual believer to accept those same promises. Basics of the faith, however, as always in D, inspire great eloquence. Notable here are D's imitatio of aspects of St Paul's syntactical style as well as argument (cf. ll. 22–7), the extended emotive pg 241elaborations of short quotations from Scripture and the Fathers (cf. ll. 264–90, 377–411), and the highly patterned peroration on the all-sufficiency of the Gospel (ll. 453–63). D also pointedly combines, in the same paragraph, condemnations of strict Calvinist predestinarianism and of RC conciliar dogmatism (ll. 382–411), portraying both as unnecessary and unreliable derogations from God's faithfulness and Scripture's sufficiency.
Sources. That PS (i. 143) found this sermon 'a serious, close, detailed, and rather heavily learned exposition' of a single phrase can be explained by the identification here of D's dominant, even dominating, source—the Jesuit Alfonso Salmerón on the epistles generally and on D's text itself, in his exhaustive systematic commentaries on the NT (see Introduction). D's entire exordium is taken wholesale from Salmerón's introductory tracts or 'disputations' on the genre and doctrine of Paul's letters in Commentarii in Omnes Epistolas B. Pauli … Tomus Primus (Madrid, 1602) (see ll. 9–24, 31–5, cmts), to which D returns later (see ll. 209–10 cmt). D also quotes or very closely paraphrases Salmerón's summary of patristic and scholastic opinion on the first part of his text, found in Disputationum in Epistolas Diui Pauli Tomus Tertius (Madrid, 1602) (see ll. 411–30 cmts). Salmerón's most extensive commentary on D's text is devoted to the second half of the verse; D uses it here in his divisio (ll. 67–8 and cmt), relating to the part of the sermon that was planned but not delivered as part of this exercise; accordingly, Salmerón is an even greater presence in D's ensuing sermon on the latter part of the verse (see this vol., Sermon 8, Sources, and Illus. 5). Much of D's patristic quotation and citation here is taken directly from Salmerón, and is probably typical of how he used such mediating sources. To this, D adds only his own characteristic further use of Augustine's De Civitate (ll. 244–59 and cmt), Origen (ll. 277–84 and cmt), and, very briefly, Chrysostom (ll. 226–9 and cmt). He also deploys a colourful anti-papal anecdote already used in P-M and taken from histories by Bartolomé Carranza and Severinus Binius (ll. 399–401 and cmt).
Further reading. Jeffrey Johnson, The Theology of John Donne (Cambridge, 1999), 32–3, quotes ll. 14–17 as a fine example of D's 'insistence on unity' and the 'communal application' of Scripture (but see cmt—D is there not only quoting Ambrose, but also translating Salmerón). See also Johnson (3–5) for an overview of the orthodox commonplace of the Trinity's creation of man (with reference to this sermon). D returned to this matter in greatest detail in his paired sermons before Charles I on Gen. 1: 26 (OESJD iii.10, 11; for a fresh consideration of D's sources, see in particular Headnote and Sources).
6. greatest … Prophecy: the seventeen books of the major and minor prophets in the Protestant OT compose the majority of its length ('greatest part of the body').
7–8. greatest … Epistles: of the twenty-seven books ('peeces') in the NT, twenty-two are 'Epistles' (letters).
9. They erre … Epistle: here D comes closest to acknowledging a source for his entire exordium (see Headnote), and adapts Salmerón's 'universam Scripturam recipimus nihil aliud esse, quàm epistolam Dei ad nos datam' (Commentarii, A1v; 'we take the Scripture to be nothing else but God's letter delivered to us').
10. Evangelia, good Messages: the Lat. plural, with Eng. trans., of Gr. εὐαγγέλιον (lit., 'good tidings'); cf. Salmerón, Commentarii, A1v: 'ita vt sicut lex Propheticis libris, ita Euangelium Apostolorum abundauerit epistolis' ('just as the books of the Prophets, so do the epistles of the Apostles abound with the Gospel').
11–12. Acts … Theophilus: cf. Acts 1: 1; for the epistles as 'superscrib'd' ('addressed'), cf. this vol., Sermon 3, ll. 320–1. D notices the epistolary address of Acts, which Salmerón only glosses as a cognate of OT historical books (Commentarii, A1r).
13. last booke … Churches: cf. Rev. 1: 4; D uses Salmerón (Commentarii, A1v): 'Nam & Apocalypsis epistola qusdam est, vt patet in salutatione in principio ad septem Asiæ Ecclesias pg 242præmissa' ('Indeed the Apocalypse is certainly an epistle, which opens in the salutation at the beginning as sent to the seven churches in Asia').
14–17. collocutio … asunder: an epitome by D of a longer passage by Salmerón on the usefulness of letters (Commentara, A1v). D quotes exactly in Lat. a pithy part of Salmerón's quotation of Ambrose (lit., 'conversation by writing unites the severed'), and interpolates further passages from Salmerón: 'qui corpore à nobis, vel nos, qui ab illis absumus, animis saltem præsentes redderemur: quodque vivis vocibus præstare non possumus, literis saltem hinc & inde datis obtineremus' ('he who is bodily from us, and likewise we who from him are absent, can at least be taken back in person in spirit: so if we cannot be present with our own living voices, at least by these letters given there we can preserve it'); and (quoted directly) from Ambrose, Epistola, 47.4: 'Epistolarum usus est, ut disjuncti locorum intervallis affectu adhæramus (PL 16. 1151A; 'by letters … although severed from each other by distance of space we may be united in affection'). Cf. D, 'Sir, more then kisses, letters mingle Soules; / For, thus friends absent speake.' (ll. 1–2); and his letter to Garrard (2 Nov. 1630), 'Our letters are ourselves, and in them absent friends meet' (Poems (1635), STC 7046, T5v).
19. [tn] forme: F26's 'former' is probably an error of anticipation by the typesetter, though possibly a misreading of MS 'forme'; PS's 'form' modernizes unnecessarily.
20. [marg.] Nicephor.: Nicephorus; see next cmt.
20–2. Isidorus … whole Scriptures: from Salmerón (Commentara, A2v): 'Certè Isidorus Pelusiota beati Chrysostomi discipulus, & Pelusiaci monasterii Abbas, à quo etiam cognomen-tum accepit, propè chiliades decem epistolarum, hoc est myriaden unam … conscripsit, quibus sacras omnes utriusque Testamenti Scripturas explicavit … ut tradit Nicephorus.' ('Certainly Isidorus Peluciota, the disciple of blessed Chrysostom, and abbot of the monastery of Pelucium, from which he takes his name, wrote altogether nearly ten thousand letters, that is a whole myriad, in which he explicated all the holy scriptures of both testaments … so says Nicephorus.') Cf. Nicephorus Callistus, Ecclesiasticæ Historicæ, lib. 14, cap. 53 (PG 146. 566); cf. D at court, 15 Apr. 1628, for a related exordium on the evangelical characteristics of epistles (OESJD iii.8.5–21).
22–4. St Paul … Apostles : the canonical works of Paul are his thirteen NT letters, which outnumber the eight others in the genre by the authors of Heb., James, Peter, John, and Jude.
24. [tns] & patitur … fecerat: incorrect typesetting of the Lat. verbs 'patitur' and 'fecerat' (both easily explained either by difficult MS copy or the typesetter's lack of latinity) led PS to substitute 'ut' for '&' and make a speculative correction of the impossible 'feceret' to 'fecerit'; D's source (see next cmt) provides the correct readings of both verbs, and makes PS's emendation of '&' to 'ut' unnecessary.
24. & patitur … Austin: D here retails Salmerón's gloss (Commentarii, A3r) on Acts 9: 1 (Paul's persecution of Christians under the authority of letters from the high priest) and his supporting quotation from Augustine, in reverse order: 'justum ergo fuit, ut qui aliorum epistolis Christianos vexauerat, ipse propriis literis salutari doctrina, & ardenti charitate refer-tis; damnum illatum compensaret. Et ut pulchrè ait Augustinus: Patitur Paulus quod fecerat Saulus.' ('It was therefore just, that he who had persecuted Christians with other letters, himself sent back letters of ardent love and saving doctrine; he compensated for the injury he had wrought. And so Augustine says excellently, "Paul suffered for what Saul had done."') Salmerón's quotation of Augustine is from Sermo CCIV (In Natali Apostolorum Petri et Pauli IV), 3 (PL 39. 2124).
27–9. Hebrew Rabbins … house: For Rahab, cf. Josh. 2: 1–21 and Heb. 11: 31; D's alleged rabbinical consensus runs counter to the evidence of VG and Calvin (both in loc. Josh. 2: 1), which assert that 'the Rabbins'—'to wrest Scripture and give a different turn by their fictions to anything that seems not quite reputable'—argue that Rahab was an inkeeper, not a prostitute pg 243(Calvin, Commentaries on Joshua, trans. Henry Beveridge (1854), 43). This OT analogy for Paul's use of letters in malo and in bono may be D's own.
30. holy-Ghost … Bible: for a more florid treatment of the same traditional view of the inspiration of biblical writers, see this vol., Sermon 4, ll. 6–9.
31. Irenæus … Sancti: from Salmerón (Commentarii, A4r): 'Agnoverunt veteres Patres duritiem multorum locorum, ac tenebras in Apostolo. Ecce Irenæum … Quoniam hyperbatis frequenter utitur Apostolus, propter velocitatem sermonum suorum, et propter impetum qui in ipso est Spiritus' ('The ancient fathers discern many difficult and obscure places in the Apostle. See Irenaeus … "the Apostle frequently uses a transposed order in his sentences due to the rapidity of his discourses, and the impetus of the Spirit which is in him"'). Cf. Irensus, Contra Hæreses, 3.8.2 (PG 7. 182; ANF i. 420, where 3.7.2).
33–5. amplius … of them: D condenses Salmerón (Commentarii, B2r): 'Et illæ quidem, qus ex carcere scripte sunt, maiorem spirant charitatem, si fidem habeamus Chrysostomo, dicendi: Omnes quidem epistols Pauli sancts sunt; habent tamen amplius quiddam qus ab eo ex vinculis sunt misss … qus ad Timotheum' ('And indeed those which were written from prison breathe most with charity, if we have faith in Chrysostom when he says: indeed all of Paul's epistles are holy; yet those are even more so which were sent from bondage … such as those to Timothy'). Salmerón cites in marg. Chrysostom, Homilia I on Col. (cf. PG, 62. 298).
36–40. most vehement … ground?: the connection between Paul's vehemence and instruction to a bishop seems to be D's own, though commentaries on 1 Tim. traditionally ground interpretation of it in this context, owing to the unique rules for bishops ('Episcopall function', l. 37; cf. ll. 320–3) in 3: 1–7; typical, and including a survey of patristic commentary and of arguments for Timothy as a bishop, is Salmerón, Dispvtationvm, A1v-A2r, A5r-v.
57. Sermo … dignus: Vulg. 1 Tim. 1:15 (D's text).
67–8. Second … Sinners: D's division of the 'Second' part of the v. into the two further parts—'First' the 'coming' or 'Advent' of Christ (ll. 68–70), and 'secondly' (l. 70 ) Christ's 'mixt Person' and 'Office' (ll. 70–1)—derives directly from Salmerón's extensive commentary on the same part of D's text (Dispvtationvm, B5v-D3v). D ignores all of Salmerón's disputative detail, but drives at the same orthodox understanding of the nature and purpose of the Incarnation (repeatedly termed 'adventus' by Salmerón).
69. venit in mundum: Vulg. 1 Tim. 1:15 (D's text).
72. Christus: Lat., lit., 'anointed'.
73. Iesus: Gr. form of Hebr. 'Joshua', lit., 'Yahweh will save', or, more loosely, 'saviour'.
83. [tn] chiefest.: F26's comma ('chiefest,') may be the typesetter's approximation of a virgule in MS ('chiefest/'), setting off the 'Division' from the commencement of the sermon's first part; I standardize for sense and for the possibility that the comma is typesetter's error.
85. omnem acceptationem: Lat., 'all acceptation' (from Vulg. 1 Tim. 1:15, D's text).
89. Types: 'a person, object, or event of Old Testament history, prefiguring some person or thing revealed in the new dispensation' (OED, 'type', n., 1.a).
90. figur'd … Ceremonies: any OT Jewish ceremony interpreted by Christians as an anticipation or foreshadowing of a NT belief or practice.
90. preventions: in the lit. sense of the Lat. root, 'action or occurrence before or in anticipation of the expected, appointed, or normal time' (OED, 'prevention', 6).
95. burden: in its musical sense 'the bass, "undersong", or accompaniment' (OED, 9 = bourdon, n.1, 1).
96–8. The joy … Songs: e.g., the Virgin Mary's Magnificat (Luke 1: 46–55; cf. ll. 109–12), and Simeon's Nunc Dimittis (Luke 2: 29–32), the canticles appointed for Evening Prayer (BCP); Zacharias' Benedictus (Luke 1: 68–79; cf. ll. 100–2), one of the canticles appointed for Morning Prayer (BCP); also perhaps the angels' Gloria at Christ's nativity (Luke 2: 14).
102–3. seede … Paradice: cf. Gen. 1: 15.
103. Virgin … Esai: cf. Isa. 7: 14.
104. Bethlehem … Micheas: cf. Mic. 5: 2.
104–5. that time … Daniel: cf. Dan. 12: 1.
105–7. Sicut … World began: D quotes from Zacharias' Benedictus (cf. ll. 96–8 cmt), Luke 1: 70, giving the first clause from Vulg. (lit., 'As he spoke').
109–12. blessed Virgin … ever: D adapts Luke 1: 46, 55, from the Magnificat (cf. ll. 96–8 cmt), following AV slightly more closely than BCP.
134. creavit … earth: cf. Gen. 1: 1 (Vulg., AV).
134–7. so … creatures: i.e., as in Gen. 1: 1–2, the creation of matter, 'heaven and earth', was not a verbal act.
137. creatures: i.e. creations (not necessarily only living things); cf. l. 164.
139–41. Dixit … sermone: cf. Gen. 1: 3–24 (Vulg., AV).
144. faciamus … Man: cf. Gen. 1: 26 (Vulg., AV); D's text for another pair of court sermons (1629), OESJD iii.10, 11.
144–7. more expresse … Dialogue: cf. D before the body of James VI and I, 26 Apr., 1625: 'In the Creation of man, in that one word, Faciamus … God gave such an intimation of the Trinity … as to hear therein, a councell of all the three Persons' (PS vi.14.1–4); and at St Paul's, n.d.: 'Faciamus hominem … God seems to summon himselfe, to assemble himselfe, to muster himselfe, all himselfe, all the persons of the Trinity' (PS v. 14.393–5).
153. book of Creatures: i.e. the created world; traditionally understood as an inferior but complementary correlative to the book of Scripture (the Bible). Cf. ll. 439–41, and D at St Dunstan's, Trinity Sun. 1624 (PS vi.6.56–61): 'take the largest Spheare, and compasse of all other kinds of proofes, for the mysteries of Religion, which can be proposed, Take it first, at the first, and weakest kinde of proofe, at the book of creatures, (which is but a faint knowledge of God, in respect of that knowledge, with which we must know him)'.
153–4. Non sunt … God: D's combination of the first phrase of Vulg. Ps. 18: 4, iuxta LXX, followed by adaptation of its AV equivalent (Ps. 19: 3, 'There is no speach nor language') and Ps. 19: 1 ('The heavens declare the glory of God').
155. [tn] concinnity: F26's 'consinuity' is not a word; although the pen corr. in F2610 has the advantage of changing only one letter ('continuity'), PS's 'concinnity' is surely correct in light of D's use of the word in directly related contexts elsewhere; see next cmt.
155. concinnity: 'skilful and harmonious adaptation or fitting together of parts; harmony, congruity, consistency' (OED 1.a); cf. this vol., Sermon 9, l. 196 and cmt.
159–61. excellent song … Organ: both the musical conceit and D's argument here strongly anticipate his sermon preached at court in Lent 1619 (this vol., Sermon 9, ll.107–10 and cmts).
164. dark … God moved: cf. Gen. 1: 2.
173. Dixit … light: cf. Gen. 1: 3 (Vulg., AV).
179. fiat firmamentum: Vulg. Gen. 1: 6 (AV 'Let there be a firmament').
183. congregentur … gathering: Vulg. Gen. 1: 9, followed by D's paraphrase of AV ('Let the waters … be gathered together').
183–4. [tn] Let there be: D's Eng. here is not a quotation of Gen. 1: 9, so I reject PS's italicization; that only the first word, 'Let' is italicized in F26 suggests that a copyist or typesetter anticipated quotation of the well-known phrase 'Let there be' from elsewhere in Gen. 1 (e.g. 3, 6, 14).
187–8. The Church … Baptism: although the general sense is clear—a traditional typological metaphor of the Church as a vessel of salvation, which carries believers through or upon the water of baptism (cf. Tertullian, De Baptismo, 12; PL 1. 1214)—the logic of the imagery here is flawed, especially in the identification of the 'Church' with the 'Sea'. PS (see tn) venture to pg 245supply a preposition ('[in]') after 'launched'; 'upon' would be my preferred alternative, but both still leave the oddity of 'launching' twice into water ('that Sea' and 'Baptism'), and with no vessel or ship to complete the metaphor. I agree with PS (i. 340) that 'a whole phrase is missing between "launched" and "the"', and that emendation is impossible.
191–2. dark … vails: common metaphors for OT prefigurations; cf. William Fulke (quoting Origen) in D. Heskins, D. Sanders, and M. Rastel (1579), STC 11433, N1r: 'The lawe of God is not nowe knowen in figures and images, as before: but even in plaine trueth, and such things as were before set forth in a dark speache, are nowe fulfilled in plaine maner & trueth.' For veils, cf. 2 Cor. 3: 12–14: 'we use great plainnesse of speech. And not as Moses, which put a vaile over his face … for untill this day remaineth the same vaile untaken away, in the reading of the old testament: which vaile is done away in Christ.'
202–3. killing … Law: cf. 2 Cor. 3: 6.
209. All … Gospell: summary of a conceit pursued at length by Salmerón; cf. his summary (Dispvtationvm, B3r): 'Scriptura tamen legis Veteris, & Prophetarum oracula sunt nobis necessaria, qui testificantur de Christo, & in illis præceptis, & ceremoniis inclusum intus Evangelium' ('Nevertheless the Scriptures, the old Law and the Prophets, are a necessary oracle to us which testify of Christ, and the Gospel is enclosed within their precepts and ceremonies').
210. pædagogie: 'introductory training', specifically 'used of the Jewish law (seen as the means by which people are guided to Christianity)', with ref. to Gal. 3: 24 (OED, 'pedagogy', 2); the distinctive usage shows that D is again borrowing from Salmerón, here on the legitimate use of the OT (Dispvtationvm, B2r): 'Lege utitur legitimè, quisquis ea utitur ad eum finem, ad quem à Deo data est, id est, qui utitur lege Moysis, ut pædagogo ducente ad Christum.' ('The Law is properly used as it is used for the end to which God gave it, that is, the law of Moses is used as a pedagogy leading to Christ.'). Cf. D on Whitsunday, n.d.: 'from this ignorance God delivered his people at first, in some measure, by the Law; that is, he gave them thereby a way to get out of this ignorance; he put them to Schoole; Lex Pædagogus, sayes the Apostle, The Law was their School-master' (PS ix. 10.46–9).
211. obtruded to: imposed upon.
219–38. preached … Salvation: the mutual obligations of preacher and auditory not just to receive but also to enact the message of the Gospel take up the whole of D's court Lent sermon in 1619 (this vol., Sermon 9).
226–9. Ferme … indulta: cf. Chrysostom, Hom. XVIII in Epist. primam ad Tim., Hom. 4.1 (on D's text): 'vt fermè apostoli plurimum laborauerint, vt nobis persuaderent credere dona à deo nobis indulta' (Tomus Quartus Operum Chrysostomi (Paris, 1556), S6r); 'It is for this reason that the Apostles spend much discourse in securing a belief of the gifts that are granted us of God' (NPNF, 1st ser., xiii. 419); the Migne text (PG 62. 519) differs significantly.
238–9. De … sunt: cf. Vulg. 1 Cor. 5:12 (AV 'For what have I to doe to judge them also that are without?').
242–3. new Jerusalem: cf. Rev. 21: 2.
244–59. Paradise … destruction: an unusually extended embroidery of accurate Lat. quotations from a patristic source—here Augustine, De Civitate Dei, 13.21: 'paradisum scilicet ipsam Ecclesiam … quatuor autem paradisi flumina, quatuor Evangelia; ligna fructifera, sanctos; fructus autem eorum, opera eorum; lignum vitae, Sanctum sanctorum, utique Christum; lignum scientiae boni et mali, proprium voluntatis arbitrium. Nec se ipso quippe homo divina voluntate contempta nisi perniciose uti potest' (PL 41. 395; 'Thus Paradise is the Church … the four rivers of Paradise are the four Gospels; the fruit-trees the saints, and the fruit their works; the tree of life is the holy of holies, Christ; the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, the will's free choice. For if man despise the will of God, he can only destroy himself; NPNF, 1st ser., ii. 256).
255–7. precedent … any good: cf. D, second sermon revised from The Hague, 1619/1630: 'The desire and the actuall beginning is from the preventing grace of God, and the constant proceeding is from the concomitant, and subsequent, and continuall succeeding grace of God; for there is no conclusive, no consummative grace in this life' (PS ii.14.672–6); cf. next cmt.
255. concommitant: 'accompanying, concurrent, attendant' (OED, 'concomitant', adj. and n., 1).
260–2. Toad … poyson himselfe: cf. D., at Lincoln's Inn, n.d.: 'the ill conditions of the creature, are not directed upon themselves, (the Toad poisons not it selfe, nor does the Viper bite it self) but all their ill powrs down upon man' (PS ii.2.236–8); and D, 'To the Countesse of Bedford' ('T'have written then'), 'Statesmen purge vice with vice, and may corrode / The bad with bad, a spider with a toad' (ll. 83–4).
265–6. Augustine … scientiæ : cf. ll. 244–59 cmt.
268. first … second Adam: cf. 1 Cor. 15: 45–7.
271–2. children of wrath: cf. Eph. 2: 3.
274–5. will payes … us: a typically deft handling of disputed points over election and free will; D emphatically rules out both human merit for salvation and unconditional perseverance in a state of grace.
276–7. adopted … of God: cf. Gal. 4: 5, Eph. 1: 5.
277–84. Qui … singula opera: cf. Origen (trans. Jerome), Homiliæ XIV in Jeremiam, Hom. 6: 'Salvator noster splendor est gloriae, splendor autem non semel nascitur, et deinceps desinit nasci: quotiescumque ortum fuerit lumen, ex quo splendor oritur, toties oritur et splendor gloriae. Salvator noster sapientia est Dei. Sapientia vero splendor est lucis aeternae. Sic igitur Salvator semper nascitur … Si semper ex Patre nascitur Dominus, etiam tu in similitudinem ejus tantum adoptionis scriptum habens, semper generaris a Deo per singulos intellectus, per singula opera, et efficeris filius Dei in Christo Jesu' (PL 25. 637A-B). ('But let us consider who is our Savior: a reflection of glory. The reflection of glory has not been begotten just once and no longer begotten. But just as the light is an agent of reflection, in such a way the reflection of the glory of God is begotten. Our Savior is the word of God. But the word is the reflection of everlasting light. If then the Savior is always begotten … and the Savior is always begotten by the Father, and likewise also if you have the spirit of adoption, God always begets you in him according to each work, according to each thought. And so may one so begotten always be a begotten son of God in Christ Jesus' (FC xcvii. 93).)
287–90. glasse … Sermon: D's applies the hourglass metaphor first to one's life and then, dramatically, to the present hour of the sermon's delivery, and the actual hourglass measuring it.
290. father of light: cf. James 1: 17; but cf. also l. 277 cmt.
291–2. conceive … Ghost: D combines diction for the Incarnation of Christ from the Apostles Creed (BCP)—'and was conceived by the Holy Ghost'—and the angel Gabriel's annunciation to Mary—'the power of the Highest shall ouershadow thee' (Luke 1: 35)—as an extension of the metaphor of all believers being a 'mother' (l. 290 ) to the faith and works planted there by God the Father; the implicit analogy between the believer and the Virgin Mary is soon made explicit (see next cmt).
293–5. blessed Virgin … Word: cf. Luke 1: 38, Vulg., AV; tradition held that Mary conceived Christ upon hearing Gabriel's announcement that she would be 'overshadowed' by the Holy Ghost (see prev. cmt), the so-called 'conceptio per aurem' ('conception by the ear'; cf. l. 295); D here urges his own listeners to imitate Mary by being receptive to God in the moral sense, but also in the immediate auditory sense of keeping their ears open to God in D's sermon; cf. this vol., Sermon 8, ll. 199–212 and cmts.
296–7. harkened … thy word: a common biblical formula; cf. Job 33: 1, Prov. 7: 24, Jer. 35: 13, Acts 2: 14.
297. Gospell … peace: cf. Rom. 10: 15, Eph. 6: 15.
299–300. hearing … childe: cf. ll. 293–5 cmt.
299. quickning: both 'the first perceptible movements of the fetus during pregnancy' (OED, 'quickening', n.1, 1.b), and the 'giv[ing] or restoring] spiritual life to' (OED n.1, 1.a = the action of quicken, v.1, 1.a).
299. purposing: 'design, planning; meaning, intention' (OED).
304–5. not upon … questionable: a list of caveats typical for D, glancing at both puritan private enthusiasm and speculative divinity, and RC superstition ('Miracles').
321. [marg. tn] 1 Tim. 3.1.: D's quotation of this verse is so exact that '1 Tim. 3. 5.' (in F26) must be a typesetter's error.
329. determine: 'to come to an end' (OED 2.a), or perhaps also 'to bound, limit' (OED 3.a).
336. traditionall … apocryphall word: a glance at RC accretions to Christian practice and canonical Scripture; cf. D at St Paul's, Christmas 1628: 'But it is the Word, the Word inspired by the holy Ghost; not Apocryphall, not Decretall, not Traditionall, not Additionall supplements' (PS viii.13.636–7).
344. [marg. tn] Jer. 15.18.: as PS note (i. 341), the preceding marginalium (l. 343 tn) in F26 is a conflation of what should be two citations: one there, and a second here at l. 344. The latter lacks its book title, and has an incorrect v. number; even if the MS copy was difficult to read, this is an example of lax typesetting. D's quotations are clear enough to allow confident placement and correction of both.
348–9. sicut … deceitfull waters: both senses are present in Vulg. Jer. 15: 18: 'facta est mihi quasi mendacium aquarum infidelium' (D-R 'it is become to me as the falsehood of deceitful waters that cannot be trusted'); the 'Originall' is Hebr. 'akzab', 'deceptive', 'disappointing' (Strong H390); cf. Gaspar Sancti, In Jeremiam Prophetam Commentarii (Leuven, 1618), Q3v: 'factum est mihi tanquam aquæ mendaces, & infideles'.
360–1. they … stung them: cf. Num. 21: 6–9; cf. next cmt.
362–3. I looke … Righteousnesse: cf. John 3: 14–15.
365. Schools: 'the faculties composing a university; (hence) universities in general; the sphere or domain of academic discussion or traditional academic doctrines and methods' (OED, 'school', n.1, 12.b).
366. Chair: professorship.
377–8. usque ad consummationem: Vulg. Matt. 28: 20 ('even unto the end of the world').
378. fidelis Testis: Vulg. Rev. 1: 5 ('a faithful witness').
383–90. God forbid … was: the three injunctions against despair mirror the preceding trio of attributes of the persons of the Trinity (ll. 372–83); typically, D counsels here against the negative pastoral consequences of extreme Calvinist predestinarianism.
396–7. The faithfull … it: a very free adaptation of Ps. 33: 4 (cf. marg. and tn), closest to Geneva: 'For the worde of the Lord is righteous, and all his workes are faithful.'
398. man … of Rome: the pope. Of these harsh epithets, D was particularly fond of the first; cf. D at St Paul's, Whitsunday 1627: 'There is a man, the man of sin, at Rome, that pretends to be Christ, to all uses' (PS vii.18.506–7); and again at St Paul's, Easter Day 1630 (PS ix.8.655). The second epithet is unique in D and rare after the mid–16th century; cf. John Bale's 'A Songe upon Benedictus', in A Newe Comedy or Enterlude (1562), STC 1288, L2r: 'Deus Israel … hath over throwne, the mightye Idoll Bell The false God of Rome, by power of the Gospell'.
399–401. Pope Stephen … Sergius: D here condenses, with less gruesomely comic detail, his treatment of the same in P-M (230): 'So it is familiar in the Popes … to annull the acts of one another. So Stephen the sixth or seventh, abrogated Omnes ordinationes of Pope Formosus, and digged him up, and cut of some of his fingers, and cast him into the Tiber, and made all to whom he had given Orders, take new Orders againe. And next yeare Pope Romanus abrogated all Stephens Acts; and within seven yeare after, came Sergius, who refreshed the hate against Formosus, and pg 248beheaded his body; the which I wonder how he found, since Pope Stephen had so long before cast it into Tiber.' There D gives his sources as Bartolomé Carranza, Summa Conaliorum et Pontificum, 'fos. 414, 415' (i.e. (Lyon, 1587), 2f6v–2f7r), and Severinus Binius, Concilia Generalia, 'tom. 3, pars 2, fo. 1047' (i.e. (Cologne, 1608), 4t2v).
401. [tn] Sergius: F26 and PS 'Servius' is incorrect; that D used the correct name from the same source in P-M (see prev. cmt) suggests a copyist's or typesetter's error here.
402–5. they send … Heresie: cf. D at Whitehall, 18 Apr., 1626: 'And thus they play with Divinity, as though after they had troubled all States with politicall Divinity, with their Bulls, and Breves of Rebus sic stantibus, That as long as things stood thus, this should be Catholique Doctrine, and otherwise, when otherwise' (OESJD iii.3.438–41 and cmt).
404. this State: in the sense of 'in this present condition', not a political 'state'.
406. 1500 … Apostles Creed: the shorter Creed adopted by the Western Church, and traditionally believed to have been composed by the Twelve Apostles; prescribed in BCP at Morning and Evening Prayer, and Baptism.
407. Trent Articles: the articles of the Counter-Reformation RC Council of Trent (1545–63), confirmed in 1564.
413–16. quod verax … testimonies: D here returns to Salmerón on this text (Dispvtationvm, B5v): 'Fidelis sermo dicitur verax, certus, ac fidedignus, & secum habens multa veritatis testimonia, quibus confirmetur.' ('"Faithful word" is to say "true", "certain", and "worthy of belief, and it has many true testimonies which confirm it.').
421–30. Latine-Fathers … homo: D summarizes Salmerón's argument and quotes his patristic examples (Dispvtationvm, B5v): 'Ambrosius legit, Humanus sermo, id est jocundus, & gratus peccatoribus. Similiter legit Augustinus, qui asserit sermonem esse humanum, & divinum, quia agebat de Christi adventu in carne, qui Deus est & homo. Sed Hieronymus ad Marcellam magis probat lectionem fidelis, quàm, humanus, ait enim: Illis placeat, humanus sermo, & omni acceptione dignus: nos cum Gnecis, id est cum Apostolo, qui Greecè locutus est, erremus: Fidelis sermo, nam si purè humanus esset, & non divinus, non esset omni acceptione dignus.' ('Ambrose reads "human word", that is, pleasing and acceptable to sinners. Augustine reads it similiarly, who asserts "word" to be human, and divine, because it relates to the coming of Christ in flesh, who is God and man. But Jerome to Marcella more completely proves the reading "faithful" over "human"; namely, he says, "They may choose to read, "it is a man's saying, and worthy of all acceptation"; we are content to err with the Greeks, that is to say with the apostle himself, who spoke Greek: "a faithful saying", for if it had been purely human, and not divine, it had not been "worthy of all acceptation"'; cf. Jerome, Epistolæ, Epist. XXVII (PL 22. 432; NPNF, 2nd ser., vi. 44). The portion of Jerome quoted by D from Salmerón is not found in either the Erasmian edns. (from 1516), nor those of the anti-Erasmian Jesuit Mariano Vittori (from 1564–5): cf. Divi Hieronymi Stridoniensis Epistolarvm Alter Tomus (Paris, 1602), t4v.
437. Alcoran … Talmud: the Koran ('al-Qur'an'), sacred book of Islam (for D, the 'Turks', l. 437, or Ottoman Empire); and the Talmud, or Hebr. Scriptures (= Christian OT). D had essayed the same comparatio at greater length in ED (8–9).
442. [tn] Alcoran: F26's 'Alcaron' is presumably a typesetter's error: cf. the correct spelling used at l. 437.
447. reversions: 'a thing or possession which a person expects to obtain' (OED, 'reversion', n.1, 3.a).
448. [tn] Antiquissimum: F26 'Antiquistrum' is not a word, and requires emendation; PS's suggestion, also supported by a contemporary pen corr. in F267, probably supplies the correct reading.
448. Antiquissimum: Lat., 'the most ancient'.
450–2. [tn] This … Christ: as this is both an exact and extensive quotation (Geneva, not AV), I standardize to ital; taken together with the likely omission of text immediately following (see next cmt), this passage may have been difficult for the typesetter to read in MS copy (perhaps it was an interlinear or marginal addition).
452. [tn] [ … ]: as PS observe (i. 341), 'words are unquestionably missing' here; their insertion of '[it be]' (i.8.505) provides the minimum grammatical object necessary for sense, but I suspect an even greater loss of text, which is impossible to reconstruct.
455. station: 'a place or position taken up as a viewpoint' (OED n., 1.c).
462–3. Angels … themselves: cf. Gal. 1: 8.
465. Approbation: 'the action of proving true; confirmation, attestation, proof (OED 1).
468–71. this word … Ecclesiasticall: cf. D's similar treatment of a similar noun on Whitsunday n.d.: 'This word, Justificare, To justifie, may be well considered three wayes; First as it is verbum vulgare, as it hath an ordinary and common use; And then as it is verbum forense, as it hath a civill and a legall use; And lastly, as it is verbum Ecclesiasticum, as it hath a Church use, as it hath been used amongst Divines.' (PS vii.8.367–71).
469–70. verbum civile … forense: I can find no other examples of D's first epithet (Lat., lit., 'a civil (civic) term'); it is perhaps his own coinage to parallel the second (Lat., lit., 'a legal term'), which was in common use.
472. Bonum nuntium: a Lat. transliteration of Gr. (cf. l. 18 cmt), which was a patristic commonplace; cf. Augustine, Sermones de Scripturis, 45.5: 'Evangelium enim latine bonus nuntius est' (PL 38. 266; '"Gospel" in fact in Lat. is "a good message"').
478. Ductilenesse: derivative of 'ductile' (adj.) as applied to persons: 'yielding readily to persuasion or instruction' (OED 3.; citing D as the first use); the noun form here is unique to D (OED, 'ductile', Derivatives, citing this example and Biathanatos).
478. credulity: 'readiness or inclination to believe' (OED 2.a).
483. [marg. tn] Rom. 12.1.: both printed states found in the collation are in error: either the reference is lacking entirely, or the correct chapter and verse in the citation are inverted, presumably by the typesetter.
8. A second sermon preached at White-Hall. April 21. 1618.
Text. F26, 2C3v–2E2v (no. 14,190–204; F262, 7 misnumber 190 as '189'). As throughout much of this folio, the typesetting is poor. The large majority of errors are due solely to inaccuracy, rather than to challenges clearly attributable to difficult MS copy (unlike this vol., Sermon 6; see Text). Moreover, relatively few errors were corrected in press: more than fifty incidental errors found in all copies, many probably due to fouled case, require editorial correction (typical are 'CospelP, 'willngly', 'Chtist', and 'execution'; cf. ll. 8, 92, 144, 309, tns). I have supplied two opening parentheses, in each case to complete a pair where the copy has only the closing element (ll. 212, 551, tns). I have also completed the inconsistent italicizing of the broken quotation of Hos. 11: 3 (l. 393 , tn; cf. ll. 396, 400–1). Several instances of missing letters are probably due to slipped type (cf. ll. 216, 245, 327, tns). Deficient latinity seems responsible for the use of two forms of the verb servare (instead of salvare) found in both a marg. heading and in D's main text (cf. ll. 360 marg., 362, tns and cmts). Since incorrect typesetting of the same verb twice seems unlikely, and since the error could hardly be