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CHAPTER X. 1682–1685

On 10 March 1682 Ashmole received a summons to appear at a masonic lodge to be held about noon the following day, at Masons' Hall, London.9 In a note for 11 March Ashmole pg 246gives the names of the nine other 'Fellowes' who attended this lodge and of six who were on this occasion 'admitted into the Fellowship of Free Masons'. He was himself the 'Senior Fellow' among those present. Ashmole and two of the new Fellows were at no time members of the Masons Company of the City of London, a fact of some interest in the early history of freemasonry, because it proves that, at this date, the lodge at Masons' Hall did not insist on such membership.1 'Wee all dyned at the halfe Moone Tavern in Cheapeside', Ashmole concludes his note of the event, 'at a Noble Dinner prepared at the charge of the New-accepted Masons.'2

On 29 March 1682 he communicated to the Royal Society three printed German treatises, 'concerning ye nature, Effects and Theory of Comets';3 they had probably been bought for him in Germany by Charles Bertie.4

Sir Charles Cotterell introduced Ashmole on 18 April 1682 to the Moroccan ambassador; the same day, two members of the ambassador's retinue dined at Ashmole's house.5 One of them, called Bomonsore (or Bomansur), dined there again on 17 June, when he gave Ashmole several excellent recipes.6 The ambassador himself came to dinner on 5 July.7 John Aubrey has noted that the ambassador wished to see Ashmole's rarities and also that he recommended to Ashmole a plaster of crushed snails as a remedy for his gout.8 On the morning before the ambassador's departure on 23 July,9 Ashmole made him a present of 'a large Magnifying Glass'.10

Other distinguished visitors to Ashmole's house in 1682 were the Marquis of Worcester and the Earl of Ailesbury who called on 20 May, accompanied by their eldest sons,11 and Lord Lansdown (later Lord Granville and Earl of Bath) who, together with Sir William Hayward, F.R.S., gave Ashmole 'a kinde visit' on 16 July.12

There is some evidence of Ashmole's communications in 1682 with the Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr. William pg 247Sancroft,1 with John Aubrey,2 and with the ever inquisitive Anthony Wood.3 John Dugdale, Windsor Herald, became a trustee of Ashmole's freehold property at South Lambeth in July 1682.4

Ashmole's talented protege George Smalridge 'was elected out of Westminster Schoole to goe to Christ Church in Oxford' on 17 May 1682.5

Only minor illnesses were noted. In May a painful boil which made it impossible for Ashmole to sit, or lie on his bed, was cured with poultices 'of whitebread Crums oyle of Roses, & Rose leaves', and with unguentum nutritum.6 At the beginning of June he suffered 'much torment' from constipation. When purging pills had relieved him, he noted on 13 June 1682: 'I went abroad againe, thanks be to God.'7

The Astrologers' Feast, mentioned in Ashmole's papers between 1649 and 1658 as an almost annual occasion, had apparently not been held for a long time. Ashmole noted that on 13 July 1682 the Feast was 'restored by Mr: Moxon', who was in all probability the mathematician, hydrographer, geographer, maker of mathematical instruments, author, and printer Joseph Moxon, since 1678 a Fellow of the Royal Society.8 The astrologer Obadiah Blagrave praised Ashmole as his patron and as 'most Eminently Accomplished in all Ingenious Literature' in a dedication, prefixed to an edition of his uncle Joseph Blagrave's Introduction to Astrology which appeared in the course of the same year.9

On 16 August 1682 Ashmole went to Oxford 'to see the building prepared to receiue my Rarities'. Between eight and nine o'clock the following morning, he 'first saw the said Building'.10 The Vice-Chancellor's accounts for the period from 25 October 1681 to 12 October 168211 make it likely that, at the time of Ashmole's visit, the outer structure and much of the carpentry and iron work were completed. Substantial bills were paid during that period, and partly at earlier dates, to the master mason Thomas Wood (who received a pg 248weekly wage of 10s. as a mason and occasional payments of £10 for stone-carving), to the carpenters Richard Frogley (or ffrogly) and William Longe, to the blacksmith William Young (who made the wrought iron gate in Broad Street),1 to Bernard Rawlins for leading and glazing, to the joiner John Wild for wainscoting, to Joab Dew for plaistering, and to a Mr. Hawkins 'for painting the Repository'. The same day, Ashmole dined with the Provost of the Queen's College, Dr. Timothy Halton, then Vice-Chancellor.2

After his return to London on 22 August,3 he drafted rules for the administration of the Museum to be called Ashmolean, and proposals for the establishment of an Ashmolean Professorship in Natural History and Chemistry. According to this draft, the University was to deposit in the Museum, along with Ashmole's gift, all rarities kept 'in the Phisick & Anatomy Schoole', 'except such as are necessary for the Anatomy Lecture'; all rarities that would be given to the University in future times were also to be deposited there. The Vice-Chancellor, the Dean of Christ Church, and the Principal of Brasenose College were to undertake a visitation of the Museum once every three years. The rarities were to be shown to the public throughout the year, except on Sundays and holidays, from 8 to 11 a.m. and from 2 to 5 p.m.; in the winter the Museum would close at 4 p.m.; the person appointed to show the rarities would be obliged to 'constant attendance' during these times. No rarities, books or other things should be 'lent or taken out of ye Musaeum by any person, upon any pretence whatsoever'. The first Professor would be Dr. Robert Plot, who would have to prepare a catalogue of all the rarities within two years after their arrival at the Museum. Mr. Ashmole would endow the professorship, for the time being, with £20 p.a. and would 'give his personall security to the University' for the payment of this sum during his lifetime. After his and his wife's deaths, lands of a sufficient annual yield would be settled on the University in perpetuity to provide for the endowment. pg 249'Yet in case the said University shall happen to be dissolued in their lyfetime', these obligations were to become void. If, on the other hand, Mr. Ashmole decided to acquire land for the purpose during his lifetime, 'then the University shall use their diligence to procure a good Bargaine'. The Professor would be entitled to a further £40 annually 'out of the profits & advantages arising by shewing the said Rarities', for his own maintenance and that of an assistant; any surplus which might accrue was to be handed over annually to the Vice-Chancellor and was to be used for the purchase of other rarities or for such other purposes 'as Mr: Ashmole shall consent unto'. Mr. Ashmole and, after his death, his wife would have the right to appoint and to dismiss the professor in charge of the Museum who would be obliged to give lectures. A further proviso testifies to one of Ashmole's weaknesses; it states 'That Mr Ashmole soe endowing a Professor as aforesaid shalbe acknowledged a Benefactor and Founder, & that all Honors & Respects done or fit to be done to such Benefactor & Founder, shalbe paid & allowed to him'. Lastly, Ashmole reserved for himself the right 'to make Rules & Orders to be observed by the Professor, & such person as shall shew the Rarities' which, with the approval of the University, should 'haue the force of a Statute'.

On 30 September 1682 Ashmole communicated these proposals to Dr. John Fell, Dean of Christ Church and Bishop of Oxford, through the Master of University College, Obadiah Walker,1 who, at an earlier stage of the negotiations, appears to have persuaded Ashmole that 'To give the rarities without setling a Professor will not bee so advantagious to learning & the University, nor so honourable for the Donor'; at least, this was stated in a memorandum written by Walker which appears to have been the basis of Ashmole's proposals.2

The Ashmolean professorship was never founded. One of Ashmole's early biographers, Dr. Richard Rawlinson, mentions in 1719 that Ashmole's intention to found and endow a lecture in Natural Philosophy and to make

an ample and generous Allowance to the Keeper of his Musaeum … was stifled in Embrio by the influence of a Person who was possessed pg 250of an eminent Post in the Church, and in some of his elegant and polite Writings had dropt some Expressions savouring of Socinianism, which being not undeservedly, and unanswerably attacked by a Member of this University, it was so highly resented, that his Interest with our Author [i.e. Ashmole] stopt the Design, and the place still remains unendowed.

A note in Dr. Richard Rawlinson's hand, in the margin of this printed text, identifies the suspect churchman as Dr. John Tillotson, then Dean, and later (1691) Archbishop, of Canterbury.1 No other source referring to this intrigue is known, and Tillotson's name does not once occur in Ashmole's papers, but there is no reason to doubt the truth of Dr. Richard Rawlinson's report.

On 12 October 1682 Ashmole received a letter from Grinling Gibbons who desired astrological advice.2 The letter suggests that Grinling Gibbons was then engaged in carving one of the magnificent frames of three portraits, formerly in Ashmole's possession, which are preserved in the Ashmolean Museum.3

The Lord Chancellor, the Earl of Nottingham, sent for Ashmole on 23 October 1682. Ashmole dined at the Lord Chancellor's residence and was asked by him to cure his rheumatism, but 'would not undertake the Cure'; he may have realized that his host was a dying man.4 The Lord Chancellor's request suggests that Ashmole had acquired a reputation in court circles for the efficacy of remedies, medical or magical, which he had recommended.

The Astrologers' Feast was held at the Three Cranes in Chancery Lane on 29 January 1683, Sir Edward Dering and William Wagstaffe, Town Clerk of the City of London, acting as stewards. Ashmole's note of the event conveys the impression that he attended the Feast.5

On 10 February 1683 Dr. Robert Plot, then at Oxford, wrote to Dr. Martin Lister, F.R.S., at York, that the building of the Ashmolean Museum was 'just now finish't' and ready to receive those 'Natural Curiosities' (mainly shells, fossils, and minerals) which this eminent physician, naturalist, and antiquary intended to give to the University; two Roman pg 251altars, which were to be Dr. Lister's first gift to the Museum, would be built into Wren's wall, adjoining the east entrance of the building;1 on 16 February, Plot continues, he would go to London where he would spend about a month cataloguing and packing Mr. Ashmole's collection.2 Ashmole noted for 15 February 1683 that he began to put the rarities into cases.3 There were twenty-six cases in all, some of them very large.4 They were conveyed to Oxford by water. The last load went to the barge on 14 March,5 and twelve carts containing Ashmole's gift arrived at the Museum on 20 March 1683.6 Ashmole had intended to accompany his treasures, but was prevented 'by necessary Occasions', as he informed the Vice-Chancellor,7 but probably also by the gout in his feet which, in March and April, gave him much trouble and prevented him for a long time from leaving his house.8

Ashmole's benefactions to the Museum in 1683 included not only the Tradescant rarities, but apparently also large additions from his own collections. The Book of Benefactors, which Dr. Plot instituted soon after his appointment, mentions zoological specimens (including monsters), corals, precious stones, metals, minerals, 'metallica',9 aromatic substances, materia medica of all kinds; arms, garments, ornaments, idols, sacrificial vessels, urns, and lachrymatories of Roman and other origins; also coins, pictures, and other notable rarities.10 Probably in order to encourage the formation of a library, Ashmole also gave to the Museum in 1683 a number of books, including his work on the Garter, and a small collection of royal and other charters and of letters of credence.11 Portraits of Charles II and of his brother James, pg 252and a gold medal, which William Lilly had received from the King of Sweden in 1658, were added at unknown later dates.1

Ashmole also sent to the Museum in 1683, probably in time for the opening, a portrait of himself, which has been attributed to John Riley. On 2 February the picture had been returned to South Lambeth, probably by Grinling Gibbons whose elaborate frame still adorns it.2 The portrait was hung in the large room on the first floor (the Musaeum Ashmoleanum proper) where Thomas Molyneux saw it at some date before 17 July 1683.3 The painter made Ashmole look much younger than his sixty-five years4 and flatteringly presented him as the elegant courtier whose part he knew so well. He is seen wearing the gold chain and medal of the Prince Elector of Brandenburg. His right hand rests proudly on a sumptuously bound copy of his book on the Order of the Garter; the praemia honoraria, which he had received from Charles II, from the Earl Marshal, from the King of Denmark, and from the Prince Elector Palatine, are displayed on the same table as the book.5

By the beginning of May 1683 'the rarities were all fixed in their distinct cabinets & places' as Anthony Wood noted. As early as a few days after their arrival at Oxford, a nickname had been coined for the new institution; punning on the name 'Elaboratory', by which some understood the whole building and not only the vaulted laboratory in the basement, others called it 'the Knick-knackatory' or 'Knackatory'.6

The building and its contents were for the first time presented to the world on the occasion of a royal visit to Oxford on 21 May 1683. After a ceremony in the Sheldonian Theatre, the Duke and Duchess of York and the Lady Anne (later Queen Anne) proceeded with their numerous retinue to the Ashmolean Museum, 'the organ playing while they departed', the Vice-Chancellor, Dr. John Lloyd, the Bishop of Oxford, Dr. John Fell, the Proctors, and the Doctors pg IN33


Elias Ashmole; c. 1682. Attributed to John Riley. Frame by Grinling Gibbons Ashmolean Museum

Elias Ashmole; c. 1682. Attributed to John Riley. Frame by Grinling Gibbons Ashmolean Museum

pg IN34


Robert Plot, D.C.L., F.R.S. (1640–96), first Keeper of the Ashmolean Museum and Professor of Chemistry. By an unknown artist. Bodleian Library; on loan to the Museum of the History of Science, Oxford

Robert Plot, D.C.L., F.R.S. (1640–96), first Keeper of the Ashmolean Museum and Professor of Chemistry. By an unknown artist. Bodleian Library; on loan to the Museum of the History of Science, Oxford

pg 253of all faculties 'attending in their formalities'. Dr. Plot1 received the illustrious company at the entrance 'with a set speech' in English. Their Royal Highnesses 'were entertained first with the rarities in the upper room, & afterwards with a sumptuous banquet there, at the charge of ye University. Then they went downe to the Elaboratory, where the[y] saw some experiments to their great satisfaction'.2

Yeomen Bedels went to the colleges and halls on 23 May to give notice to all doctors and masters that the Ashmolean Museum would be open the next day,3 and many of them viewed the rarities in the upper room in the afternoon of 24 May. 'Many that are delighted with new phil[osophy]. are taken with them', Anthony Wood noted, 'but some for ye old—look upon them as ba[u]bles'. Anthony Wood observed also that no Christ Church men had come.4

Ashmole himself attended neither the reception in honour of the royal visitors nor the one given to the University. On 26 May he addressed to the Vice-Chancellor a letter in which he desired him to signify his donation to the University officially; when the Tradescants' collection of rarities had come into his hands he had been tempted 'to part with them for a very considerable Sum of money'5 and had also been 'press't by honourable Persons to consigne them to another Society', but he firmly resolved to deposit them nowhere but at Oxford. The only written conditions which Ashmole attached to his donation were that the custody of the rarities should, during his lifetime, remain with him and those appointed by him, and further that he should have the right to make regulations for their keeping. The letter concludes with a hint at 'further Gifts and Endowments'.6

On 4 June Convocation was informed of Ashmole's letter to the Vice-Chancellor, accepted the donation, and approved the text of a letter of thanks in Latin which the University addressed to Ashmole the same day.7 On 6 June 1683 the Ashmolean Museum was for the first time opened to the public.8

pg 254A contemporary carmen academicum by John Dolben, entitled Museum Ashmolianum, which praises Ashmole's generosity as well as the Tradescants' genius,1 and also the above-mentioned letter from Ashmole to the Vice-Chancellor, disprove an opinion advanced in the nineteenth century, according to which Ashmole 'exhibited a rather mean ambition to exclude' the Tradescants 'from participating in the honour of the gift'.2 The merits of the founder of the first public museum in Great Britain were better assessed by Dr. Robert Plot, who wrote in 1686:

He hath obliged the learned world with many curious books, and lately the University of Oxford with the best History of Nature, Arts, and Antiquities, to be seen any where in the world; not in print, or Sculpture, but in a generous donation of the real things themselves; wherewith they have furnish't the new Musaeum lately there erected, and gratefully stiled it (as a perpetual memorial of so noble a benefaction) the Musaeum Ashmoleanum.3

The building of the Museum exhausted the financial resources of the University to such an extent that, for several years after its completion, no books could be bought for the Bodleian Library.4 An analysis of the Vice-Chancellor's accounts shows that the total cost amounted to c. £4,530, of which c. £560 were paid for the site, c. £3,800 for the structure, c. £90 for fittings, and £80 to Henry Davis, Bailiff of the University, 'for overseeing the worke at Dr. Ashmole's Repository'.5 Besides those already mentioned,6 the accounts7 enumerate payments to Burrows, an ironmonger, who provided locks and bolts; to Thomas Robinson, mason; to John Wild and one Mynne, for cases with drawers; to Christopher White for tin, copper, and iron vessels, probably for the laboratory;8 and to Thomas Wood for a chimney-piece of pg IN35


The east front of the Ashmolean Museum; c. 1685. Engraving by Michael Burghers

The east front of the Ashmolean Museum; c. 1685. Engraving by Michael Burghers

pg IN36pg 255white marble in the Schola Naturalis Historiae on the ground floor; this chimney-piece was 'stained up and down with red, inch deep … by an art invented by one at Oxford [presumably William Byrd]'.1

Thomas Molyneux, who visited the Ashmolean Museum shortly after the opening, mentions that the walls of the large room on the first floor were 'all hung round with John Tradescant's rarieties, and several others of Mr. Ashmol's own gathering'; that the Schola Naturalis Historiae, where Dr. Plot read his lectures on chemistry, 'was very spacious and high, curiously wainscoted'; the Officina Chymica in the basement, he states, was 'very cold, even in the summer time' and 'very well contrived with great variety of furnaces, and those very convenient for all the operations in chymistry'.2 The German traveller and diarist Zacharias Conrad von Uffenbach, the younger, mentions in 1710 that these furnaces, decorated with architectural and other embellishments of the most costly kind, had mostly been suggested by Robert Boyle.3

Dr. Plot was appointed Professor of Chemistry in the course of the same year.4 When the laboratory in the Museum was 'quite finisht' about the middle of September 1683, he began holding a chemical colloquium with certain scholars, who met every Friday in the Schola Naturalis Historiae.5 This group was the nucleus of a larger body, interested in all fields of experimental science, the 'Oxford Society', which constituted itself on 26 October 1683 and which from 11 March 1684 until about 1690 flourished in the Ashmolean Museum under the name of 'The Philosophical Society of Oxford'.6 The 'director of experiments', Dr. Plot, who was also Secretary of the Royal Society of London from 30 November 1682 to 30 November 1684,7 was a capable organizer and the very man to foster and to develop the impulse which the foundation of the Museum had given to science. A similar society was formed in Dublin pg 256in December 1683,1 and there were frequent communications between the three societies.2

Ashmole exchanged correspondence in 1683 with William Hutchinson, a Protonotary in Chancery in 1668, who, in a letter of 15 March, thanked Ashmole for an orange from the garden at South Lambeth, 'a great Raritie', which Ashmole had presented to Mrs. Hutchinson.3 One of two letters from Theodore Haak, F.R.S., concerns mainly distinguished foreign visitors who wished to see Ashmole's collections at South Lambeth.4

Major Robert Huntingdon, formerly Receiver General and Cashier of the Excise, called there on 8 April.5 On 16 October he dined at Ashmole's house with the six other Commissioners of the Excise who had been appointed on 7 May 1683.6 From 24 June 1683 onward, the Excise was no longer in farm but under the direct management of the Commissioners.7

Anthony Bowyer and his wife called at South Lambeth on 24 April 1683.8 Four young Swedes of noble birth were received by Ashmole on 13 June.9

At some date before 17 July, Ashmole showed Thomas Molyneux 'several exotic plants in his garden', his collection of manuscripts, his gold coins (more than 200 of them Roman and Greek), the gold chains and medals he had received from foreign princes, and the splendid view from the top of his house. His manuscripts, Ashmole told Thomas Molyneux, concerned mainly alchemy, antiquarian subjects, poetry, and medicine; he intended to bequeath his whole library, the gold chains, medals, 'and all the rest of his curiosities' to the University of Oxford.10

At a dinner given by the Archbishop of Canterbury on 23 September 1683, Ashmole made the acquaintance of Dr. Martin Lister,11 who has already been mentioned as a pg 257benefactor of the Ashmolean Museum. The following day, Dr. Lister dined at Ashmole's house in the company of David Riesman, Secretary to the Prince Elector Palatine, of Fritz Dietrich Spiegel von Peckelsheim, a Westphalian nobleman, and of the German poet Christopherus Fürer von Haimendorff, of Nuremberg.1

A famous German orientalist, Job Ludolph (or Leutholf), called at South Lambeth on 17 September and dined there with his son on 8 October 1683.2 Ashmole presented him with one of his books3 and took leave of him before he returned to Germany.4 A letter of thanks (in perfect English) which Ludolph addressed to Ashmole from Paris on 21 December 1683 mentions Ashmole's 'delightful country house' and expresses the hope that Ashmole would continue their acquaintance by correspondence. Ludolph also reminded Ashmole in this letter of the curiosity he had expressed in his and his son's nativities. 'I should be glad to hear', he wrote, 'whether you have done anything about it, and whether you have found in my constellation the representation of a busy and restlesse humor.'5

On 10 October 1683 John Heysig, a Swede who in the course of the same year gave three runic calendars, a tabula antiquitatum runicarum, and two coins to the Ashmolean Museum, received from Ashmole a copy of his work on the Garter and a present of three gold buckles from Mrs. Ashmole.6

A Latin inscription in Gothic letters, which had been 'found cut on a Stone in the wall of a Roome on the South side of Windsor Castle, where the Magazine was kept. 1683 being a descent of 12 steps below the levell of the Court', was copied by Ashmole in facsimile.7 On 16 June 1683 he transcribed a strange report the Earl of Radnor had received from his correspondent in Vienna on portents foreboding a possible expulsion of the Turks from the Christian territories they had invaded.8

Anthony Wood asked Ashmole in a letter of 25 August 1683 to let him have certain particulars of his career, which Wood wished to mention in his 'Oxford Library of writers' pg 258(i.e. the Athenae Oxonienses).1 At Wood's suggestion, Ashmole dictated his answers to these queries to Dr. Robert Plot, who transmitted them to Wood on 29 December 1683.2

A curious note for 2 February 1683 is the only one in Ashmole's papers suggesting that he performed alchemical or chemical experiments.3 He 'acquainted Mr: Woolrich [i.e. probably John Worlidge, or Woolridge] (in part) with the Secret of raising flowers from a Virgin Earth'.4 'Virgin earth' is a substantia arcana frequently mentioned in alchemical texts but may equally well denote here an earth dug up from great depths which, when sealed up in a glass, was supposed to produce a flora of various kinds by spontaneous generation.5

In the notes concerning his health, Ashmole mentions in 1683, besides the gout, the repeated taking of purging pills (which sometimes 'wrought very well'),6 'a Sweat',7 and the application of leeches.8 On 26 September he felt 'a Stitch' in his left hip and, two days later, was 'very much troubled with it'.9 A boil under his chin and a 'long fit' of vertigo in December10 heralded, perhaps, internal disorders of which the first symptoms appeared in 1684.

The Bishop of Lincoln, Dr. Thomas Barlow, had received, in trust for the University of Oxford, a bequest of some 300 ancient coins. When Ashmole heard of this bequest, he called on Dr. Barlow to tell him he had reason to hope that the University would deposit these coins in the Ashmolean Museum. Dr. Barlow informed the Vice-Chancellor, Dr. John Lloyd, in a letter of unknown date11 that Ashmole had also mentioned 'a condition or Covenant made between him & the University that what Raritys were given to the University (pro futuro) shou'd be placed amongst his'. It is not likely that any such stipulation existed in writing,12 but Ashmole's remark suggests that a verbal agreement on the lines of the proposals for the administration of the Museum pg 259which he had communicated to Dr. John Fell on 30 September 16821 had been concluded. Dr. Barlow advised the Vice-Chancellor to grant Ashmole's request, 'he having (which he shew'd me) many MSS & other things of good value which he intends for the University'. The coins were deposited in the Ashmolean Museum in 1684.2

Dr. Plot recommended to Ashmole a son of the Bishop of Bergen and a Prussian gentleman, Godfried Ross, both of whom called at South Lambeth on 4 February 1684.3

On 5 March he received from the Steward of St. Thomas's Hospital, Southwark, a green staff in token of his election to the board of Governors. Samuel Pepys was made a Governor of St. Thomas's Hospital about the same time.4

Major Robert Huntingdon dined at Ashmole's house on 6 April 1684.5 Ashmole's note of his death on 21 April 1684 is followed by an entry for the same date, recording that Thomas Henshaw, Dr. (George?) Rogers, Dr. More (possibly John Moore, D.D.) and Dr. (Francis?) Bernard dined with him.6 A visit from Sir Thomas Walcot, Puisne Justice of the King's Bench, was noted for 19 May.7

On 5 May 1684 Ashmole laid the foundation stone of a new stable at South Lambeth, probably at an astrologically elected time.8 The time of the arrival there of two coach horses on 18 July 1684 was likewise carefully noted.9 The coach, which Ashmole had evidently bought to be less hampered in his movements by the ailments of old age, arrived on 22 July.10

The next day he went to Oxford11 to see 'in what condition the Musaeum Ashmoleanum, & the Furniture consign'd to it, stand'.12 Certain papers, which John Aubrey had asked Ashmole to deliver to Anthony Wood, were left for him with a letter expressing Ashmole's regret at not having found him in Oxford.13 An illness of the Vice-Chancellor, Dr. John Lloyd, prevented Ashmole from calling on him.14 On 18 August, a fortnight after Ashmole's return to London, pg 260Dr. Plot, who had been 'sent from Oxford', called at South Lambeth.1 Perhaps as a result of this meeting Ashmole informed the Vice-Chancellor in a letter of 1 September2 that, in his opinion, it was advisable to institute an annual visitation of the Ashmolean Museum (instead of one every three years, as he had formerly proposed3); in addition to the Vice-Chancellor, the Dean of Christ Church, and the Principal of Brasenose (mentioned in Ashmole's previous proposals), the Regius Professor of Medicine and the two Proctors should be appointed Visitors; any regulations for the administration of the Museum, which the Visitors might decide to make, should not infringe upon the founder's right to make such regulations himself nor on his right of custody;4 'an honorary respect', i.e. a fee, should be paid to the Visitors at the time of each visitation. On 19 September 1684 Ashmole's new proposals were read in Convocation.5

On 4 August 1684 Ashmole received at South Lambeth several French gentlemen, whose names he did not record, and Johannes Serenius Chodowiecky, a Pole, who left a note of his addresses at Danzig and Berlin, and promised Ashmole to send him 'some Account of Albert de Lascky the Polish Count Palatine with whome Dr. Dee went into Germany'.6 Evidently Ashmole's interest in any particulars that might elucidate the life of John Dee had not diminished.

In a letter from Blyth Hall of 16 August 1684, Sir William Dugdale informed Ashmole of various ecclesiastical abuses prevailing in the diocese of Lichfield and Coventry, whose careless Bishop, Dr. Thomas Wood, had recently been suspended. Sir William desired Ashmole to forward the information to the Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr. William Sancroft, at their next meeting.7

In the morning of 16 October 1684 Ashmole received a mysterious letter, written the previous day and signed W. Y., from a person who offered to prove by 'a candid demonstration' and 'upon good & just termes' that he was 'a reall Son of Art', namely, alchemy. The letter abounds with alchemical jargon and concludes with the suggestion that Ashmole pg 261should appoint the time of a meeting at which 'somewhat more' of the writer's experience in alchemy might be displayed to Ashmole's 'full satisfaction'. Ashmole calculated a horoscope of the time at which the letter had arrived (8.30 a.m.) to find out 'whether it will turn to my advantage / and he be a philosopher'. The interpretation of the horoscope yielded an entirely negative answer. The pretended adept gave Ashmole 'the first visit' at 8.30 p.m. the same day, which implies that there was at least one other meeting. He gave his name as William Yearwell and his address as 'at the two black posts next the White Lion in Great Russell Street', but when Ashmole tried to find him there on 17 December 1684 he 'could find no such sign as the White Lion / nor could hear of such a man at any of the houses that had black post[s]'.1 The impostor had vanished.

Anthony Wood dined at South Lambeth on 20 October 1684; in the afternoon, Ashmole showed him his manuscripts 'and other thinges'.2

In a letter of 25 October 1684, John Aubrey asked Ashmole to induce Sir William Dugdale to remove from a list of regicides, which he had published and intended to publish again, the name of Edmund Wyld, Aubrey's patron, and not to mention that of Edmund's second cousin George Wyld.3 Ashmole agreed that Edmund Wyld had not been one of Charles I's judges, but found that George Wyld had been one of them.4

On 19 November 1684 Dr. Robert Plot presented Ashmole with a copy of his book De Origine Fontium (Oxford, 1685). A letter of dedication to Ashmole, which is prefixed to this work, mentions that the treatise owed much to Ashmole's encouragement, that it was written in the Ashmolean Museum, and that it had been read at meetings of the Philosophical Society of Oxford; Dr. Plot acknowledged also his personal indebtedness to Ashmole's favour.5

On 8 December 1684 Theodore Haak brought to Ashmole's house a Mr. Bowen, of Upton, Pembrokeshire, who has not been identified with certainty.6

pg 262Certain documents of 1684 provide evidence of Ashmole's continued interest in the affairs of the Order of the Garter. The installation on 8 April of Prince George of Denmark, the husband of Princess Anne, was noted and described in several of Ashmole's manuscripts.1 On 5 December he sent the Bishop of Winchester, Dr. Peter Mews, a copy of his book on the Order, with a letter mentioning that it was his custom to present a copy to every new Knight or Officer of the Order; Dr. Mews succeeded the late Bishop of Winchester, George Morley, in December 1684 as Prelate of the Order.2 At a Chapter on 9 December 1684, John Dugdale was sworn Deputy Garter King of Arms, for his father, who was 'very aged, & for his healths sake absent'. Ashmole assisted in drafting John Dugdale's oath and later the minutes of the Chapter.3 On 10 December he gave a list of 'Mistakes to be rectified in the Liber Carolinus' to the Bishop of Ely, Dr. Francis Turner, who had ceased to be Register of the Order on 9 December.4

An extensive pedigree of the Napier family was prepared by Ashmole in the course of 1684.5 A report on 'the strange cure of one Wallis of Stamford', which Sir William Dugdale had received from Dr. Laurence Womock, Bishop of St. David's, was copied at some date after 7 January;6 so was a letter describing the trances and visions of a maid in Cornwall which Robert Sterrell, chaplain to the Earl of Radnor, lent Ashmole for transcription on 15 August 1684.7

Ashmole's notes of his health contain a number of entries for 1684 which indicate a septic condition and a general weakening of his resistance, suggesting, in view of later entries, diabetes. An irritation of the skin near his rump, which he noticed on 6 August,8 was at first treated by purging and with leeches and poultices.9 On 15 August William Lilly's friend, the apothecary Thomas Agar, of Kingston-upon-Thames, applied a balsam.10 Two days later, 'The soare began to breake'.11 Diarrhoea lasting two days supervened.12 Thomas Agar lanced the inflammation on 24 August.13 Again pg 263two days later, Ashmole was exceedingly troubled with constipation;1 and on 31 August he was again lanced, 'to prevent a Fistula',2 this time apparently with good success, for he noted for 10 September that 'the soare neere my Fundament was healed'. On 24 November, however, his teeth 'began to be loose'.3

Mrs. Ashmole, too, was in poor health. Her rheumatism is mentioned in 1682.4 The horoscope of an 'Election for my wife to put on a sigil of CHAPTER X. 1682–1685 [Jupiter]' was calculated by Ashmole on 15 April 1684.5 Dr. Martin Lister was consulted and agreed on 22 December 1684 to 'undertake her'.6

John Dugdale and his wife were staying at Ashmole's house early in January 1685. Ashmole was 'very zealous' in instructing his brother-in-law in all matters relating to his new office of Deputy Garter King of Arms. On Ashmole's advice, John Dugdale had presented to the King on New Year's Day a roll of the nobility of England, showing their order of precedence.7

A brief note for 6 February 1685 expresses well the affection in which Ashmole had always held the person of the King: 'King Charles the 2nd my gratious Master died.'8

The country had been without a Parliament since the dissolution in March 1681, which had been occasioned by the declared intention of the House of Commons to exclude James, Duke of York, and any other Roman Catholic from the succession. Writs for a parliamentary election were issued soon after James II's accession. Towards the end of February, Ashmole had to provide the Archbishop of Canterbury with advice on the ceremonial of the impending coronation.9

On 2 March he received a letter from Simon Marten, Junior Bailiff of Lichfield, inviting him in the name of the Bailiffs and the majority of the Twenty-one Brethren of the city to be their candidate in the election, together with Sir Francis Lawley, Bt., of Canwell Priory, Staffordshire. The letter alludes to Ashmole's merits as a signal benefactor of the city and gives expression to the citizens' wish to atone for the ingratitude they had shown him in the by-election of pg 2641677–8.1 Simon Marten had previously been one of Ashmole's clerks, presumably in the Excise Office,2 and was a son of Simon Marten the elder, who had been a friend of Ashmole and of his parents. A letter of the same date from the Dean of Lichfield, Dr. Lancelot Addison (the father of the essayist), assured Ashmole of the support of the Dean and Chapter.3

Ashmole replied on 3 March that he would stand. As in the by-election of 1677–8, he may have been guided in this decision by the wish to secure parliamentary representation of the Excise Office.4 Again, he did not go to Lichfield to direct the canvassing which, nevertheless, began to proceed satisfactorily. Simon Marten reported on 7 March that Ashmole's friends had been 'twyce over the Citty to try the affections of our Neighbours' and had found them 'very firme & secure'; the previous night, a Captain Thomas Orme, of Hanch Hall, Longdon, Staffordshire, had arrived in the city to contest the election and had spent £5 in treating the voters ; in contrast with this lavishness, the Tailors' Company had been successfully treated to a glass of ale by Simon Marten and other leaders of Ashmole's party for a mere 25s.; the companies of the Saddlers, Glovers, Whittawers, and Fellmongers were also treated by them, with equally good results, though only 20s. was spent on their entertainment. Simon Marten also informed Ashmole that he need not apologize for not appearing; it was realized how much he would be occupied by the coronation ; his friends would try to find 'some worthy person' who could represent him at the election.5 Sir John Floyer, M.D., whose wife was a daughter of Sir Henry Archbold, Ashmole's secret informant during the previous election, wrote to him: 'Your Interest consists of ye better sort of persons and if ye rabble recede not from their Ingagements wee can outvote Capt Orme.'6

On 10 March Ashmole waited on Sir Francis Lawley,7 probably with the object of securing his co-operation against Captain Orme. Sir Francis declared, however, after he began his canvassing at Lichfield on 16 March, 'that for his part pg 265hee did resolve to stand upon his owne leggs' and would not join his interest with Ashmole's or that of anyone else.1

On 12 March 1685 the Bailiffs received a letter which a member of the House of Lords, probably Lord Dartmouth, had sent to Sir John Floyer, recommending the candidature of Richard Leveson, Groom of the Bedchamber to James II. The Bailiffs convened a Common Hall; Sir John Floyer, Dean Addison, the Steward of the city, and Captain Orme were asked to attend. Captain Orme declared that he would not stand down. The Bailiffs' reply to the Lord's letter declared that it was, therefore, not in their power to serve Mr. Leveson, 'interests on both sydes being made soe very great & the addresse to us by Mr Leveson so late'.2

Robert Wright, one of Ashmole's well-wishers in Lichfield, warned him in a letter of 16 March of 'the ignominious and reproachfull language of so mean so base and villanous a fellow as John Lamb' who was trying to damage his interest with 'vile aspersions' wherever Sir Francis Lawley and Captain Orme held public meetings, saying 'that Mr. Ashmole was a pittifull Excise man, a cheating fellowe & cheated ye country'.3 Ashmole's reply of 24 March contains a passage which throws light on the opinion he held of his position in the generally unpopular Excise.

There is little reason [he wrote] why I should be called Pittifull Exciseman, for I am not one in the usuall sence; but am set over the whole Revenue of the Excise by the King, to Controll & Check the Accounts thereof, & see that the Officers imployed in that affaire, doe not deceive the King of what they receive from the People: Soe that my Office (if rightly considered) should rather gaine me the good esteeme of the People then calumnious reproach.4

The Commissioners of the Excise had instructed their Collector at Lichfield to support Ashmole's interest in every way possible.5 Simon Marten reported on 21 March that Captain Orme's interest was stronger than Ashmole's friends had originally expected; the Captain was very active and did much of the canvassing himself. On the other hand, Sir Francis Lawley had left Lichfield, and his party had slightly decreased, to Ashmole's advantage. Simon Marten also pg 266informed Ashmole that Mr. Richard Leveson's father had approached him and had tried in vain to enlist support for his son.1 The same day another citizen of Lichfield wrote to his father, employed in the Excise Office, that both Sir Francis Lawley and Captain Orme had spent considerable sums on treating, which weakened Ashmole's interest, because 'he that is most out of site is the most out of mynd'.2

On 23 March Lord Dartmouth informed Ashmole that the King would take it kindly if he gave way to Richard Leveson. Two days earlier, Richard Leveson himself had called on Ashmole and tried to persuade him to resign. Ashmole refused on both occasions, pointing out that he could not desert his friends at Lichfield who had already gone to much trouble in promoting his interest. Lord Dartmouth told Ashmole on 24 March that the King had asked Lord Grandison to request Captain Orme to stand down; he would be very pleased to hear that Ashmole, too, had withdrawn. Ashmole replied that, if the King commanded, he would obey, but that he felt sure the King would prefer him to Mr. Leveson if he knew the reasons impelling him to stand. The conversation ended inconclusively.3

The following day Ashmole waited on the Lord High Treasurer, Lord Rochester, and 'desired him to know the Kings Pleasure'. To his disappointment, Lord Rochester confirmed Lord Dartmouth's account when he had spoken to the King. Ashmole then immediately wrote, on 26 March, to Simon Marten to inform him of his resignation. He asked him also to acquaint his friends at Lichfield with the reason of his withdrawal and to thank them for their kindness; all expenses they had incurred in canvassing would be paid by him, and he would send an additional £10 for a 'Collation' to be given to them.4

Meanwhile the Senior Bailiff, Edward Wilson, had entertained some of the city companies in the absence of Simon Marten, who reported on 28 March that, when they had heard of the refusal Ashmole had given to Lord Dartmouth, there had been much rejoicing among them, for they had previously been told by Captain Orme's friends that Ashmole pg 267would resign; during the last week Ashmole's party had become considerably stronger than before; the more recent news of Ashmole's withdrawal from the election had caused much confusion; the news would not be believed by most of the companies, although they had seen Ashmole's last letter; unless he would send yet another letter to the same effect, they were resolved 'to crye up' Ashmole's name 'even to the very day of Election' and would not abandon his interest 'for never a Gentleman's in England'.1

The Bailiffs and the majority of the Twenty-one Brethren resolved on 28 March to support Richard Leveson's candidature,2 but the majority of the voters still clung to Ashmole's interest,3 as Simon Marten had predicted. When Ashmole heard of this unexpected situation, he decided to inform the King. The King told him on 31 March that he had not known of Ashmole's candidature when he encouraged Richard Leveson to stand; if he had known, he would not have done anything to hinder Ashmole's election, especially as he had a very high opinion of his loyalty, 'but now he had gon so far, he could not goe back'. Ashmole replied, he was 'all obedience', which the King 'tooke very kindly'. With much regret he then wrote the second letter for which Simon Marten had asked, to prove his resignation to the voters. In this letter he entreated his friends to give their votes to Richard Leveson and not to himself, unless this could be done without opposing the election of the King's favourite.4

Yet even on 5 and 6 April some of Ashmole's supporters were not convinced of his resignation and continued to procure votes for him.5 On the day of the election, 9 April, there were disturbances in the city and much perplexity and confusion among the voters, caused mainly by a stratagem which one Thomas Hammond had invented in order to boost Sir Francis Lawley's vote. In the absence of Simon Marten and without his knowledge, Hammond had given out, a few days before the election, that Ashmole would oppose Richard Leveson; Thomas Hammond had hoped to gain thereby so many votes for Ashmole from Richard Leveson's party that pg 268the votes for Sir Francis Lawley would outnumber those for Richard Leveson. City companies were again treated for the purpose and, on one of these occasions, the silver bowl, which Ashmole had presented to the Bailiffs in 1666, was produced to drink his health. Consequently, on the morning of polling day, a considerable number of votes was cast for Ashmole, although his friends, especially Simon Marten who realized how prejudicial Thomas Hammond's stratagem might be to Ashmole's reputation, did their best all the while to convince the voters that Ashmole was not standing. In the afternoon, the Sheriff's Court supervising the election 'began to Understand the trick', and so the polling for Ashmole ceased.1

In Simon Marten's opinion, Sir Francis Lawley was 'very ill dealt with', an adjournment for which he had asked not being granted by the Sheriff, and many of his votes being rejected while several for Richard Leveson were admitted from such as had no right to vote.2 Captain Orme polled 243 votes, Richard Leveson 200; Sir Francis Lawley, who lost the day, 193. In a surprisingly high-handed way, all votes which had been cast for Ashmole were counted as Richard Leveson's,3 so that he carried the day, as Ashmole noted, 'with the assistance of my Votes'.4

The outcome of the election must have been rather perplexing. Ashmole, the city's favourite and originally the most hopeful candidate, had resigned, but received votes which were counted as valid. The Court's favourite, Richard Leveson, carried the day only because of this. Captain Orme, to whom, Lord Dartmouth assured Ashmole on the very day of the election, 'possitiue Directions' had been sent to stand down in favour of Sir Francis Lawley,5 polled more votes than any other candidate, while Sir Francis Lawley, the second favourite of the Court, was defeated because the stratagem by which Thomas Hammond had intended to secure his election had been turned to his disadvantage.

The Bailiffs and Justices of Lichfield, joined by Thomas Hammond, assured Ashmole in a letter of 29 April 1685 that in reality his interest had been 'the strongest of all the pg 269Competitors'; his present of £10 had been mostly spent among his friends in general on Coronation Day (23 April); the rest had served 'this night' for a collation for the Bailiffs and Justices, Ashmole's 'freinds of the Church, & some others of the better sort', who had drunk his good health in his 'owne Noble Bowie'.1

At Oxford, on 10 February 1685, Dr. Robert Plot exhibited to the Philosophical Society 'a Persian Gum, supposed to be a Mastick' and a model of Windsor Castle 'in straw-work', which Ashmole had sent to be deposited in his Museum.2 A horn, which had grown on the back of the head of a Cheshire woman, also a present from Ashmole to the Museum, was shown to the Society on 24 February.3 John Aubrey described in a letter of 27 February 1685 to William Musgrave, Secretary of the Oxford Society and at the same time of the Royal Society of London, how 'a Barbarian Lyons skin', which he carried to Ashmole's office in Broad Street, London, had attracted the attention of a mastiff belonging to the coachmakers there, although the coachmakers had told him that their dogs were quite used to the many tanned skins they used in their trade and never took any notice of them; the merchant who had given the skin to Edmund Wyld had seriously asserted some two years ago that, if the skin were covered up, no beast would walk over it; 'It will cost you nothing to reiterate this Experiment', Aubrey continues, 'perhaps after so long keeping it may faile'.4 There was also some correspondence in 1685 between Dr. Plot, Dr. Lister, and Ashmole, concerning engraved illustrations in an ichthyological work; this was probably John Ray's edition of Francis Willughby's De Historia Piscium Libri Quatuor (Oxford, 1686), the illustrations in which were paid for by Ashmole and others, mostly Fellows of the Royal Society.5

On 1 April 1685 Ashmole made the acquaintance of Francis Negus, the reputed inventor of negus, at this time secretary to the seventh Duke of Norfolk, Earl Marshal of pg 270England, who had, in 1684, succeeded his father in both these dignities.1 At the Duke's invitation, Ashmole dined with him on 6 May, the day of the Duke's election as a Knight of the Garter.2 On 21 July 1685 Ashmole went to Windsor to attend the Duke of Norfolk's installation and that of the Earl of Peterborough and of the Lord High Treasurer, Lord Rochester.3 On 25 August 1685 he was again at Windsor to witness the installation of the Earl of Feversham.4 A Mr. Cary, who had lately returned from Berlin, told Ashmole on 30 October that the Prince Elector of Brandenburg had often mentioned him 'with a great deal of Honor' and intended to have his work on the Garter translated into German.5 The Dean of Windsor and Register of the Order of the Garter, Dr. Gregory Hascard, sent Ashmole on 22 December an extract from the chapter minutes of 30 July 1685 for which Ashmole had asked; at the same time the Dean desired him to correct the text, if necessary, and to send to his predecessor, Dr. Francis Turner, now Bishop of Ely, 'the Register', meaning probably the chapter book, which had been lent to him. Ashmole sent the Dean on 30 December 1685 lists of omissions and mistakes he had discovered in the Liber Carolinus.6

Sir William Dugdale stayed at Ashmole's house for several weeks in March and, probably, April 1685.7 A paper on 'Sundry Errors relating to the English Nobility', which Sir William had prepared for the Earl Marshal, was copied by Ashmole.8

A citizen of Nuremberg and a Mr. Labody, who was possibly the exiled French theologian, Jacques Abbadie (or de Labadie), and a Frenchman whom Mr. Labody had brought along with him, dined at South Lambeth on 27 April 1685.9 For 1 May Ashmole noted that Sir Thomas Walcot and Mr. (John?) Cook, Protonotary in Chancery, were his guests at dinner.10 Ezechiel Spanheim, now envoy extraordinary from the Prince Elector of Brandenburg, his wife, Johann Besser, the Prince Elector's Resident in Lon-pg 271don, and Sir Charles Cotterell with his wife and son dined at South Lambeth on 4 May.1

On 29 May 1685 Ashmole paid a visit to the Bishop of Carlisle, Dr. Thomas Smith, whom he had known during the siege of Oxford.2

On 9 June, the fourth anniversary of William Lilly's death, Ashmole began to write, or wrote, his continuation of Lilly's autobiography,3 which has already been described.4

The Countess of Clarendon 'supped' at Ashmole's house on 9 July with her childhood tutor, Dr. William Lloyd, now Bishop of St. Asaph, Thomas Henshaw, John Evelyn, Dr. Thomas Tenison, Rector of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, and an unidentified Mr. Frasier. John Evelyn noted that they 'were treated at a great feast'.5 On 20 July Ashmole received a visit from his old acquaintance Dr. Ridgley, who was probably Luke Ridgeley, M.D.6

On 4 August Ashmole and his wife went to see Thomas Napier at Brockhill in Middlesex,7 and the following day William Hutchinson at Delrow House, Hertfordshire.8 On 8 August 1685 they 'retourned home'.9

Sir Thomas Duppa, Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod, and a Mr. Mathews dined at South Lambeth on 20 October.10 On 2 8 October the Earl of Peterborough showed Ashmole 'his rare Collection of Gemms & ancient Rings'.11 Dr. Gregory Hascard, Dean of Windsor, Dr. Edward Chamberlayne, F.R.S., the author of Angliae Notitia: Or The Present State of England, and Sir John Faulconer dined at South Lambeth on 16 November 1685. Sir John Faulconer, whom Ashmole found 'a very ingenious Gent: well read in his owne Country [i.e. Scotland's] Antiquities, & Coynes',12 dined there again on 14 December, when Ashmole made him a present of several English coins.13

On 16 December 1685 Ashmole rode in a procession of some 200 coaches, among them those of the Great Officers of State and the nobility, who escorted as far as St. Albans pg 272the Earl of Clarendon on his way to take up his post as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.1

Letters to Anthony Wood of 27 February and 28 March 16852 contain mainly details of the lives of John Dee and his son Arthur, which Wood used in the Athenae Oxonienses. In the second of these letters, Ashmole states that he himself might mention Dr. Arthur Dee in the life of his father, 'because it will fall in proper enough', which proves that he still intended to write a biography of John Dee.

Among the occasional references in the Treasury Books of 1685 to Ashmole's work in the Excise, there is one for 6 July showing that his manservant Samuel Storye was employed in the Excise Office and that he was authorized to act as Ashmole's deputy, at least in this instance, in matters involving considerable sums of money.3

Cipher notes which Ashmole added to a horoscope of the opening of Parliament on 19 May 1685 indicate that, for astrological and probably also for other reasons, he had little confidence in the perilous policy of James II, although the newly elected Parliament, which had a Tory majority, and the country seemed at this stage well enough disposed to the monarch, especially in money matters; Ashmole foresaw rightly that, in spite of these apparently favourable conditions, the money granted to the King would be wasted, that 'the King's and people's enemies' would be 'troublesome', and that 'the end' would be 'bad'.4 The time of the King's speech in Parliament on 22 May was carefully noted, evidently for the purpose of another horoscope.5 The landing of the rebellious Duke of Monmouth at Lyme Regis on 11 June 1685 was the occasion of several horoscopes;6 one of them, for the time at which Ashmole heard of the landing, was correlated with his own nativity to find out whether the event would prejudice his interests.7

On 3 December 1685 Ashmole took part for the first time in the deliberations of a Commission of Sewers for the district between East Molesey, Surrey, and [the river?] Ravensbourne in Kent; he had been appointed to this new pg 273commission on 3 November1 perhaps because he had taken an interest, in 1683, in the construction of a causeway at Horsehead Stile which was built at his own expense;2 Horsehead Stile was probably near Ashmole's property at South Lambeth.

Ashmole's notes of his health record in 1685, besides colds3 and pains in his right foot,4 fits of toothache,5 sometimes grievous; they were, at least on one occasion, relieved by sucking pills 'made of burnt Allom, Pepper & Tobacco, which drew much Rhume from me'.6 Disturbing boils appeared on his throat and on and above the right groin;7 he noted also that the jolting of the coach, in which he went to St. Albans on 16 December, 'raised a swelling in my left Breech'.8 There are also the usual notes recording 'sweats'9 and purging.10


9 See p. 1699.

1 See E. Conder, 'The Masons Company of the City of London', Ars Quatuor Coronatorum, vol. ix, Margate, 1896, pp. 42–44.

2 See pp. 1699–1701; see also p. 34.

3 See p. 1701.

4 Cf. p. 241.

5 See p. 1702.

6 See p. 1704.

7 See p. 1705.

8 See p. 1705 n. 2.

9 See p. 1706.

10 See p. 1706.

11 See p. 1703.

12 See p. 1706.

1 See p. 1702.

2 See pp. 1702–3.

3 See p. 1704.

4 See p. 1705.

5 See p. 1703.

6 See pp. 1703, 1704.

7 See p. 1704.

8 See p. 1705.

9 See p. 1699.

10 See pp. 1706.

11 See University Archives, 'Computus Vice-Cancellarii, 1666–1697', and several bundles of the Vice-Chancellor's bills and acquittances in 1679–81.

1 The gate and casements delivered by William Young are mentioned in the accounts for 12 Oct. 1682 to 30 Oct. 1683.

2 See p. 1706. £5, 'Given by Mr Ashmole To the workmen at the Building for his Raritys', are mentioned in a receipt of 4 Apr. 1681, signed by Moses Pitt (University Archives, Vice-Chancellor's bills and acquittances 1679–82).

3 See p. 1706.

1 See pp. 1709–9.

2 See pp. 1709–10.

1 See p. 1500 n. 4.

2 See p. 1711.

3 See p. 1711 n. 4.

4 See p. 1711 and n. 5.

5 See p. 1712.

1 In addition to these gifts, Dr. Martin Lister presented to the Museum, in the course of 1683, other Roman and British monuments, and collections of coins, rings, and seals; see p. 1714 n. 3. The two Roman altars had arrived at Oxford by 10 Mar. 1683, and were to be set in Wren's wall together with others, given by Ashmole; see p. 1713 n. 8. In the opinion of Edward Lhuyd, who succeeded Dr. Robert Plot as Keeper of the Ashmolean Museum, Dr. Martin Lister's donations to the Museum came next in importance to Ashmole's own benefactions. See E. Lhuyd, Lythophylacii Britannici Ichnographia, London, 1699, dedication to Dr. Martin Lister.

2 See pp. 1713–14.

3 See p. 1714.

4 See pp. 1714–15.

5 See p. 1715.

6 See p. 1717.

7 See p. 1721.

8 See pp. 1715, 1718, 1719.

9 i.e. quicksilver, antimony, bismuth, zinc, and cadmium (Bodleian Library, MS. Lat. Misc. e. 29, pp. 71–72).

10 See p. 1717 n. 1.

11 See p. 1717 n. 2.

1 See p. 1717 n. 1.

2 See p. 1712 n. 4.

3 See p. 1727.

4 Or thereabouts. The portrait must have been finished at a date after 27 Sept. 1680, when the gold medal of the Prince Elector Palatine, which can be recognized in this portrait, was delivered to Ashmole; See p. 238.

5 See Pl. XIX.

6 See pp. 1718, 1719, 1880.

1 See Pl. XX.

2 See pp. 1719–20.

3 See p. 1720.

4 See p. 1721.

5 In 1649 John Tradescant, the younger, estimated the commercial value of his collection and botanical garden at over £1,000 (G. H. Turnbull, 'Robert Child', Publications of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, vol. xxxviii, 1959, p. 24).

6 See pp. 1721–2. Cf. p. 258.

7 See pp. 1722–4.

8 See p. 1724.

1 See p. 1720. John Dolben, who was a son of the Archbishop of York of the same name, received from Ashmole at some date after 25 Jan. 1679 the gift of a sundial or, less likely, a clock; See p. 1634.

2 See W. and R. Chambers, Chambers's Encyclopaedia, A Dictionary of Universal Knowledge for the People, vol. i, London, 1860, p. 471. Dr. J. Hamel's account of Ashmole in Tradescant der Aeltere 1618 in Russland, St. Petersburg and Leipzig, 1847, pp. 170–3, is inspired by the same uninformed prejudice.

3 R. Plot, The Natural History of Staffordshire, Oxford, 1686, p. 277.

4 See p. 1720 n. 4.

5 Ibid.

6 See pp. 247–8.

7 See University Archives, 'Computus Vice-Cancellarli, 1666–1697', 12 Oct. 1682 to 30 Oct. 1683.

8 Christopher White was 'the skilfull and industrious operator of the University' who, under the direction of the Professor of Chemistry, performed experiments in the laboratory of the Museum. See A. Clark The Life and Times of Anthony Wood, vol. iii, Oxford, 1894, p. 55. See also W. H. and W. J. C. Quarrell, Oxford in 1710, Oxford, 1928, p. 38.

1 See p. 1728 and n. 2.

2 See pp. 1726–8.

3 Z. C. von Uffenbach, Merkwürdige Reisen, Ulm, 1753, vol. iii, p. 138.

4 See 'Short Account of the Author', prefixed to R. Plot, The Natural History of Oxfordshire, Oxford, 1705.

5 See p. 1730.

6 See p. p. 1730 n. 8.

7 See C. R. Weld, A History of the Royal Society, vol. ii, London, 1848, p. 561.

1 See A. Clark, The Life and Times of Anthony Wood, vol. iii, Oxford, 1894, pp. 77–78.

2 See R. T. Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, vol. iv, 'The Philosophical Society', Oxford, 1925; and vol. xii, 'Dr. Plot and the Correspondence of the Philosophical Society of Oxford', Oxford, 1939.

3 See pp. 1715–16.

4 See pp. 1722, 1725–6.

5 See p. 1718.

6 See p. 1733.

7 For details, see C. D. Chandaman, op. cit., pp. 192–204; for occasional references to Ashmole's activities as Comptroller of the Excise in 1682 and 168 3, see pp. 1703, 1705, 1715.

8 See p. 1718.

9 See pp. 1724–5.

10 See pp. 1726–8.

11 See p. 1731.

1 See pp. 1731–2.

2 See pp. 1731, 1732.

3 See p. 1733.

4 See p. 1734.

5 See pp. 1734–5.

6 See p. 1732.

7 See pp. 1711–12.

8 See p. 1725.

1 See pp. 1728–30, also p. 8, under (a).

2 See p. 1735.

3 In 1652 he stated that his knowledge was insufficient to warrant the 'Manuall Practise' of alchemy; See p. 84.

4 See pp. 1712–13. In 1691 John Worlidge dedicated to Ashmole the third edition of his Vinetum Britannicum, London, 1691; See p. 1878.

5 See p. p. 1713 n. 2.

6 See pp. 1715, 1718, 1730.

7 See p. 1730.

8 See p. 1730.

9 See p. 1732.

10 See pp. 1734, 1735.

11 See pp. 1735–6.

12 See p. 253.

1 See pp. 248–9.

2 See pp. 1735–6.

3 See p. 1737.

4 See p. 1737.

5 See p. 1738.

6 See p. 1738.

7 See p. 1738.

8 See p. 1738

9 See p. 1739.

10 See p. 1739.

11 See p. 1740.

12 See pp. 1743–4.

13 See pp. 1739–40, 1740.

14 See pp. 1743–4.

1 See pp. 1740, 1743.

2 See pp. 1743–5.

3 See p. 248.

4 Cf. p. 253.

5 See p. 1745.

6 See p. 1741 and n. 2.

7 See pp. 1742–3.

1 See pp. 1745–8.

2 See p. 1749.

3 See pp. 1749–50.

4 See p. 1750.

5 See p. 1751.

6 See p. 1751.

1 See p. 1738.

2 See p. 1751.

3 See p. 1752.

4 See p, 1752.

5 See p. 1736.

6 See pp. 1736–7.

7 See pp. 1741–2.

8 See p. 1741.

9 See p. 1741.

10 See p. 1741.

11 See p. 1743.

12 See p. 1743.

13 See p. 1743.

1 See p. 1743.

2 See p. 1743.

3 See pp. 1745, 1751.

4 See p. 1702.

5 See p. 1738.

6 See pp. 1752, 1753.

7 See p. 1753.

8 See p. 1754.

9 See p. 1755.

1 See pp. 1759–61, 1761.

2 See p. 1591.

3 See p. 1761.

4 See pp. 224, 1762.

5 See pp. 1762–4.

6 See p. 1764.

7 See p. 1765.

1 See p. 1769.

2 See pp. 1765–7.

3 See p. 1767.

4 See pp. 1773–4.

5 See pp. 1770–1.

1 See pp. 1769–70.

2 See p. 1770.

3 See pp. 1771–3.

4 See pp. 1774–5.

1 See pp. 1777–8.

2 See p. 1776.

3 See pp. 1778–9, 1779.

4 See pp. 1779–80, 1780–1.

5 See pp. 1785, 1786, 1792.

1 See pp. 1788–9, 1789–90, 1792–4.

2 See p. 1789.

3 See pp. 1793, 1794–5.

4 See p. 1780.

5 See p. 1791.

1 See pp. 1794–5. For a fuller account of this parliamentary election, see C. H. Josten, 'Elias Ashmole and the 1685 Lichfield Election, an Unpublished Episode', Collections for a History of Staffordshire, Edited by the Staffordshire Record Society, 1950 and 1951, Kendal, 1954, pp. 215–27.

2 See p. 1754.

3 See p. 1756.

4 See p. 1759.

5 See p. 1804.

1 See p. 1781.

2 See pp. 1796, 1801 n. 1.

3 See p. 1801.

4 See pp. 1802, 1802–3.

5 See p. 1804.

6 See pp. 1807–8, 1808.

7 See p. 1765.

8 See pp. 1791–2.

9 See p. 1794.

10 See p. 1796.

1 See p. 1796.

2 See p. 1798.

3 See pp. 1798–9.

4 See p. 162.

5 See p. 1800 and n. 4.

6 See p. 1800.

7 See p. 1801.

8 See p. 1801.

9 See p. 1801.

10 See p. 1803.

11 See p. 1804.

12 See p. 1805.

13 See p. 1806.

1 See p. 1806.

2 See pp. 1756–9, 1775–6.

3 See p. 1800; also pp. 1754–5, 1755–6, 1795.

4 See pp. 1797–8.

5 See p. 1798.

6 See p. 1799.

7 See p. 1799 and n. 6.

1 See p. 1806 and n. 2.

2 See pp. 1728, 1811, 1848.

3 See pp. 1754, 1803.

4 See p. 1798.

5 See pp. 1753, 1798, 1800.

6 See p. 1753.

7 See pp. 1798, 1801, 1802.

8 See p. 1806.

9 See pp. 1756, 1797, 1803.

10 See pp. 1756, 1797, 1803.

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