Vinton A. Dearing and Alan Roper (eds), The Works of John Dryden, Vol. 14: Plays; The Kind Keeper; The Spanish Fryar; The Duke of Guise; and The Vindication of the Duke of Guise
The Kind Keeper
The Kind Keeper, or Mr. Limberham,1 was Dryden's most abject failure on the stage. His earliest and rather similar play, The Wild Gallant, also failed at its first appearance, but it came on stage again after he rewrote it. Not so The Kind Keeper. Dryden rewrote it before publication, but its third-night audience was a thin one and its last.
A letter from Dryden to Lord Latimer tells us that he had completed All for Love and some of The Kind Keeper by July 1677, and that he intended to finish the latter during the summer in Northamptonshire.2 He arrived in Northamptonshire about the end of August.3 We do not know when he returned to London, but presumably it was in plenty of time to help with the production of All for Love in December. One of The Kind Keeper's three performances came on Monday, 11 March 1678.4 No cast was printed with the play. John Genest thought it likely that James Nokes acted Limberham, Anthony Leigh, Limberham's friend Aldo, and William Smith, Aldo's son, who calls himself Woodall.5
In the play's dedication, Dryden says, first, that his audience had so dwindled by its third night, when the profits were his, that he suffered financially, and second, that he therefore took pains to remove the objectionable passages from the printed text.6 We know a little about the text before it was changed. Alexander Pope had a manuscript of the original version that passed into the possession of one of his literary executors and later came to the attention of Malone, who made some notes on it in his copy of Reed's edition of Biographia Dramatica.7 The rakehelly hero was named Stains; the kept mistress, Damaris. Possibly Stain[e]s, the name of a town, was intended to remind the audience of the nearby town of Uxbridge, where Lord Rochester had been captured as he was abducting the lady who subsequently became his wife. Damaris was the name not only of a well-known bawd, Damaris Page, but also of an Athenian converted by St. Paul, who some scholars have supposed was an educated courtesan.8 Where the text now reads "a Punk of two Descents," that is, a second-generation prostitute, it pg 366originally read "Very punk of very punk," a phrase that would anger those who venerated the Nicene Creed, in which the words "very God of very God" appear.9 And in a passage in Act IV now entirely missing but presumably coming near the end Stains said his father and he, the one who had put off marriage until he had a taste for only one woman and the other who proposed to do the same, were thereby "bon Cretien."10 It is possible that Dryden modified the joke and moved it to the end of Act V, where Limberham suddenly says that he is "a good Christian" and that he will marry his mistress "to give good example to all Christian Keepers."11 There are also signs in the text as Dryden sent it to the press that he inserted part of the chest scene in Act II and the first part of Act IV when revising them.12 We do not know when Dryden undertook the revision. In the dedication he says that the play was printed while he was out of London in the summer of 1679 and that he would make any necessary additional corrections called to his attention by friends and enemies if there should be a second edition.13 The play was advertised for sale in the term catalogue for November 1679, but the title page bears the date 1680. The second and third quarto editions, 1690 and 1701, have the same text as the first, as do the collected folio edition of 1701 and Congreve's edition of 1717. Besides the subsequent editions in Dryden's collected plays, there is an edition in Restoration Comedy (1974), edited by A. Norman Jeffares.
Who is to say what combination of personal, political, social, religious, economic, and theatrical forces united to produce The Kind Keeper and its failure?14 We suppose that the play owed its genesis partly to a story the king told the author but mostly to the conservative economics of the theater, in which, because of the considerable expense of theatrical production and the attendant risk of financial loss, profitable plays draw others of the same kind in their train.15 In the letter to Lord Latimer referred to above, Dryden pg 367said his play was to be "almost such another piece of businesse as the Fond Husband," by Thomas D'Urfey, which had been a great success with king and public.16 Thus Dryden has led scholars to look to D'Urfey as his immediate forerunner, if not inspirer, and to fit The Kind Keeper into a pattern of increasing licentiousness on the stage of the 1670s.17 His next words are "for such the King will have it, who is parcell poet with me in the plott; one of the designes being a story he was pleasd formerly to tell me." Although Dryden might be understood to have meant that the king wished him to imitate D'Urfey, we believe the words mean only that inclusion of the king's story brought about the resemblance to D'Urfey's play, and that Dryden was free to go his own way with the rest. A few words before in his letter to Latimer, Dryden said he had broken off work on his play. We believe that in the interval before he took up his pen again he decided against taking D'Urfey as his model except in an occasional incident, and chose instead The Man of Mode by his friend Etherege, not only for various specific incidents and lesser parallels but for more artistic and philosophical matters, to wit, the general direction of the plot and its tone. The moral atmosphere of the two plays is exactly the same: a man of notable promiscuity exerts so powerful a sexual attraction that a markedly intelligent virgin who is perfectly aware of his doings willingly consents to be his wife.18 But Dryden pruned Etherege's scheme so that it might bear more fruit. His women are a widow (Mrs. Saintly), a wife (Mrs. Brainsick), a mistress (Tricksy), a virgin (Mrs. Pleasance), and an unmarried servant (Judith) who is not;19 his men are a widower (Aldo), a husband (Brainsick), the keeper of the mistress (Limberham), a young man (Woodall) who is not a pg 368virgin but the reverse, and a servant (Gervase) who is more but not entirely continent. The women exhaust the kinds, the men nearly so, and to continue the horticultural imagery, "half the platform just reflects the other." The young man beds the maidservant first, then the mistress, then the wife, sends his manservant to take his place in the bed of the widow, and has designs on the virgin before he discovers that she is his paternally destined bride-to-be. Various misunderstandings and jealousies alternately help and hinder his plans. The husband offers to help him bed the mistress; the keeper offers to help him bed the wife. Then the keeper raises no objection to his assignation with the mistress, being willing to suppose it is with the wife, and the husband helps him bed the wife, supposing she is the mistress. All the women know about all the others. The widower supports the young man in everything, having been just such a person in his youth and not knowing that the young man is his son. He thus morally compromises himself so that when at last he knows his offspring he dares not punish him. The play ends with the widow hastily married to the manservant, the keeper suddenly announcing he will marry his mistress, the cuckold blissfully unaware of his state, and the young woman taking the hand of the young man.
We see Dryden, the accomplished professional, driving the conventional triangle plot further than Etherege had taken it, driving it to the edge of farce, frolicking, so to speak, in his ingenuity, rejoicing as a strong man to run a race, and are reminded of his subsequent boast, "There are evidently two Actions in it [The Spanish Fryar]: But it will be clear to any judicious man, that with half the pains I could have rais'd a Play from either of them."20 When he wrote in his dedication of The Kind Keeper that "this Comedy is of the first Rank of those which I have written," he was presumably thinking of its ingenuity.21
It must be admitted that Dryden's professionalism included a willingness to steal motifs from every source to flesh out his plan. It would be hard to find a more derivative play. He may be said to have stolen from himself Brainsick's heroic rants, having been shown the way by The Rehearsal.22 He had been writing battles for power like Mrs. Pleasance's and Woodall's since his first play, The Wild Gallant.23 Aldo's humor of falsely claiming to know various persons was one Dryden had already invented for an offstage character in An Evening's Love, in which play he had also introduced the pg 369device of breaking a key in a lock, as Woodall does.24 But Brainsick's singing "My Phillis" he stole in every detail from Sir Fopling Flutter.25 Mrs. Pleasance, the only character of some depth, is in one respect a variation on Etherege's Harriet, as noted above; in another, her struggles with her emotions as she converses with Woodall, she is a variation on Etherege's Bellinda.26 Limberham's name comes from Wycherley's The Country Wife, I ii, 482.27
Between the premieres of The Man of Mode and The Kind Keeper, or between 11 March 1676 and 11 March 1678, the surviving records list twenty-seven Restoration comedies and six Elizabethan staged in London. One tragedy, Shadwell's The Libertine, is also relevant to our survey. There was almost nothing in The Kind Keeper that the audience had not seen on the stage in the preceding two years, both in characterization and in farcical action, though in one or two instances Dryden reworked old material in slightly new ways.28 For example, hiding to escape detection was not new, but in the preceding two years all the numerous hiding places were inside the house, in closets and wood holes, under beds and tables, and the like; Dryden made one of his hiding places a stillhouse in the back garden.29 For one person to hide from another and the second person to hide from a third was not new, so that when Mrs. Brainsick hides under Woodall's bed and Tricksy hides in it the scene rests on an old foundation, but Mrs. Brainsick's taking advantage of her hiding place to prick Woodall and Tricksy with apg 370needle had not been seen recently, though it could be read, as Langbaine noted, in a couple of French novels.30
When Dryden wrote to Latimer that "one of the designes" in The Kind Keeper was based on a story the king had told him, which "design" could he have been referring to? Since he said earlier in the same sentence that the king wished his play to resemble The Fond Husband,31 perhaps the "design" in question is to be sought for among the parallels between the two plays, and if so then most likely it was the cuckolding of Brainsick, for some words we know the king himself to have used occur in it.32 Another possibility, attractive at first glance, is that the king's story may be enshrined in the scene in which Aldo entertains four or five prostitutes.33 Here at last was something of a new departure for comedy—when revising The Wild Gallant Dryden had inserted a scene in which Loveby and a bawd roll about on the floor tickling each other and in which Justice Trice regards the bawd and her prostitutes much as Aldo regards the prostitutes he entertains, but nothing like it had been seen recently—and while the scene of Aldo and the prostitutes is not extraneous to the characterization in the play it is extraneous to the plot.34 But we observe that none of the characters in this scene except Aldo and Woodall—not Aldo's servant Geoffery, and none of the prostitutes—is listed in the Personae Dramatis, even though Giles, another servant with a comparably small part, appears there. It looks very much as if Dryden added the scene when he revised the play and forgot to revise the Personae Dramatis accordingly. And it is a considerable enough scene to suggest that it was added because something comparable in length had been deleted. Dryden says in the dedication that he omitted as well as altered what his theater audience had found offensive.35 A third possibility as to the "design" based on the king's story then presents itself: that Dryden deleted it when he revised the play and so we need not seek for it in the text as we have it.
Our decisions as to why the play failed depend upon our acceptance or rejection of Dryden's claim to have written a satire the only defect of which was the very practical one that those to whom it was addressed refused to see and hear it.36 The spectrum of quality has only one end. There is something like an absolute best, excellence, or perfection, but no absolute worst. We do not demand that each play we see be more witty than the last, but if we look for shock or titillation we find that each play makes familiar what it portrays, so that the next must be more shocking to shock at all, more titillating to titillate. Then moralists point out that we must guard our pg 371thinking, lest we become indifferent to the feelings of others, not just in distant times and places but in our very midst. And occasionally these moralists or the enormity of an evil galvanizes a society to universal rejection of something that is fast becoming commonplace. Rothstein and Kavenik put the matter in somewhat different terms: the morals of the theater may change faster than the morals of the general populace, until the gap between them becomes so wide as to cause a reaction.37 Was Dryden a misunderstood moralist, or did he merely outrun his audience's willingness to be shocked and titillated?
More specifically, Dryden says that he wrote to satirize "our crying sin of Keeping," and that the play failed financially because "it express'd too much of the Vice which it decry'd."38 No claim is easier to make, but before rejecting it out of hand39 we need to consider three matters. First, Dryden had recently glanced at "keeping Tonyes [i.e., fools]" in the prologue to All For Love.40 Second, as we have seen, Limberham exchanges keeping for marriage, upon which Woodall remarks, "The Moral on't is pleasant, if well consider'd."41 In the preface to An Evening's Love, Dryden had written, "we make not vicious persons happy, but only as heaven makes sinners so: that is by reclaiming them first from vice. For so 'tis to be suppos'd they are, when they resolve to marry."42 In the epilogue to Love Triumphant he made a similar but more modest claim for a moral purpose in the character of Dalinda: "What, if he Taught our Sex more cautious Carriage?"43 Since Love Triumphant also failed on the stage, we may say that Dryden's attempts at improving sexual morals by satire, supposing that is what he was really trying to do, were uniformly unsuccessful.44
pg 372Third, Dryden did indeed believe that audiences might turn and rend playwrights for their pictures of sexual immorality, and so did Langbaine and Cleeve. In the prologue Dryden provided for Lee's Caesar Borgia, produced after The Kind Keeper was staged but before it was printed, he wrote:
- That fumbling Lecher to revenge is bent,
- Because he thinks himself or Whore is meant:
- Name but a Cuckold, all the City swarms,
- From Leaden-Hall to Ludgate is in Arms.45
His quotation from Horace on the title page of The Kind Keeper makes the same point. Later he wrote of Congreve's Double Dealer, which over came an initial adverse reaction but was printed only after offensive passages had been deleted, "The women thinke he has exposd their Bitchery too much; & the Gentlemen, are offended with him; for the discovery of their follyes: & the way of their Intrigues, under the notion of Friendship to their Ladyes Husbands."46
Langbaine reported that Dryden "so much expos'd the keeping part of the Town, that the Play was stopt, when it had but thrice appear'd on the Stage," and quoted the last lines of Cleeve's A Short Satyr Against Keeping:
- Dryden good Man thought Keepers to reclaim,
- Writ a Kind Satyr, call'd it Limberham,
- This all the Herd of Letchers straight alarms,
- From Charing-Cross to Bow was up in Arms;
- They damn'd the Play all at one fatal Blow,
- And broke the Glass that did their Picture show.47
Somewhat less specifically, Robert Gould wrote that the play was
- So bawdy it not only sham'd the Age,
- But worse, was ev'n too nauseous for the Stage.48
Commentators have disagreed as to what Dryden meant when he said in his dedication that he bowed to the authority of those who had "stopp'd [the play's] farther appearance on the Theatre."49 Did he mean they stopped it by staying away or by government order? It is possible that the theater where the play was presented, Dorset Garden, being in London (though outside the walls), drew so large a proportion of its patronage from city pg 373dwellers, the "Ludgate Audience" of Notes and Observations on The Empress of Morocco, that if they rejected a play it failed; and it is possible that these city patrons did indeed object so strongly to Dryden's picture of their kind of people that they persuaded one another to stay away.50
It is also possible that these patrons objected strongly to the players' making the most of the opportunities the play offered for suggesting or displaying a certain amount of nudity. When Woodall entertains Tricksy on his bed, not knowing Mrs. Brainsick is under it,51 he as a character certainly intends eventually to pull Tricksy's clothes up or down. How far the actors would have carried the matter we cannot tell. In the preface to The Relapse Vanbrugh records an extreme example: "I own the first night this thing was acted, some indecencies had like to have happen'd, but 'twas not my Fault. The fine Gentleman of the Play [that is, the actor George Powell, who had been drinking all day] had toasted himself up, to such a Pitch of Vigor, I confess I once gave Amanda [acted by Jane Rogers] for gone."52 One cannot dismiss the incident out of hand. Had Powell been sober, are we to suppose he would only have held Mrs. Rogers by the hand or put his arm around her waist?53
Also, when Woodall and Tricksy are interrupted in the garden house, where he has just coupled with her twice and is preparing for a third time,54 some disarray of their clothing would have been in accord with contemporary realism on the stage and in particular with a scene in Aphra Behn's The Luckey Chance. In her preface to the play, she wrote: "When it happens that I challenge any one, to point me out the least Expression of what some have made their Discourse [i.e., objected to in her plays], they cry, That Mr. Leigh [the famous comedian and a member of the company that acted The Kind Keeper] opens his Night Gown, when he comes into the Bride-Chamber; if he do, which is a Jest of his own making, and which I never saw, I hope he has his Cloaths on underneath? And if so, where is the Indecency? … Another crys, Why we know not what they mean [i.e., we object], when the Man takes a Woman off the Stage, and another is thereby cuckolded; … I see nothing unnatural nor obscene: 'tis proper for the Characters." And after a roll call of similar scenes, beginning with Dryden and Lee's Oedipus, she concludes, "If I should repeat the Words exprest in these Scenes I mention I might justly be charg'd with course ill Manners, and very little Modesty, and yet they so naturally fall into the places they are designed for, and are so proper to the Business, that there is not the least Fault to be found with them."55 Mrs. Behn's saying that any sugges-pg 374tiveness in The Luckey Chance was all Leigh's fault may contain an element of disingenuousness, for the playwrights coached the actors in their roles.56 The implications of this coaching for the acting of The Kind Keeper we canvass below.
What else might have caused the play's failure? Further along in the dedication, Dryden says he had no particular persons in view in the play.57 He may have been replying to the charge of a now unknown and until recently unpublished contemporary that in fact Dryden had his own friends in view and dressed his actors so that their originals would be identified.58 Certainly he says a few lines later that if he had been in town when the play was printed he would have "over-look'd the Press, and been yet more careful, that neither my Friends should have had the least occasion of unkindness against me, nor my Enemies of upbraiding me."59
Refusing to take Dryden at his word and ignoring the fact that none of the characters in the play is a nobleman, commentators have sought to identify Woodall with the Earl of Rochester and Limberham with the Earl of Shaftesbury or the Earl of Lauderdale.60 The latter were members of the privy council. And those who then suppose that the play was stopped by fiat have sometimes proceeded to identify the prime mover instead as the king or the Duke of York, the most prominent keepers in the country. A more sophisticated analysis supposes that the lord chamberlain forbade the play, not because Limberham was Lauderdale, but because audiences concluded that he was.61 Another suggests that it was not the Duke but thepg 375Duchess of York who objected, and because she saw in it reflections on her Italian entourage.62
Looking back a bit in the dedication we see Dryden says that those who caused the play to fail carry authority with him "as much absent as present, and in all alterations of their Fortune."63 These words would fit the Duke and Duchess of York at this date, but they would also fit, though with some undercurrents of irony, the king's mistresses, who rose and fell in their attraction for and influence over him. Dryden goes on to call the play stoppers bigots, which is not his usual language with respect to royalty, but which might fit the French Catholic Duchess of Portsmouth, at the time the king's most prominent, influential, and unpopular kept woman.64 She might have taken action not by approaching the lord chamberlain but by drawing the court to the King's Theater instead of the Duke's on Dryden's benefit night. In 1680 she shut down Settle's The Female Prelate in this way, presumably because she objected to its attack on her religion.65 It was reported at the time that she was responsible for the beating Dryden suffered in Rose Street, Co vent Garden, on the night of 18 December 1679, a few weeks after publication of the play.66 In 1674 she had replaced the Duchess of Cleveland as the most influential of the royal mistresses, thereby succeeding to her place in popular estimation as the head of the profession whose most prominent members outside the court appear to have been Damaris Page and another bawd, Mrs. Cresswell, who may have been represented in the play by Mrs. Saintly. May not the Duchess of Portsmouth have recognized herself in print as Tricksy as she may have recognized herself on the stage as Damaris?67
Prior to the production of The Kind Keeper in 1678, Dryden had been writing for the King's Company. We do not know why he gave up his share in that organization and enlisted with its rival.68 The change brought him pg 376into more direct competition with Thomas Shadwell, who had been writing for the Duke's Company, and at the same time resulted in some kind of temporary reconciliation. Dryden wrote the prologue for Shadwell's A True Widow, produced by the company next after The Kind Keeper, so far as the surviving records show.69 It is possible that Dryden had already written Mac Flecknoe against Shadwell, but its publication came only in 1682.70
Also prior to the production of The Kind Keeper, Dryden had begun to think about Thomas Rymer's strictures on his plays in The Tragedies of the Last Age Consider'd (1677).71 His reply, The Grounds of Criticism in Tragedy, was entered in the Stationers' Register in June 1679 and published in November, the same month as The Kind Keeper, prefixed to Troilus and Cressida.72 Troilus and Cressida was Dryden's first publication with Jacob Tonson, who was thereafter to publish most of his works.
Dryden's friendship with Nathaniel Lee began while he was composing The Kind Keeper. Presumably it was sometime in the fall of 1677 that Dryden wrote To Mr. Lee, on his Alexander, which was printed in Lee's Rival Queens, published in November.73 He also provided Lee with the epilogue to Mithridates, produced the following February or thereabouts.74 Lee collaborated in the writing of Oedipus, produced in September 1678 or thereabouts.75 In May 1679 or thereabouts Dryden provided the prologue to Lee's Caesar Borgia, in which, as noted earlier, he complained about the reception The Kind Keeper had received without actually mentioning it.76
In the span of months when Dryden was concerning himself with The Kind Keeper he was of necessity also observing the political struggle between the forces led by the Earl of Shaftesbury and those loyal to the king. The Shaftesburians won a victory on 4 November 1677, when the Protestant son of the Stadholder of the Netherlands, William, married the king's niece Mary, a matter that Dryden, with his lifelong dislike of the Dutch, cannot have viewed with complacency and from which he was to suffer when William and Mary came to the throne. He had not yet taken up his cudgel on the side of the king, but since he was being paid his salary as poet laureate and historiographer royal he was no doubt holding himself in readiness.77 pg 377He attacked Shaftesbury in the character of Creon in Oedipus, produced about the time that Titus Oates made his first revelations of the Popish Plot at the end of September 1678.78 Fears stirred up by the plot strengthened Shaftesbury's party. Elizabeth Dryden's brother, Charles Earl of Berkshire, fled abroad in November 1678 and died there in March 1679. In April 1679, parliament impeached her cousin, William Viscount Stafford, as well as the Earl of Danby, who had accepted the dedication of All for Love. When The Kind Keeper was published in December, Stafford and Danby were in the Tower.79 It is not surprising, then, that its dedication opens with a reference to "the Great Plot of the Nation."80 It is also of interest to see that Dryden later claimed to have said from the beginning that the Presbyterians much exaggerated the plot's extent.81
While many comic elements in The Kind Keeper are indisputably good fun, its central focus on sexual immorality has roused differing opinions. Some years after Dryden had asserted that it was a moral play, a play with a moral yet pointing the finger at no individual, and that posterity would agree with him as to its excellence, he himself included it among the "fat Pollutions of our own" that "increase the steaming Ordures of the Stage."82 Why? For even a partial answer, we must consider again whether Dryden was serious, and not merely throwing up a smoke screen, in claiming that his play was moral. We must also consider the possibility that he coached his actors to make the play as sexually explicit as possible. No one can be certain in these matters of consideration. Nor, supposing that Dryden had been serious in his claims for the play's morality, can we be sure why he changed his mind. One possibility is that in the interval he had become more concerned for the safety of his immortal soul. A sentence in one of his last letters has perhaps some significance. It seems to be a cry from the heart: "I can neither take the Oaths, nor forsake my Religion, because I pg 378know not what Church to go to, if I leave the Catholique; they are all so divided amongst them selves in matters of faith, necessary to Salvation: & yet all assumeing the name of Protestants."83 All we can do is observe that Dryden, like many a person before or since, was more ready to accuse himself of sins than to accept the accusations of others. In his last works, for example, we find him objecting to remarks by Jeremy Collier which, with respect to The Kind Keeper, were no more than calling it steaming ordure: "Limberham, and the Soldier's Fortune [by Otway], are meer prodigies of Lewdness and Irreligion."84
Three centuries later, The Kind Keeper was described as completely amoral.85 In the interval Charles Lamb had written, "The Fainalls and the Mirabels, the Dorimants and the Lady Touchwoods, in their own sphere, do not offend my moral sense; in fact they do not appeal to it at all."86 Four views: The Kind Keeper is moral, immoral, amoral, it belongs to a class of surreal drama to which moral judgment does not apply.
History shows that one idea seldom drives out another, and the history of judgments on The Kind Keeper runs true to form.87 When enough time has passed after reading the play one can look back on it as presenting a sensitive picture of a woman who must struggle to maintain her moral balance, threatened from within as well as from without, and who, if one accepts the stage convention that marriage brings happiness, is justly rewarded. But such a view substitutes a latent or merely accidental characteristic of the play for what Dryden said was its nature and purpose. So suppose we were to say that a sudden decision to marry, whether made by a besotted fool of a keeper or a rampant libertine, does not laugh his sin out of countenance,88 and that instead what we are to laugh at, apparently,pg 379is Aldo's impotence. Suppose also we were to agree with a latter-day dramatist who has said, "We are still incapable of understanding that the only genuine backbone of all our actions, if they are to be moral, is responsibility … to the order of being where all our actions are indelibly recorded and where and only where they will be properly judged."89 What then?
Those who seek to improve the atmosphere and practice of responsibility, ethics, and morals in their time, and who see nothing of the sort in The Kind Keeper but rather the reverse, may nevertheless gain something in themselves by transcending its seeming challenge to what they strive to make prevail. Milton said, "I cannot praise a fugitive and cloister'd vertue."90 Dryden said elsewhere,
- I can stand the Shock,
- Like a young Plant that fastens in a Storm,
- And deeper drives the Root.91
1 Duke's Theatre. Dorset Garden, described in London Stage, Part I, pp. xxxix–xl. Scott (S-S, VI, 3) supposed that the audience here was less courtly than at the rival Theatre Royal (see Works, XI, 461–462, esp. n. 15). Certainly Dorset Garden was in the City of London, not outside it, just west of what is now Blackfriars Bridge. See also note to II, 1, 263–264 (pp. 398–399 below).
Servant to his Majesty. As poet laureate and historiographer royal.
Κἤν με, etc. "Though thou eatest me to the root, I will yet bear fruit [enough to provide a libation for thee, billy-goat, when thou art sacrific'd]" (Evenus of Ascalon, in the Greek [or Palatine] Anthology, IX, 75; Loeb). The reference, clearly, is to the fact that Dryden has revised the play. The line he omitted, if we suppose his readers would have known it, would suggest that those who had brought about the financial failure of the first version would get as much as they gave. The headnote discusses who these persons might have been (pp. 374–375 above).
Hic nuptarum, etc. "One is mad with love for married women, another for harlots. All of these dread verses and hate the poet" (Horace, Satires, I, iv, 27, 33; Loeb, adjusted). The original has "boys" instead of "harlots." That those who love a sin hate the poet who exposes the sin had been the view Dryden put forward in the prologue to Caesar Borgia quoted above (p. 372). See also note to II, i, 263–264 (pp. 398–399 below).
P. 3 John Lord Vaughan (1639–1713) was the son of Richard, Earl of Carbury. He entered Oxford in 1656 but left apparently without taking a degree. He was created Knight of the Bath at the coronation in 1661, in which year he became M.P. for the borough of Carmarthen. In the dedica-pg 380tion Dryden says he had come to know him in 1665. Lord Vaughan was so styled in 1667, when his older brother died. In 1672 he contributed a commendatory poem to The Conquest of Granada (Works, XI, 625). In 1673–1674 he was colonel of a regiment of foot and in 1677–1678 governor of Jamaica, without giving up his place in parliament. Dryden also mentions his intellectual attainments, which received other public attestation when he was elected to the Royal Society in 1685, and later to the Kit-Cat Club. He was president of the Royal Society in 1686, the year he succeeded to the earldom, and served until 1689. A remark about him recorded by Pepys shows why Dryden asked to dedicate the play to him: "one of the lewdest fellows of the age, worse than Sir Ch. Sidly" (Diary, 16 November 1667; for Sedley, see Works, XI, 526).
3:3 Great Plot. The Popish Plot. See headnote (p. 377 above).
3:4 Pharaoh's lean Kine. Gen. 41; in Pharaoh's dream, the lean cows ate the fat ones.
3:8–9 so great a Judge of Wit. At least he had approved of The Conquest of Granada.
3:11–14 "To thee [Cicero] his warmest thanks Catullus gives, the worst of all poets; as much the worst poet of all as you are the best advocate of all" (Catullus, XLIX, 4–7; Loeb). Dryden wishes Patronus, "advocate," to be understood as "patron," of course.
3:15 an Epistle of Fleckno's to a Noble-man. As Malone noted (II, 32 n. 8), nothing in Richard Flecknoe's works corresponds exactly to Dryden's words; the closest parallel is a letter to Cardinal Barberini in Flecknoe's A True and Faithful Account of What was Observed in Ten Years' Travels (1665), p. 83, in which the first sentence is Latin, the rest English, but the Latin differs entirely from Dryden's quotation, being concerned with a recent journey to Brazil. Perhaps Dryden had chanced to see an unpublished letter. Paul Herbert Doney ("The Life and Works of Richard Flecknoe," [Ph. D. thesis, Harvard University, 1928], p. 285) quotes this passage in Dryden, but without comment. Dryden had used Flecknoe as a paradigm of the bad poet (ll. 16–18) in Mac Flecknoe and the Discourse Concerning the Original and Progress of Satire (Works, II, 54–60; IV, 13).
3:25–26 he of scandalous memory. Malone (II, 33 n. 9) supposed Dryden meant Flecknoe, whose death date is unknown but who, he believed, had died in the summer of 1678 or thereabouts (I, i, 169 n. 7). Forgetting the quotation from Catullus just above, Malone thought it strange that Dryden should call himself a worse poet. E. S. de Beer, "Dryden: 'The Kind Keeper,'" N&Q, 179 (1940), 128, suggests that Marvell is rather the person Dryden had in mind: "he had the strongest reasons for disliking Marvell: from about 1667 until his death in 1678 Marvell was one of the principal opposition writers."
3:28 one of the Patriarchs. Joseph served fourteen years for the right to marry Rachel (Gen. 29).
3:29 I leave those flourishes. Nevertheless Dryden must have enjoyed ringing the changes on "14 years."
4:5 another part of the World. Jamaica. See p. 5:16 and biographical sketch above.
5:3–13 Malone (II, 35 n. 3) thought Dryden was led to write this paragraph by his break with Rochester, which he had made public in the preface to All for Love, published in March 1678 (see Works, XIII, 14–16).
5:15–16 written and acted in your absence. Vaughan left Jamaica in March 1678 (George Wilson Bridges, Annals of Jamaica , p. 280), but it would have taken him some time to reach London. The only datable one of the play's three performances came on 11 March (London Stage, Part I, p. 269).
5:17 our crying sin of Keeping. See The Man of Mode, ed. W. B. Carnochan (1966), I, i, 148–150, in which Dorimant says judges "have not been wanting by their good examples to countenance the crying sin o' the nation," probably meaning keeping, since it follows hard on Medley's speaking of "an old, doting keeper," but the phrase "crying sin" was a commonplace (OED). See also The Spanish Fryar, II, iv, 154–155 (p. 139 above) : "Remember, that Adultery, though it be a silent Sin, yet it is a crying Sin also."
5:19 acted only thrice. See headnote (pp. 370–375 above) for a discussion of why the play failed.
5:25–28 "The sacred poet ought to be chaste himself. His verses need not be so, which then thence have 'salt' and charm if they are rather voluptuous and not very virtuous" (Catullus, XVI, 4–6; Loeb, adjusted). Dryden has put ll. 5–6 first, then added a line of his own, and finished with a variant of l.4. Supposing he meant the reader to identify him in every respect with the poet in his quotation, he would also, perhaps, have intended the meaning "honest poet" instead of "sacred," since he had just referred to his play as "an honest Satyre" (l. 17). Alternatively, he was referring to himself as a "pious poet," the author of Tyrannick Love.
6:1 either alter'd or omitted in the Press. See the headnote, pp. 365–366 above, for what we know of the alterations and omissions.
6:8 Tartuffe. Devout auditors objected so strongly to its first full-length performance in 1664 that Molière did not dare produce it again for three years; then the first president of Parlement immediately forbade it, and it was two more years before Molière could obtain written permission from the king to produce it once more; it then ran for forty nights consecutively (Summers, IV, 534, quoting Émile Faguet).
6:9 a Country more Bigot than ours. The natural implication is that England is "bigot" and so are those who stopped the play. OED cites this passage under "bigot" without indicating whether the editors consider it to refer to religious or secular matters. Their earliest citation of the noun with a secular meaning is Congreve's Old Batchelour of 1687, which is close enough to the date of publication of Dryden's play, 1680, for one to suppose that he did not intend a religious meaning. But he may have intended such a meaning, since there would have been a strong Puritan or dissenting element among the London citizens who went to see plays and a Catholic element among the courtiers.
6:18–19 my absence from the Town. We do not know where he was.
6:19–20 otherwise I had over-look'd the Press. This explicit statement that Dryden did not read proof would allow extra freedom to an emender. We have not taken it.
6:22–24 if it live … this. In fact, Dryden made no further changes. Since ten years elapsed before the second edition appeared, he had presumably lost interest.
For characters not listed here see headnote, p. 370 above.
Gervase may be French (see I, i, 68–69 [p. 11 above]), but he may not (see II, i, 41, and IV, i, 175 [pp. 25, 62 above] and Ward, London Spy, p. 34 [Part II]: "I was got by an Honest poor Man, / Who Sails in Her Majesties Service, / … The Name of my Father is Jervice"). Perhaps the meaning of "apt" is closer to "ready" than to "prone" (OED).
Summers (IV, 534) notes that in the first edition the epilogue was printed on K1 and the prologue on [K2], where binders sometimes left the prologue instead of putting it in its place between [A4] and B1. He then infers that the prologue had been accidentally omitted during printing. The inference is not necessary; printing of the first edition of a play normally began with signature B, B1 being the first page of Act I, and as it was drawing to a close the printer arranged the last and prefatory pages on such sheets as he saw fit.
1–10 Dryden's survey is not to be taken as allowing no exceptions. Supposing he looks back only two years, we see premieres of The Man of Mode in March 1676, The Plain Dealer in December, and Dryden's own All for Love in December 1677. As Kinsley observes (IV, 1867), he repeated his charges in the prologue to Troilus and Cressida (acted a year later), ll. 17–32 (Works, XIII, 249–250).
2 dipt in Show. Summers (IV, 534) sees a pun here, one meaning of "dipt" being "indebted." Kinsley (IV, 1867) agrees, glossing the phrase as "immersed in debt by expensive theatrical productions." Kinsley also notes that Dryden had been complaining about the emphasis on "show" in the theater as early as the prologue to The Rival Ladies, ll. 11–12 (Works, VIII, 103).
3 Clouds. Summers and Kinsley take the word literally, either wholly or in part. The former (IV, 534) gives several examples of movable clouds in contemporary stage effects; the latter (IV, 1867) refers to Nicoll, pp. 44–49, where there are additional examples.
8–9 Summers (IV, 534) thinks the reference is particularly to the machines for Shadwell's opera Psyche, produced in 1675 (three years before Dryden's play), which had scenes of heaven and hell. Kinsley (IV, 1867) concurs, also noting that Dryden had spoken in opposite terms about the Drury Lane theater in Prologue Spoken at the Opening of the New House, ll. 1–10 (Works, I, 148–149).
11–13 To paraphrase, "let those who first turned away from wit lead the way back; I will not try to." Frank Harper Moore, The Nobler Pleasure pg 383(1963), pp. 153–154, suggests that "Monarch" refers to Charles II as much as to wit, i.e., that rebels against wit had corrupted the king's taste for it.
14–16 For the commercial image see also the prologue to A True Widow, ll. 4–8 (Works, I, 159). Shadwell's True Widow was performed ten days after the one datable performance of The Kind Keeper (London Stage, Part I, p. 269). Sturbridge Fair, which with Bartholomew Fair in London and Southwark Fair made up the three great national fairs of the time, was held annually at Cambridge for two weeks in September. Summers notes (IV, 535) that there is a long comical description of it in Act I of Webster and Dekker's Northward Hoe (1607).
18–19 Easter … Lent. Dryden's play was produced in March, that is, in Lent, for Easter Sunday was 31 March that year (1678).
23 Nostradamus. Dryden is simply joking. Neither The True Prophecies or Prognostications of Nostradamus (1672) nor The Fortunes of France (1672) has any such prediction. Dryden introduces a fictitious horoscope cast by Nostradamus into Don Sebastian, II, i, 582 (Works, XV, 120), and makes other more general references to him, e.g., The Vindication (p. 350:16 above).
27–28 Summers (IV, 535) notes the allusion to the eighth of the plagues of Egypt (Exod. 10:1–19). God, who had brought the locusts, sent a strong west wind that carried them to their deaths in the Red Sea. For another humorous reference to the biblical event see The Spanish Fryar, I, i, 467–472 (p. 123 above).
S.d. An open Garden-House. OED, citing I, i, 334, defines a garden-house as "any small building in a garden; a summer-house," and quotes Defoe in 1726 to the effect that "summer-house" had become the more usual though less correct term in England. Dryden's garden-house is in the back garden, as we see from V, i, 244 (p. 83 above), and might have assumed from the common form of London house, which fronted immediately on the street shoulder to shoulder with the next houses. Since the garden-house is "open," presumably the rear of the main house is visible behind it, and Woodall and Gervase enter from the rear. Act V of An Evening's Love also has a scene in a garden-house, managed by drawing and shutting the flats (Works, X, 298–304).
5–6 Morning Exercise. Morning prayers. The citations in OED do not indicate that "exercise" was a peculiarly Puritan term, and Woodall does not understand it as such (see his next words). But Woodall is ignorant in church matters (ll. 94, 100), and Summers (IV, 535–536) may be right in suggesting that the word had a Puritan ring.
10 Meeting-house. "In England from the 17th c. always a nonconformist or dissenting place of worship" (OED). "Tabernacle" (l. 13) and "conventicle" (l. 9) have the same meaning (OED). Woodall thinks Mrs. Saintly may be Presbyterian, Independent, or Anabaptist (l. 98), but as noted just above he is ignorant in religious matters. He knows enough to use the word "Tabernacle" satirically, but little more. Winn describes Dryden's pg 384early religious training under the covering term Puritan, but he notes that the pulpit of St. Mary Virgin, Tichmarsh, Dryden's parish church, was presented to Thomas Hill, a Presbyterian, presumably with the approval of Dryden's father, who had been at college with him, and that Dryden must have heard him often as a boy. Hill was also Master of Trinity College, Cambridge, when Dryden was an undergraduate. Winn (p. 8) thinks Dryden came to dislike Hill's preaching. At Westminster School, however, the headmaster Richard Busby held the beliefs of Archbishop Laud, who was an Arminian, i.e., opposed to Calvinism (Winn, p. 39). After university, Dryden worked for the government of Oliver Cromwell, who was an Independent (Winn, p. 60). Hence it is hard to say what kind of dissenting Protestantism would come first to Dryden's mind, or even if he intended Mrs. Saintly to have an identifiable church. The language of III, ii, 54ft., however, suggests that she is a Presbyterian (see p. 55 above). Summers (I, cii–ciii) identifies Mrs. Saintly with "Mother" Cresswell, a well-known bawd of the time, from the picture of her in Tom Brown's Letters from the Dead to the Living, in one of which, "From Madam Cresswell," she is made to say, "I had as many texts of scripture at command as a Presbyterian parson. … Never neglect public prayers twice a day, … and be sure to fortify your tongue with abundance of godly sayings; … there is no perfect bawd without being a true hypocrite" (Thomas Brown, Works, 8th ed. , II, 259, 261). "This strain," says Summers, "is the very accent of Mrs. Saintly." We may note that Damaris, the name Dryden had originally given to Tricksy, who is resident with Mrs. Saintly, "was adopted as a Christian name by 17th-C Puritans" (E. G. Withycombe, The Oxford Dictionary of English Christian Names, 3d ed. , p. 78). Mrs. Saintly gets her name from the dissenters' practice of calling themselves saints, i.e., holy people.
10–12 they pray for the Government, and practice against the Authority of it. This quip comes from The Man of Mode, I, i, 5–7: "It is a tax upon good nature which I have been laboring to pay, … but with as much regret as ever fanatic paid the Royal Aid or church duties." Satires on dissenters, which Dryden had introduced into his first play, The Wild Gallant, and which were even then common enough in drama, had also recently been seen on stage in revivals of Jonson's The Alchemist and Cowley's The Cutter of Coleman Street. Dryden and Etherege refer to the provisions of the act of 1670 "to prevent and suppress conventicles" (22 Charles II, ch. 1): "For providing further and more speedy remedies against the growing and dangerous practices of seditious sectaries and disloyal persons, who under pretense of tender consciences have or may at their meetings contrive insurrections (as late experience hath shewn); … be it enacted … That if any person of the age of sixteen years or upwards … shall be present at any assembly, conventicle or meeting, under colour or pretense of any exercise of religion, in other manner than according to the liturgy and practice of the church of England [which included prayers for the king] … at which … there shall be five persons or more assembled together … [he or she shall pay] a fine of five shillings for such first offense" and ten shillings for each subsequent offense, and have their property seized if they cannot pay. The law continued in force until 1688, when it was suspended for Protestants pg 385who would take oaths of loyalty to the sovereign and of Christian belief (1 William and Mary, ch. 18). They still had to pay Church of England tithes and other duties.
20–21 a Devout Fanatick-Landlady of a Boarding-House may be a Baud. Fake prudery had recently been satirized on stage in Wycherley's Plain Dealer and in a revival or a repertory production of Shadwell's Epsom Wells.
28 I thank my Stars. The first citation of the expression in OED (star) is 1599.
32–33 I have given you wholesom counsel. Servants who object to the hero's doings had recently been seen in Shadwell's The Libertine and Betterton's The Amorous Widow; the libertine hero had been seen in Shadwell's play, Etherege's The Man of Mode, and Wycherley's The Country Wife.
40 College. School.
41 Academy. Riding school.
43 managing the Great Horse. Learning how to manage a war horse in battle (OED, horse, sense 21 of the noun). Either Dryden left an inconsistency in the play or Woodall served as a foot soldier when "a Campaigning among the French" (l. 52).
46 Plate. Silver or gold (OED, sense 15a of the noun).
47 Prize. Presumably Dryden's invention, though the Prince-Bishop of Munster (l. 48) was a real enough person, Christoph Bernhard von Galen (1606–1678), known in England as "bombing Bernhard" (Boxer, pp. 32, 45). In 1665, during the Second Dutch War, the English induced him to attack the Dutch province of Guelderland, but he was stopped by French intervention and English inability to pay him as promised. In 1672, during the Third Dutch War, he took advantage of the French attack on Holland to capture Guelderland and Overijsel (Pieter Geyl, Orange and Stuart , p. 346), but the Dutch regained their provinces by the Treaty of Nijmegen with the French in 1678. Announcement of von Galen's death in the newspapers may have suggested his name to Dryden. Summers (IV, 536) notes that Kick in Shadwell's Epsom Wells drinks a toast to him.
52–53 a Campaigning among the French these last three years. By the secret Treaty of Dover in 1670 Charles II agreed to help the French take the Spanish Netherlands, and when the Dutch opposed France's efforts, England went to war with the Dutch. The war's unpopularity forced England to conclude the Treaty of Westminster in 1674, but the French continued to fight until they were forced to conclude the Treaty of Nijmegen in 1678.
72 Woman. Her identity never becomes clear. None of the women in the play gives any sign of having seen Woodall before.
79 Sentence. Sententia, sentiment, maxim.
83 She has a notable Smack with her. In The Man of Mode, I, i, 145, the Orange Woman tells how Harriet made her laugh by describing a judge who "when he saluted her, smacked so heartily."
83–84 Zeal first taught the Art of Kissing close. "Zeal" means "Puritanism." Summers (IV, 537) notes that in Massinger's A New Way to Pay Old pg 386Debts (1626), III, ii, kissing "close" is said to be "the strumpet's fashion." Behn had recently lampooned the same hypocrisy in male "zealots": Lady Fancy says that the men in the conventicle she attends with her husband "pat my Breasts and cry, fy, fy upon this fashion of tempting Nakedness" (Sir Patient Fancy, II, i, 14–15).
89 sprinklings. Alluding to his christening.
89 we must not boast. Cf. Rom. 3:27, "Where is boasting then? It is excluded."
93 Covent-Garden Church. St. Paul's, whose parish was then surrounded by the parish of St. Martin's in the Fields. Woodall's next words, "I think," mean that Mrs. Saintly's house is in that parish, as do 11. 2 and 21–22 of the epilogue. Summers (IV, 537) notes that in Otway's The Atheist (1684), St. Paul's church is said to be a place to make assignations.
101 season you. Possibly Mrs. Saintly means only "imbue your mind with right opinions," but to "season" a "vessel" (see l. 100), if it is of the kitchen kind, is to temper it, or to render its contents more palatable (OED). In view of Mrs. Saintly's real, as opposed to her currently expressed, designs on Woodall, we should note that "season" may mean "copulate with" (OED).
113–114 Here is the kernel of the plot.
123 overtaken. Intoxicated (OED).
127 again. The first time being the "close" kiss (ll. 83–84).
129 Cordial Water. Summers (IV, 537) glosses as spirits, but Saintly's draught removes enough of the effects of drunkenness so that sexual activity is possible. Hence it would appear to be her "mirabilis" (see note to III, ii, 74–75, p. 409below). In The Spanish Fryar, III, ii, 19 (p. 142 above), the same sort of drink is called "comfortable Water."
134 Scandal is the greatest part of the offence. Tilley B471, "A blot is no blot unless it be a hit" (first citation 1662) ; L381, "Live charily if not chastely" (first citation 1561); S472, "A sin unseen is half pardoned" (first citation 1567). The latter was also a French proverb; see Mathurin Régnier, Satire VII, Macette: "Le péché que l'on cache est demi pardonné." The latter may be the source for some words of Molière's Tartuffe that are similar to Mrs. Saintly's here: "le mal n'est jamais que dans l'éclat qu'on fait; / Le scandale du monde est ce qui fait l'offense, / Et ce n'est pas pécher que pécher en silence" (IV, v [ll. 1504–1506]).
137 cooling Card. "App. a term from some unknown game, applied fig. or punningly to anything that 'cools' a person's passion or enthusiasm" (OED, card). OED cites the present passage under "cooling."
147 alluring wanton Minxes. See The Wild Gallant, III, ii, 73–74: "this Minx is prevented of her design" (Works, VIII, 49). "Minx" is a kinder form pg 387of "bitch," since its original meaning was "a pet dog" and it was used as a name for such (OED, and III, i, 70 [p. 40 above]).
149 exalted. Drunk; see Woodall's reply and his words in ll. 193–194: "I will not make my self drunk, with the conceit of so much joy," namely, the prospect of several easy women in the house.
154 Tear it out. The language of the Sermon on the Mount, "if thy right eye offend thee, pluck it out" (Matt. 5:29). The offense Jesus spoke of is lust for a woman.
167 hide-bound. Tight-skinned (OED); none of the figurative meanings fits Aldo's character.
177 Before George. I.e., "before God," and so comparable with Old Bellair's "a dod," both exclamations used as identifying marks of the characters (see l. 235, etc.). Dryden had been using identifying exclamations since his first play, The Wild Gallant, in which Failer says repeatedly, "I gad," "I vow to Gad," and so on (see Works, VIII, 8, 10, etc.). In The Duke of Guise, IV, iv, the second citizen's identifier is "look you, Gentlemen," as Melanax points out in ll. 59–60 (p. 272 above). "Before George" not only marks Aldo's speech but also, perhaps from oversight or insufficient revision, becomes much used by Limberham. The latter fact casts doubt on Osborn's theory (John Dryden II, p. 45) that it allowed identification of Aldo with some person. (See also the discussion in headnote [pp. 374–375 above]). The same is true of "as I may say" (l. 180), which Osborn also identifies as characteristic of Aldo. In fact, he and Gervase each use the phrase once (see V, i, 559 [p. 92 above]). It must be remembered that Osborn did not have a personal computer with which to check his observations before he put them into print.
177 Swinger. From the verb swinge, copulate (OED). "Swinge" occurs again at IV, i, 130 (p. 61 above). In Amphitryon, I, ii, 50, and V, i, 330 (Works, XV, 241, 313), "swinge you off" means "screw you." But in V, i, 285 of The Kind Keeper (p. 84 above) "a great swinging Thief" means a strapping thief; see note to l. 205 below. "Swinging" has this latter sense as an adverb in The Vindication (p. 321:28 above), where it is spelled "Swindging," and in Amphitryon, I, i, 246, as does "swingeing" as an adjective in Amphitryon, III, i, 66 (Works, XV, 238, 266). Hippolita's use of "swingingly" in The Assignation, III, iii, 39, is similar, as is Pandarus's use of "swinger" in Troilus and Cressida, I, ii, 176 (Works, XI, 365; XIII, 262). In The Spanish Fryar, III, ii, 210 (p. 147 above), "swindging" is ambiguous.
178 humble. One of the biblical meanings of the word is "take" in the sexual sense (Deut. 21:14, 22:24, 29). As the textual notes point out, we have accepted the 1717 edition's reading here. Summers keeps the first edition's reading, "bumble," which he says (IV, 538) is a rare synonym of "bugger," but without giving a citation. "Bumble" is not in OED or in Eric Partridge, Dictionary of Slang and Unconventional English (5th ed., 1967).
188 Trojan. "A merry or roistering fellow" (OED), but the meaning is clear from Woodall's speech just preceding.
190 Bona-Roba's. Wenches; OED cites Florio's derivation, "as we say, good stuffe, that is a good wholesome plumcheeked wench," and Johnson's definition, "a showy wanton"; it also cites the present passage. Among other plays, such as The Wild Gallant, IV, ii, 276 (Works, VIII, 73), the term pg 388occurs in Fletcher's The Spanish Curate, which had recently been revived (London Stage, Part I, p. 242).
193 Turk Mahomet. Alluding to the Muslim allowance of four wives.
196–197 am I a Christian? As the headnote points out (p. 366 above), Dryden deleted from Act IV a joke about Woodall's and Aldo's Christianity, which he may have replaced with a joke in Act V about Limberham's Christianity. The present and similar jokes in II, i, 172–173, and III, ii, 106–107 (pp. 29, 56 above), belong to the same tendency. For still another joke on "good Christian" see The Duke of Guise, IV, iv, 74–76 (p. 272 above).
201–202 his destiny, like a Turks, is written in his forehead. Scott (S-S, VI, 20) says, "The Mohammedan doctrine of predestination is well known. They reconcile themselves to all dispensations by saying 'they are written on the forehead' of him to whose lot they have fallen." Summers (IV, 538) adds a citation from Paul Rycaut, The Present State of the Ottoman Empire (1667), p. 57 of the 1687 edition, which was printed as an appendix to Richard Knolles, The Turkish History (Bk. II, ch. VIII): "They are of opinion that every man's destiny is writ in his forehead."
205 two-handed. Big, bulky, strapping (OED, which quotes A Dictionary of the Canting Crew [ante 1700]: "Strapping-Lass. A swinging two-handed Woman").
209 so led a Keeper. A led keeper is a contradiction in terms. A bearward leads his bear. Keepers are laughed at twice in The Man of Mode: in I, i, 141–142, Medley says "an old, doting keeper cannot be more jealous of his mistress" than Lady Woodvill is of her daughter Harriet, and in II, i, 70–71, Old Bellair says "there are keeping fools enough for such flaunting baggages" as idle town flirts.
209–210 as proud of his Slavery, as a French-man. A common English belief; see dedication of the Aeneis (Works, V, 283), where Dryden speaks of himself as a freeborn subject, voicing opinions no French critic would dare to express, and Goldsmith's Citizen of the World, no. 4.
214 settlement. Probably the meaning is an annuity secured by a legal document (see II, i, 179, 197, and V, i, 24 [pp. 30, 76 above]), but what eventuates is a jointure in a marriage contract (see V, i, 596–597 [p. 93 above]).
217 Game. Summers (IV, 538) glosses from A Dictionary of the Canting Crew (ante 1700), lewd women, whores.
219 Factotum. Although Dryden explains the word, OED shows that it had been in use for a century.
235 poor little Devils. The earliest citation in OED for "devil" in this sense is 1698.
238 Land-Pyrats. I.e., Aldo calls baillifs robbers; see OED (land) citing the definition of land pirates in A Dictionary of the Canting Crew (ante 1700): "any … robbers."
239–240 cram'd Chickens, a Cream Tart. Rich food. Crammed chickens were fed extra food and kept in a coop to fatten them for the table (OED, pg 389cram, and citation of 1661). In Sir Martin Mar-all, IV, i, 219 (Works, IX, 256), Dryden refers to "cram'd Capons" and "Chickens in the grease" as food that a mistress might demand after childbirth.
243 smuggle. Cuddle (OED).
248–249 Lyon … Jack-call. The jackall was "formerly supposed to go before the lion and hunt his prey for him" (OED, citing Annus Mirabilis, l. 327, among other examples of the supposition).
252 throw at all. A gambling term; cf. "The Dice run at all" in l. 19 of the song "The Sea Fight" in Amboyna, III, i (Works, XII).
275 as right. Of the same character (OED, sense 17 of the adjective, citing Steele, Spectator, no. 144: "if you describe a right Woman in a laudable Sense, she should have gentle Softness, tender Fear"). Here, of course, the opposite sense is intended. Summers (IV, 539) says "A right woman was a cant phrase for a whore" and quotes from Wycherley's The Gentleman Dancing-Master (1673), m where Mrs. Caution, accused of having been a "false right Woman" in her youth, objects that she was never "right."
276 two-pil'ld. Double; "applied to velvet in which the loops of the pile warp are formed by two threads, producing a pile of double thickness" (OED, quoting only this passage besides Randle Cotgrave's A Dictionarie of the French and English Tongues ).
276 a Punk of two Descents. A second-generation prostitute (OED, descent). The original reading here, "Very punk of very punk," would have offended those who held the Nicene Creed in esteem. The creed includes the words "very God of very God."
277–278 the famous Cobler, who taught Walsingham to the Black-birds. We have been unable to identify the cobbler, but the weight of evidence seems to be that he was wasting his time. In the first place, the musical phrases of the tune of Walsingham are almost identical to phrases in the natural song of blackbirds (for the tune see Musica Britannica: A National Collection of Music, XIX, 2d ed. , p. 46; for the blackbirds see Joan Hall-Craggs, "The Development of Song in the Blackbird Turdus merula," Ibis, 104 , 296). In the second place, the Third Servant in Act V of Beaumont and Fletcher's The Honest Man's Fortune offers to resign his place, sink his abilities, and "teach young birds to whistle Walsingham" (quoted by Summers, IV, 540). John Phillips's translation of Don Quixote (1687) might suggest that the birds could not be so taught, for Quixote believes a story about a knight who heard birds in a magical grove "naturally singing Walsingham" (p. 278). But we note that these birds are not blackbirds but "little Birds with painted Wings of various Colours," so that their "natural" song would indeed be magical (Phillips embroidered the Spanish, which speaks only of "the sweet untutored melody of countless birds of gay plumage" [John Ormsby's translation, Part I, ch. L]). Summers quotes another passage which suggests that people who knew the tune heard it imperfectly rendered in the blackbird's song: in Part VI of Ward's London Spy we read of a man sent to Bridewell for saying "I had rather hear a pg 390Black-Bird whistle Walsingham, or a Peacock scream against foul Weather, than a Parson talk Nonsense in a Church" (p. 137).
303 Barnet. Formerly in a tongue of Hertfordshire extending south into Middlesex, Barnet is now in the North London borough of the same name, about ten miles from the City on the Great North Road. It had numerous inns to house travelers. Limberham and Aldo may have been returning from a journey to the north or may have been hunting (for the latter possibility see note to IV, i, 258 [p. 414 below]). We learn later that Brainsick and his wife have been at Barnet, whence Mrs. Brainsick preceded him to London (III, i, 194–195 [p. 44 above]). Possibly all three men had gone to Barnet with their ladies and stayed there after the women had left, but it seems more likely that Dryden did not revise his text sufficiently.
304 Hephestion. The historical Hephaestion was brought up with Alexander the Great and became his trusted general. When Alexander took the Persian princess Stateira as one of his wives he married Hephaestion to Stateira's sister Drypetis. When Hephaestion died soon afterwards, Alexander ordered special memorial observances. Dryden's audience would have been more familiar with Hephaestion's character as it had appeared recently on the stage in Lee's The Rival Queens and Banks's The Rival Kings, both produced in 1677, and in both of which Lysimachus is Hephaestion's rival for the hand of Parisatis (noted by Summers, IV, 540). Some interpreters of these plays understand them to present Hephaestion as Alexander's paramour (e.g., Works, XIII, 377). Possibly, then, Aldo has in mind the fact, not yet in evidence, that he and Limberham had shared a bed at Barnet and that Limberham had kissed and hugged him while dreaming of Tricksy (see ll. 421–423 [p. 22 above]). Those who interpret the language of Lee and Banks as merely indicating deep and lifelong friendship between Alexander and Hephaestion will suppose instead that Dryden means only that Limberham and Aldo are old and close friends. The same problem of interpretation is posed by the language of the Bible concerning David and Jonathan, whose "love … was wonderful, passing the love of women" (2 Sam. 1:26). Nothing is to be made, of course, of the mere fact that Aldo and Limberham shared a bed in an inn. By still another interpretation, phrases like "that Noble Hephestion" have no special meaning (see Works, VIII, 245–246).
308 supernaculum. See Tilley P164, "Make a pearl on your nail" (first citation 1592), and S1000, "To drink supernaculum" (first citation 1581–1590, second 1592). The citation of 1592 is Thomas Nashe's Pierce Penilesse (sig. E4): "a devise of drinking new come out of Fraunce; which is, after a man hath turnd up the bottom of the cup, to drop it on his naile, and make a pearle with that is left; which, if it shed, and he cannot make it stand on, by reason thers too much, he must drinke againe for his pennance." Scott (S-S, VI, 24) notes that the word occurs also in Charles Cotton's Scarronides: or, Virgile Travestie (1664). Summers (IV, 540) notes that it occurs in The Mistaken Husband, a play sometimes attributed to Dryden (ibid., p. 51).
307 kind Keeper. The folio of 1701 puts these words in italics to emphasize that they are the source of the play's title.
309 dipt … little finger. Scott (S-S, VI, 25) quotes from a poem of the time: "Come Phyllis, thy finger, to begin the go round" of the glass. Sum-pg 391mers (IV, 540–541) notes that another example of dipping a woman's finger in a glass of wine before drinking it occurs in Shadwell's The Humorists (1671), near the end of Act III.
310 tory rory. Roaring, uproarious, roistering, boisterous (OED, citing this passage). The expression occurs again at IV, i, 127 (p. 61 above). Saintsbury (S-S, VI, 77) notes its use also in Dryden and Davenant's The Tempest, IV, iii, 108 (Works, X, 81).
311 strain'd a Brimmer. Summers (IV, 541) cites Richardson Pack, "Some Memoirs of William Wycherley, Esq;" in his Miscellanies in Verse and Prose (1719), p. 185, who tells on Wycherley's authority how customers at bawdy houses used "to take hold of the bottom of [the women's] Smocks" and strain their Canary wine through them. A smock being an undergarment, the men found this practice exciting. A brimmer is "a brimming cup or goblet" (OED, citing Dryden's translation of Virgil's Aeneid, I, 1037).
314 taken upon suspition. The same phrase occurs at V, i, 434 (p. 89 above). There, "taken," arrested, is metaphorical, and so it probably is here.
314 Manhood. Manhead, virility (OED, manhead).
322 true-mill'd … right Stamp. A genuine and unclipped coin, giving full value. "On 17 May 1661 the King in Council, to stop clipping, cutting and counterfeiting, ordered all coin to be struck as soon as possible by machinery, with grained or lettered edges" (John Craig, The Mint: A History of the London Mint from A.D. 287 to 1948 , p. 157). Craig describes the method of minting by hand (pp. 41–43) and by machine (pp. 161–169). In the latter, a horse-powered rolling mill reduced ingots to the desired thickness, a screw press working on the same principle as a printing press of the time punched blanks from the rolled metal, a hand-operated rolling mill made the blanks perfectly circular and impressed their edges, and another screw press stamped the images on obverse and reverse. Lack of enough machines led to some production of coins by hand on into 1663 (ibid., p. 158), and in 1695 Dryden was still having trouble with clipped and counterfeit money (Ward, Letters, p. 75).
325 gloting. Casting amorous or admiring glances (OED, gloat); the word has the same meaning at III, i, 2 (p. 38 above).
330 I knew his Father. Here and in III, i, 418 (p. 52 above), Aldo's "humor" has a special comicality. Dryden had invented the humor for an offstage character mentioned in An Evening's Love, III, i, 41–44 (Works, X, 249).
339 hank. "A restraining or curbing hold; a power of check or restraint" (OED); the word has the same meaning in III, i, 140 (p. 43 above) and in Sir Martin Mar-all, V, i, 500 (Works, IX, 282). Woodal's "hank" on his father turns out to be crucial to the denouement of the play (see note to V, i, 461, [p. 423 below].
356 Lorrain and Crequy. François, Chevalier de Créquy, Marquis de Marines (1625–1687), took Lorraine from its Duke Charles IV (1604–1675) in 1670 for France. Five years later the duke defeated and captured him, but released him the next year, from which time Créquy was the most important French general. He defeated the duke again in 1677 and in the campaigns of 1678 and 1679 he was uniformly successful in battles along the Rhine. Thus his name would occur to Dryden as he wrote the play. Woodall is pg 392twenty-five years old (II, i, 51 [p. 26 above]), his father presumably twice that. It is therefore possible that Aldo had served under Créquy as a volunteer in his youth (Créquy was promoted lieutenant general before he was thirty), and that he liked to talk of the later exploits of his former commander. It is also possible, however, that Aldo has simply enjoyed talking about the war in which his son has been fighting and perhaps has even pretended to have known Créquy, since such pretensions are a principal "humor" of his. And perhaps we are to contrast father and son under tents as under sheets, speaker and doer.
358 a Slave to the Dye of Tripoli. North African pirates were a scourge in the Mediterranean (see III, i, 60–61 [p. 40 above], and the note thereto [p. 402 below]). Dey was the title of the commanding officer of the Janissaries of Algiers; he shared the supreme power with the bashaw or Turkish civil governor (OED, citing ll. 359–361). Dryden somewhat incorrectly calls the dey's wife a sultana in ll. 377, 378. He had been reading something like The Happy Slave by Sébastien Brémond, where a dey is mentioned and a sultana is a major character. Brémond's plot resembles Woodall's tale, except that the hero is an Italian count, the sultana is the wife of the bashaw of Tunis, and a female slave rather than a eunuch brings the count and the sultana together (the unsuspecting bashaw, who treats the count as a friend and equal, dresses him as a eunuch in order that he may enter the seraglio freely).
374 Mortal. Cf. Tilley M249, "A man is known to be mortal by sleep and lust" (first citation 1651).
387 Natural Historian. Closely imitating nature, unaffected, spontaneous, a born historian, affectionate, devoted to the study of nature, and possibly half-witted (OED).
406–407 pass for my Italian Merchant of Essences. A fake essence seller had recently been seen on stage in Shadwell's The Virtuoso.
409 Scaramouch and Harlequin. Characters in commedia del'arte. Dryden had previously referred to them after Charles II brought Italian players from Paris to London in 1673 (Epilogue to the University of Oxon. ,
11. 15–16, Works, I, 148, and note, p. 351). The king brought the Italians from Paris to Windsor in 1674, to Whitehall in 1675 and 1678–79, and to Windsor again in 1683 (Eleanore Boswell [Murrie], The Restoration Court Stage , pp. 118–125). The visit of 1678–79 came later in the year than the performances of The Kind Keeper, but it might have inspired Dryden's reference if he made it when revising the play. Whether Dryden imagined Woodall's past life in detail, as an actor might, we cannot tell. If he did, then, since Woodall was sent to Paris at the age of twelve (I, i, 39–40 [p. 10 above]), he must have seen the Italians there, where they shared a theater in the Palais-Royal with Molière's troupe.
414 Pug. The general meaning is something small; the word could be a term of endearment and by extension could mean any sex partner. As Limberham uses it in the play it is presumably affectionate, but Summers (IV, 567) appears to believe that when Limberham uses it in the epilogue (l. 18 [p. 95 above]) it means any sex partner as well. Since monkeys were named Pug, "monkey" may be the affectionate sense here. Pug dogs were pg 393and are pets, also. The use of pet names by the less intelligent characters was a staple of comedy (see The Wild Gallant, IV, i, 283, "chicken," The Tempest, III, iii, 12, "chuck," Don Sebastian, II, ii, 8, "honey-bird" [Works, VIII, 63; X, 53; XV, 122]).
415 hansel. Handsel, "a pledge of what is to follow," "an omen of good luck," "a first installment of payment; earnest money," "a gift or present (expressive of good wishes)" (OED). Dryden uses the word often in his plays (never in his poetry) in some selection or combination of its meanings. In this play alone it occurs also in I, i, 489, 490, and IV, i, 30 (pp. 24, 58 above), in the restricted sense of earnest money. See also The Wild Gallant, II, i, 62; Sir Martin Mar-all, V, ii, 12; Don Sebastian, IV, ii, 198 (Works, VIII, 25; IX, 285; XV, 168).
418–419 before George, as Father Aldo says. Cf. The Man of Mode, III, ii, 256, "A revoir, as Sir Fopling says." But Sir Fopling says "a revoir" only once, whereas Aldo's "before George" is a commonplace device to distinguish him from the other characters. Limberham's own catch phrase is his pet name for Tricksy, but after this remark about Aldo he himself uses "before George" almost at once and five more times thereafter (I, i, 457; II, i, 319, 437; III, i, 433; IV, i, 416, 439 [pp. 23, 34, 37, 52, 70, 71 above]). Perhaps Dryden originally intended "before George" to be Limberham's phrase and, after deciding to shift it to Aldo, did not make all the necessary changes, or perhaps it shows how easily Limberham is influenced.
429 what makes he. What does he seek? The same sense of the verb occurs in The Wife of Bath's Tale (l. 229), where it translates Chaucer's "seken," and in Cymon and Iphigenia (l. 183), where it translates Boccaccio's vai … cercando, "go seeking." It occurs also in III, i, 226–227 (p. 45 above), in The Spanish Fryar, II, iv, 131; III, ii, 84; V, ii, 232 (pp. 139, 144, 195 above), and in The Duke of Guise, III, i, 63; IV, ii, 18 (pp. 242, 262 above). OED (sense 58a of the verb) gives, "What are you doing here? What is your business, right, or purpose?"
430 Auph. Oaf.
432–433 s.d. the Lampoon … the Tune of Seignior. Winn (p. 591 n. 46) thinks the lampoon is Rochester's Signior Dildo. Signior Dildo does not have a refrain, "Ho, ho," but the stage direction may mean that Limberham caps his song with a laugh. The Man of Mode, I, i, 259–260, speaks of singing lampoons, as noted above.
447 Coxcomb. Dryden's characters in this play use "coxcomb" and "fop" (l. 477) in their now obsolete senses of "fool" (see OED). Cf. II, i, 25; III, i, 322, 447;IV, i, 254, 383; V, i, 530 (pp. 25, 49, 53, 65, 69, 91 above). Not so in The Spanish Fryar, II, i, 11–12, where Pedro says that youths educated abroad "are sent out Fools, / And come back Fopps" (p. 124 above).
453 Faked languages had recently been seen on stage in Behn's Sir Patient Fancy, Ravenscroft's The English Lawyer and Porter's The French Conjurer. "Intendo" may mean either "intend" or "understand" as called for by Dryden's joke, and several other things besides.
461 Lo'. Look.
463 Troppo poco, troppo co. "Too little, too little." Rather than emend the last word we have assumed a slurred pronunciation.
464 and. An (also spelled "an'"), i.e., if. The spelling "and" occurs also in The Spanish Fryar, III, ii, 230 and The Vindication (pp. 148, 315:20 above).
467 mon foy. Summers (IV, 543) notes that this particular bit of bad French is attributed to Bayes in The Rehearsal (1671), II, ii, 15. Or Dryden may have remembered Sir Fopling's "a revoir" (see note to ll. 418–419).
468–469 Chi vala, Amici: ho di Casa! Taratapa, Taratapa, eus, matou, meau. Obviously no real meaning is intended. The first six words might mean, "Who goes there? ho! from the house." "Taratapa" is some kind of noise, apparently, like tarantara. "Eus" seems entirely meaningless. As spelled, the last two words are French, "tomcat, meow," but if "ou" and "eau" were pronounced "o" they might represent something like "come on, boy," in the Venetian dialect.
477 Lingua Franca. This passage is the first citation in OED (lingua); hence we see why Tricksy explains it.
488 gagnare it. Correct Italian would be guadagnare il; cf. French gagner.
498 my Naunt of Fairies in The Alchemist. As Scott notes (S-S, VI, 32), the fool is not the aunt but the character Dapper, who is made to believe that he is a nephew of the queen of the fairies.
The scene is apparently a room in the house that anyone can enter and that has a door to Tricksy's bedroom. It is not clear, then, why Tricksy fears to have Limberham find Woodall here, though Woodall shortly gives us a kind of explanation in saying that he had pretended to leave the house. Nor is it clear why Tricksy should have kept a borrowed chest here with some of Limberham's clothes and legal documents in it. But if all dramatic characters acted rationally, we should have many fewer dramas.
2 danc'd in a Net. The proverb is, "You dance in a net and think nobody sees you" (Tilley N130, first citation 1534). Tilley, Saintsbury (S-S, VI, 32), and Summers (IV, 543) all note that Dryden had used the phrase in Sir Martin Mar-all, IV, i, 206 (Works, IX, 255). Dryden does not use the proverbial phrase with the proverbial meaning, however, but rather the reverse, much as Shakespeare does in Henry V, I, ii, 93–94: "And rather choose to hide them in a net / Than amply to imbare their crooked titles" (as quoted by Tilley; others read "imbar," a word of uncertain meaning in the context). Perhaps there was a form of the proverb without the word "think."
5 Chedreux. A wig made by the perruquier Chedreux of Paris. See The Man of Mode, III, ii, 203–213: "Emil. He wears nothing but what are originals of the most famous hands in Paris. … Dor. The periwig? Sir Fop. Chedreux." Dryden had satirized affectation for things French in An Evening's Love, I, ii, 96–99 (Works, X, 227), similar satire had been seen more recently on stage in Porter's The French Conjurer and Rawlins's Tom Essence, and Dryden was to introduce it again in the prologue to The Duke of Guise, l. 4 (p. 210 above, and note thereto, p. 514 below), but the idea pg 395was proverbial: Tilley E153, "The English are the Frenchmen's apes" (first citation 1603).
6–7 Locks comb'd down like a Maremaids. Printers' and publishers' devices may be supposed to resemble their shop signs. In the devices, the standard pose for mermaids shows them looking in a mirror and combing their long hair, which is consequently fairly straight. Sometimes the mirror is omitted, sometimes the comb. The coat of arms of the Fishmongers' Company has a mermaid as one of its supporters, without comb but with straight hair. (See R. B. McKerrow, Printers' and Publishers' Devices in England and Scotland, 1485–1640 , figs. 37, 149, 155, 168 and pp. 14, 54, 61; Strype, Bk. V, p. 182.) Philip Norman, London Signs and Inscriptions (1893), pp. 60–61, says that few such figures or signs had survived to his time, but Summers (IV, 543) says he had seen some old ones, again with straight hair.
10 Property. "An instrument, a tool, a cat's paw" (OED).
14 Journey-work. A journeyman is an expert who works for others, sometimes at onerous tasks. Dryden speaks of the sex act as work, drudgery or laboring in his comedies, his tragedies, and his heroic plays. See IV, ii, 119, and V, i, 518, 549, 569 (pp. 75, 91, 92, 93); see also Beamont's sixth speech in Amboyna, II, i, and Nourmahal's language in Aureng-Zebe, V, i, 250, 310 (Works, XII).
20 vocation. A comical reply to Gervase's moral earnestness.
22 Crimp. Krimpen was a card game well known in Holland (Jojakim Adriaan van der Welle, Dryden and Holland , p. 73 n. 3; see OED, crimp, sb.2). Summers (IV, 543) thinks "crimp" may mean "impressment" (see OED), saying the Dutch were noted for it, but it was the English who had regularly to resort to impressment, the Dutch never did (Boxer, p. 63; see also the second epilogue to The Wild Gallant, l. 22 [Works, VIII, 90]). Summers also suggests "cheating" as the meaning (see OED), which would fit Dryden's remark in the prologue to The Spanish Fryar, ll. 22–25: "The heavy Hollanders … cheat" (p. 105 above).
24–26 Cf. The Man of Mode, I, i, 251–256: "Med. … Whoring and swearing are vices too genteel for a shoemaker. Shoem. … Poor folks can no sooner be wicked but th'are railed at by their betters."
30–31. retir'd together, like Rinaldo and Armida, to private dalliance. Summers (IV, 543) notes that in Tasso's Gerusalemme Liberata Charles and Ubaldo enter Armida's magic garden seeking Rinaldo and find him in her arms (XVI, 7, 17–19).
41 My old Master. In I, i, 68–69 (p. 11 above), Gervase says "you took me up in France, and your Father knows me not." Either Dryden forgot or by mistake left traces of an earlier version of the play.
45–46 smoak him out, as they do Bees. Smoking stupefies or kills bees in the hive, it does not drive them out.
49–50 whet, like the lusty German Boys, before a Charge. "Whet" as Dryden regularly uses the word means "get ready for an attack" (OED, pg 396citing this play, IV, i, 446, and, with more relevance to the present passage, The Medall, l. 240, "grinn and whet like a Croatian Band"). The phrase "whet my courage" has already appeared (I, i, 161 [p. 14 above]), with sexual connotations as here. Fighting men have often drugged themselves before a battle. For Dryden, as we have seen, Germans are the heavy drinkers (I, i, 45–46 [p. 10 above], but see also l. 6 of the song "The Sea Fight" in Amboyna, III, i, and note thereto in Works, XII). Hence, "like the lusty German Boys" means "with a drink." See also "Want whets the Wit" in Love Triumphant at the end of I, i (Works, XVI).
73 a Worm-wood Lecture. Wormwood is bitter; we would say "the riot act."
76 Like Night and the Moon, in The Maids Tragedy. Summers (IV, 544) notes that the reference is to the end of the masque in Act. I.
90 I smell a Rat. Tilley R31, first citation 1553. Dryden uses it again in The Vindication, p. 351:9 above.
93–94 cross day. Probably as in "star-crossed" (OED, crossed; and see note to The Wild Gallant, III, i, 59 [Works, VIII, 252]); less probably "a day of persecution when the 'cross' has to be born" (OED, cross-days); least probably, it seems to us, one of the three days preceding Ascension Day or Holy Thursday, the fortieth day after Easter (OED, cross-days), but the latter is Summers's choice (IV, 544). See also Tilley H150, "A hare has crossed your way" [a bad omen] (first citation in English 1608), and L457, "When he has been at Loseham [i.e., lose 'em] Fair some cross comes in his way" (only citation 1671).
116 a Nest of unclean Birds. The quintessential unclean birds were the harpies; see Dryden's translation of Virgil's Aeneid, III, 291–320 (Works, V, 426–427).
117 You had best. See note to l. 85.
117 preach. Summers (IV, 544) thinks "preach" may be an error for "peach," that is, blab.
126–127 I'll go into a Nunnery. See The Man of Mode, V, ii, 353–356:
Lov. Jeered by her! I will lock myself up in my house and never 2see the world again.3
Har. A nunnery is the more fashionable place for such a retreat 4and has been the fatal consequence of many a belle passion.
It is therefore unnecessary to speculate whether Dryden's mistress Anne Reeves had retired to a nunnery (see Winn, pp. 537–538). A mistress who threatened to leave her keeper and thereby extorted a large sum from him had recently been acted in Crowne's The Country Wit. For a serious use of the threat see The Duke of Guise, V, iii, 111 (p. 298 above).
131–132 for Love nor Money. Tilley L484, first citation c. 1565. The phrase occurs again at III, i, 321 (p. 49 above).
133 Mistress for a Pope, like a Whore of Babylon. The whore of Babylon in Rev. 17 represents the power of Rome at the end of the first Christian century, but Protestants had long identified her with the papacy.
136 eat Pearl. One would expect "Pearls" if Aldo means "have pearls to eat" or "thrust down her throat," i.e., have all the pearls she wanted or have them thrust upon her. Limberham has a pearl necklace in his jewel box (see V, i, 405–408 [p. 88 above]), so that the comicality of his reply may lie in irony (see note to l. 138). Pearls and gold were dissolved and the liquor was drunk or eaten with a spoon, and if that is Aldo's meaning then the comicality of Limberham's reply is that he thinks of eating the undissolved substances. It is perhaps more likely, however, that Aldo uses the London name for brill, "a kind of flat fish (Rhombus vulgaris), allied to, and resembling the Turbot, but inferior in flavour" (OED, pearl, brill), and that Limberham's response is a comical misunderstanding of the word. Cf. V, i, 537–539 (p. 92 above), where Aldo promises Mrs. Pleasance that when she marries she will live like a princess, never eating butcher's meat. If Aldo does mean brill, then, were it not for Dryden's joke, he would better have said, "she shou'd eat Turbot," which was more expensive.
138 she has the Stomach of an Estrich. Tilley 197, "To digest iron (To have a stomach) like an ostrich" (first citation 1578).
169 I. See note to l. 102.
182 down with your dust. Put down your money (OED, dust); Summers (IV, 545) has some additional citations.
190 pervicatious. Obstinate.
193 buss. Perhaps there is some relevance here of a distinction made by Herrick, Hesperides (1648), I, 266, "we busse our wantons, but our wives we kisse" (quoted in OED).
198 Why, this is as it shou'd be. The same sentence occurs at V, i, 506 (p. 91 above), once again marking a reconciliation, but not as an echo, because Mrs. Pleasance, who uses the phrase in Act V, is not present here. It occurs again in Cleomenes, V, ii, 228 (Works, XVI).
201 to the Temple. To find a lawyer. Cf. Man of Mode, II, i, 41: "my lawyer i' the Temple."
206 Nuns Flesh. "A cold or ascetic temperament" (OED, earliest citation The Assignation , I, i, 219).
209–210 I wou'd enjoy all. The source of Woodall's new name (as explained in the headnote [p. 365 above], Dryden had originally named him Stains).
211 Clergy-covetousness in me, to desire so many. Dryden varies his metaphor at the end, where by "Sinecure" he means "uncared for," not "a position requiring no care." To use Scott's language elsewhere, the reader may judge whether this is wit piled on wit or an Irish bull.
177 peaking. Perhaps sneaking, perhaps sickly (OED). This speech begins a passage of "wit" in one of its Restoration meanings, namely, a series of similes; cf. Shadwell's parody of Settle in The Triumphant Widow (1677), excerpted in Works, XVII, 399, and Witwoud's language in Congreve's The Way of the World (1700).
178 sideling. Inclined to one side (OED).
229 a high Nose, as visible as a land-mark. See Song of Sol. 7:4, "thy nose is as the tower of Lebanon which looketh toward Damascus."
230–231 the covering of Lambeth Palace. Lambeth Palace was and is the London residence of the Archbishop of Canterbury. The "covering" to which Dryden refers is evidently the red brick of the gatehouse, in which, as Saintsbury notes (S-S, VI, 41), are diamonds outlined and linked by blue bricks. "Charles thought his Poet [Laureate] should hold the degree of Master of Arts, and since Dryden had left Cambridge without taking that degree, the King asked Gilbert Sheldon, Archbishop of Canterbury, to grant Dryden an M.A. under a Lambeth Dispensation; Sheldon did so on 17 June 1668" (Wing, p. 192).
235 Tuscan order. Its massiveness is what Woodall has in mind.
243–245 as a … Gates. The italics in the early editions ought to indicate that Dryden is quoting, but we have not identified the source. Scott (S-S, VI, 42) says, "In the spring of 1677, whilst the treaty of Nimeguen was under discussion, the French took three important frontier towns, Valenciennes, St. Omer, and Cambray. The Spaniards seemed, with the most passive infatuation, to have left the defence of Flanders to the Prince of Orange and the Dutch." See also the prologue to The Spanish Fryar, ll. 27–28 (p. 105 above).
251–252 Cf. The Man of Mode, IV, i, 42–43, where Lady Woodvill, complaining that older women are accounted ugly, says, "The depraved appetite of this vicious age tastes nothing but green fruit and loathes it when 'tis kindly ripened." For a different use of the image in the original version of Dryden's play see the editor's postscript to the notes to IV, ii (pp. 417–418 below).
254 kiss. The next sentence describes the accompanying stage business.
261 my Reputation. See also Mrs. Brainsick's words in III, i, 129 (p. 42 above), and, for Woodall's responses to Tricksy and Mrs. Brainsick, The Man of Mode, V, i, 144–147, Dorimant speaking to Loveit: "You have an indifferent stock of reputation left yet. Lose it all like a frank gamester on the square. 'Twill then be time enough to turn rook [sharper] and cheat it up again on a good, substantial bubble [wealthy dupe]."
263–264 get good fortunes … by Breaking. Dryden makes the same accusation in Cleomenes, IV, i, 100–101 (Works, XVI). Ward, London Spy (p. pg 399159 [Part VII]) explains the procedure in his description of "a place call'd White-Fryars … formerly of great Service to the Honest Traders of the City; who, if they could procure large Credit … would slip in here with their Effects, take Sanctuary against the Laws, Compound their Debts for a small matter, and often times get a better Estate by Breaking, than they could propose to do by Trading." White Friars, also known as Alsatia, was only the most notorious of several places whose "liberties" went back to medieval times. The act of 8 & 9 William III, ch. 27, par. 15, which put an end to these liberties as of 1 May 1697, names White Friars first, then Savoy, Salisbury Court (around the corner from the theater where The Kind Keeper was performed), Ram Alley, Mitre Court, Fuller's Rents, Baldwin's Gardens, Montague Close, the Minories, Mint, Clink, and Deadman's Place.
275 make. See note to I, i, 429 (p. 393 above).
279 get quickly into it, and I will lock you up. Hiding in a chest had recently been seen on stage in Shadwell's The Virtuoso. It was an old device, going back, as Summers notes (IV, 265), to folktales (see Stith Thompson, Motif-Index of Folk-Literature , motif K1517.4; see also K1218.4.1, K1342, K1521.2, K1555.0.2, K1566).
311 what the Devil's in you. Perhaps the emendation should be "what! is the Devil in you?" See "What the Devil wou'd you be at, Madam?" (IV, i, 251–252 [p. 65 above]), "is the Devil in you?" (IV, i, 353–354 [p. 68 above]), and "The Devil's in him" (III, i, 405 [p. 51 above]).
317 Inckle. "A kind of linen tape, formerly much used for various purposes" (OED). Saintsbury (S-S, VI, 44) defines "inckle" as "The tape still nailed lozenge fashion on the inside of trunk lids," i.e., to hold small objects.
319–320 have the Devil in a String. Have the devil at one's service; cf. the proverb, "to have the world in a string" (Tilley W886, first citation 1580).
321 Hictius Doctius. "A formula used by jugglers in performing their feats" (OED, hiccius doccius, citing Amphitryon, V, i, 211). Saintsbury (S-S, VI, 45) thinks it represents hie est doctus, "here's the doctor."
322 bless. Defend (OED).
331 reason. Limberham's reasoning in this passage is a prime justification in the play for the statement in the Personae Dramatis that he is "perswaded by what is last said to him, and changing next word." Another such, not so neatly worded, is to be found in V, i, 240–341 (pp. 83–86 above), where he once more speaks of what is reasonable. See also note to I, i, 418–419 (p. 393 above).
342–343 a Smith. Not a locksmith but a blacksmith, as we see from ll. 385–386 (p. 36 above).
348–349 Fiat Justitia aut ruat Mundus. Let justice be done or let the world crash. The proverb's first appearance in English, where the Latin is given as … et coelum ruat, was in 1601 (The Home Book of Quotations, sel. Burton Stevenson, 10th ed. , p. 1030, item 16).
353 bounces. Makes a noise, thumps (OED). The word occurs in a different sense in second epilogue to The Duke of Guise, l. 35 (p. 215 above).
357 Hell's broke loose. Tilley H403, first citation 1573.
361–365 See The Man of Mode, II, ii, 137–143:
Dor. … let me know the business.
Pert. The business, sir, is the business that has taken you up these two days. How have I seen you laugh at men of business, and now to become a man of business yourself!
Dor. We are not masters of our own affections; our inclinations daily alter. Now we love pleasure, and anon we shall dote on business.
Dryden has another play on "business" in Love Triumphant, at the end of IV, i (Works, XVI). There is also an element of humor in some of the subsequent occurrences of "business" in the present play, when it is a euphemism (see IV, i, 51, 73 [pp. 58, 59 above]).
366 I am rais'd up for a Judge amongst you. Biblical language but not a quotation; the closest parallel would be the judge and prophetess Deborah (judg.4–5).
378 Chamber. Strictly "bedroom," but the room has been a thoroughfare (see note at beginning of act).
384–391+ s.d. Since Limberham has unlocked the chest and only Woodall's holding to the inkle inside it has prevented its being opened, there is no need for Mrs. Saintly to unlock it and no reason for Woodall to speak of being delivered from it. Furthermore, we see that the chest, which is still open in l. 411, is yet to be opened in ll. 451–452. Some of this scene, then, was inserted in revision, and its surroundings were not adjusted correspondingly. Note also that in III, ii, 55–56 (p. 55 above), Woodall says that Mrs. Saintly unlocked the chest.
386 bore. Aperture (OED).
388 the spoils of the ungodly. A phrase characteristic of Mrs. Saintly (see III, ii, 60 [p. 55 above]).
391 sanctife. Make saintly, a presumably unconscious pun on Mrs. Saintly's part.
394 Stop Thief. Dryden uses the idea of a thief twice more: in III, i, 207–208 (p. 45 above), where Woodall sneezes in Judith's room and Mrs. Brainsick suggests to her husband that it may be a thief; and in V, i, 281–310 (pp. 84–85 above), where Mrs. Pleasance says she has dreamed that a thief, i.e., Woodall, has stolen Limberham's jewels. Woodall is a kind of thief of love. In III, i, 59–60 (p. 40 above), Mrs. Pleasance calls him "you Privateer of Love."
403–404 an Eighth for your Seventh. Commandment. Woodall uses the common Protestant numbers as expected; by the Lutheran and Catholic count, these commandments would be the seventh and sixth.
419 lifted up my voice, and shriek'd. Biblical language: cf. "Jacob … lifted up his voice, and wept" (Gen. 29:11).
420 Gog and Magog. Originally in Ezek. 38:2, then Rev. 20:8, which is probably the reference here, since it is a vision. Possibly the reference is to the "giants" kept in the Guildhall and carried in processions (see Ward, London Spy, pp. 93–94 [Part IV]).
425 Balcone. Houses in high streets in London were required by law to have balconies four feet deep across two-thirds of their fronts and shed roofs pg 401across the remaining third to shelter passersby. In these houses the ground floors were normally occupied by shops.
451–452 See note to ll. 384–391+ s.d.
This scene is at first a part of the house that all can enter, but by ll. 17–178 we are in Brainsick's "Fortress."
2 glote. See note to I, i, 325 (p. 391 above).
6 earnest. In her prayers.
9 Pippin. The idea that the fruit forbidden to Adam and Eve was an apple appears first in English literature in Caedmon's Genesis (ante 1000), l. 637 (OED, apple). Dryden had so visualized it in the stage direction in The State of Innocence, IV, ii, 25 (Works, XII).
14 I scorn he shou'd not think me worth a civil question. OED gives no example of the grammar here.
14+ s.d. As Summers notes (IV, 546), "Re-enter" when none of the characters has been on stage before suggests that Dryden deleted the original opening of the scene.
20–36 We have not found the Italian original of the song.
34 Summers (IV, 546) cites Pliny, Natural History, X, xxxii, 23, as denying that dying swans sing.
37ff. The satire here is very similar in its rather awkward form to that in the last part of Amboyna, II, i (Works, XII).
37 Simagres. "Affected airs or looks" according to OED, which notes that the word was adapted from the French. The only other citation in OED is also from Dryden, though wrongly dated 1700; it is The Fable of Acis, Polyphemus, and Galatea, l. 31 (in Examen Poeticum, 1693), where, as Summers notes (IV, 546), it is a flourish on Ovid's componere vultus, "to adjust [his] mien." In French, however, the word may mean "grimaces," and Saintsbury (S-S, VI, 51) and Summers so gloss it, perhaps because the word is italicized in the early editions.
37 of yours. The words suggest that Dryden's original plan was to have Woodall sing.
45 People a new Isle of Pines. As Scott notes (S-S, VI, 51), the reference is to a novel by Henry Neville under the pseudonym of Henry Cornelius Van Sloetten, The Isle of Pines (1668). Its lengthy title, quoted by Summers (IV, 546–547), explains that it concerns a man [George Pine] and four women who were cast away on an island near Australia in Queen Elizabeth's time and whose descendants had by 1667 totaled ten or twelve thousand.
48 the Government. See note to I, i, 10–12 (pp. 384–385 above).
51–52 as sharp as a Governour of Covent-Garden. Summers (IV, 547) says the "governours" are the overseers of the parochial charities, and that Aphra Behn, in The Adventure of the Black Lady (in The Histories and Novels, 1696), accused such officers of taking the bread of the poor. See also the act 3 & 4 William and Mary, ch. 11, par. 12, "whereas many churchwardens and pg 402overseers of the poor, and other persons intrusted to receive collections for the poor, and other publick monies relating to the churches and parishes whereunto they do belong, do often misspend the said monies, and take the same to their own use." "Sharp," then, is as in "sharp practice" (OED).
57 half-strain. Half-breed (OED has four citations for this word and "halfstrained," all from Dryden: this passage, Amboyna, V, i; Duke of Guise, IV, iv, 80, and Don Sebastian, III, i, 320). As it turns out, Mrs. Pleasance is no relation at all to Mrs. Saintly (see V, i, 522–523 [p. 91 above]).
60–61 Argiers Man, that Cruse … for prize in the Streights Mouth. As Summers notes (IV, 547), Mrs. Pleasance refers to Algerian pirates at the Strait of Gibraltar. The spelling Argiers is also to be found in Shakespeare's and in Dryden's and Davenant's The Tempest (see Works, X, 357) and in Luttrell (e.g., "His majestie hath granted a breif for making charitable collections for the redemption of the captives at Argiers" [I, 37]).
61 Vessels. Playing on the biblical phrase "weaker vessel" (1 Pet. 3:7), i.e., wife, woman. "Vessels" is otherwise part of Mrs. Saintly's "fanatic" language (see note to I, i, 100 [p. 386 above]).
61 snap. Capture (OED).
65 Rooks. Cheats, here subordinate cheats. See "rooking" in The Wild Gallant, IV, i, 32, and An Evening's Love, III, i, 27 (Works, VIII, 54; X, 249), and "Deputy-Fumbler" and "Sub-fornicator" in I, i, 247, and V, i, 433 (pp. 16, 89 above).
66 pick up a Sum. The image is from gambling. Cf. "pick'd up a considerable Sum" in IV, i, 77 (p. 59 above).
66 push. Push on vigorously (OED).
70 go proud. Be in heat (OED, proud). It is not clear whether Minx is any bitch or one that the audience would have recognized. There was a theatrical dog named Jack Sparks (Highfill, IX, 224). Summers (IV, 548) glosses "the Dogs in Covent Garden" as "rakehell gallants."
74–81 Enlarged at IV, i, 23–39 (pp. 57–58 above).
80–81 let the Cat … Mousing. In the Greek Babrius no. 32, and Aesop no. 76, it is a weasel rather than a cat, but the story has many variants in its retellings. Having fallen in love with a handsome young man, the animal asks a goddess to make her a woman. On the wedding night, however, a god or goddess lets a mouse loose in the woman's presence and she pounces on it. For so doing she is changed back to her original form. Moral, wicked people can change their position in life but not their characters. There is another reference to the fable in the epilogue to Love Triumphant, ll. 35–36 (Works, XVI).
86 of the first Head. First sprouting horns; normally used of horned animals (OED, head), as noted by Summers (VI, 548).
93–94 he that cheated the very Lottery. Unidentified; presumably the national lottery, overseen by the chancellor of the Exchequer.
96–97 raging Fit … Spirit of Prophecy. Woodall refers to Virgil's picture of Deiphobe the priestess of Apollo when prophesying (Aeneid, VI, 45–51, 77–80, Dryden's translation, 70–79, 120–125 [Works, V, 529, 530]; see particularly his ll. 74–75, "convulsive Rage possess'd / Her trembling Limbs"). There is a similar reference in Cleomenes, I, i, 295–296 (Works, XVI). But the words "Spirit of Prophecy" are also an ironic allusion to Mrs. Pleasance's pg 403supposed religion (see 1 Cor. 12:10, 11; and note to I, i, 10 [pp. 383–384]). Railing like Mrs. Pleasance's was familiar to theatergoers from such recent and recently revived plays as D'Urfey's A Fond Husband, Cowley's The Cutter of Coleman Street, and Etherege's She Would if She Could.
102 good John among the Maids. Summers (IV, 540) glosses as "a cant term for a wencher," without giving a citation.
121 bright Nymph. The phrase also occurs in King Arthur, II, ii, 46 (Works, XVI).
124 find her coming. Find her "inclined to make or meet advances" (OED, coming). Sancho makes a similar pun in his third speech in Love Triumphant, II, ii (Works, XVI). The word also occurs without a pun in Secret Love, II, i, 43 (Works, IX, 141).
129 Reputation. See note to II, i, 261 (p. 398 above).
135 as that of the Subject is in the King. The Home Book of Quotations, sel. Burton Stevenson, 10th ed. (1967), p. 1040, item 7, cites An Essay of a King (1642), attributed on its title page to Francis Bacon but rejected as spurious by Spedding (see Bacon, Works, ed. James Spedding et al. , VI, 595). Section 7 of the essay reads, "He is the Fountain of Honour, which should not run with a wast pipe, lest the Courtiers sell the waters, and then (as papists say of their Weis) to lose the vertue."
140 Hank. See note to I, i, 339 (p. 391 above).
174 Judith hath a Chamber within mine. Dryden has imagined Mrs. Saintly's house with more reference to his plot than to verisimilitude. We see shortly that Judith's bedroom also has a door into Aldo's (l. 280). In real life, Judith, as Mrs. Saintly's maid, would have slept in an anteroom to Mrs. Saintly's chamber where she would have been within call at night.
177ff. Brainsick speaks blank verse much of the time, but it did not seem worthwhile to divide his words into poetic lines. The Rehearsal had turned the laugh on Brainsick's kind of huffing, and had been followed by Chamberlayne's Wits Led by the Nose and Shadwell's The Virtuoso. See also p. 368 n. 22 above.
184 'nown. Mine own. The spelling in the first edition is " 'none" here and in l. 208; "n'one" in IV, i, 380 and 390 (p. 69 above). We are now inclined to believe that we ought to have similarly emended "none" and the following comma in Marriage A-la-Mode, III, ii, 137, as suggested by Summer's note (see Works, XI, 276, 500; Summers, III, 234, 547). Summers lets the text stand in all five places.
186 piddee. Summers notes (IV, 548) that "piddee" represents "prythee." It is only a step from " 'nown" to "piddee," but it had not been taken lately by other dramatists. An effect something like that of Mrs. Brainsick's baby talk in this speech might have been obtained by an actress playing Lady Percy in 1 Henry IV, II, iii.
187, 191–192 Affectation of scorn for women and love had recently been satirized on stage in Chamberlayne's Wits Led by the Nose, Wycherley's The Country Wife, D'Urfey's The Fool Turn'd Critic, Behn's The Town-Fop, and Etherege's She Would if She Could.
193 light Huswife. Wanton hussy (OED, light).
195 Barnet. See note to I, i, 303 (p. 390 above).
196 like a Pallas. Ready to spring from his head, as Pallas Athena sprang from the head of Jove when one of the other gods split it open. This most familiar story "was fully developed by the time of Pindar" (OCD). Summers (IV, 548) quotes Pindar's version of it: "by the cunning craft of Hephaestus, at the stroke of the bronze hatchet, Athene leapt forth upon the crest of her father's head" (Seventh Olympian Ode, st. 35; Loeb).
204 a cast of his Office. A specimen of his ability (OED, cast).
208 Thief. See note to II, i, 394 (p. 400 above).
218 Sa, sa. Summers (IV, 548) points out that this is the French ça, ça, and says it was "formerly used by fencers when delivering a thrust." That is certainly its meaning in his citation from Shadwell's Libertine, Act V, but it would be better to say that it was a word used generally when striking home. Tilley (G481) quotes from Beaumont and Fletcher's Knight of the Burning Pestle (1613), Act V, "sa, sa, sa, bounce quoth the guns." We cannot be sure what weapon Brainsick would have worn. In l. 229 and in V, i, 147 (p. 80 above), he calls it a saber, which is primarily a cutting instrument, and in l. 230 and in V, i, 323–324 (p. 85 above) he speaks of slicing with it, so that he may here be flourishing it. But in l. 371 Limberham calls it a sword. Summers's text has "Sa, fa," here, a mistake in reading long "s" made also in the galleys of the present edition at this point.
222 Huswife. Presumably, but not necessarily, in the sense of hussy (see note to l. 193).
227 makes. See note to I, i, 429 (p. 393 above).
236 Let me alone. See note to I, i, 146 (p. 386 above).
243 tro. OED derives from trow and notes that its meaning in such questions as this one is not clear.
252 Voluntiers. Deliberate lies (OED, citing this passage only).
257 Cater-Cousins. Probably best understood from the rest of the sentence.
258 between a pair of Sheets. Aldo uses a similar phrase, "betwixt two Sheets" in V, i, 518 (p. 91), making it a characteristic expression of his.
268–269 a Knight of Hamshire. Perhaps one of the two M.P.s for the county (OED, knight; see the reading here of the 1701 text, which omits "a," and "Knights of the Shire," Works, XVII, 214, and note, p. 428), but see note to l. 271. There may be a joking reference here to Sir Fopling Flutter's footman John Trott, whom he decided to call Hampshire, not liking the sound of his real name (The Man of Mode, III, iii, 266); Dorimant makes fun of him for doing so (V, i, 92–93).
271 Knighted at the King's coming in. Since Aldo is lying, we cannot tell exactly what he means. The king was expected to confer some knighthoods when he landed at Dover, but he did not do so (Pepys, Diary, 25 May 1660). The Convention Parliament, supposing Judith's prospective father-in-law is an M.P., had been elected in March. Lord Vaughan, the play's dedicatee, was knighted at the coronation in April 1661.
271–272 Two fat Bucks. See note to I, i, 226 (p. 388 above).
284 I have her Name down in my Almanack. Some almanacs, such as Jonathan Dove's Speculum Anni, had a blank right column in the tables for the days, in which memoranda could be written.
285 kiss and tell. Tilley K106, first citation 1616.
292 Battisi. Brainsick's supposition that Woodall will have brought news from France about "Battist" indicates that he refers to Giovanni Battista Lulli, master of the court music to Louis XIV, as Scott (S-S, VI, 61) and Summers (IV, 549) observe. As Summers also observes, Dryden has begun to draw upon the similar scene in The Man of Mode, IV, ii, 111–146, where Sir Fopling sings a song to a tune by "Baptiste." The whole business of Brainsick and his song is closely modeled on Etherege. Note that in his speeches here Brainsick does not have his characteristic language.
292–293 last Opera. Summers (IV, 550) says "if any particular allusion is intended it is to Lulli's Isis" (1677), which gained special notoriety because it was thought to mirror quarrels among the king's mistresses.
297 at the Circle. At the assemblage around the ruler, here the king. Dryden uses "circle" in this sense too often for us to draw any inference from the fact that Etherege had used it twice in The Man of Mode. In IV, i, 125–126, Dorimant says he will speak in Harriet's behalf, "if I chance to be at court when the critics of the circle pass their judgment." In III, i, 158–160, Young Bellair says "some … will give you an account of every glance that passes at play and i' th' Circle."
298 S. Andre. See MacFlecknoe, l. 53 (Works, II, 55), and The Man of Mode, IV, i, 287–290, where Sir Fopling says, "I am fit for nothing but low dancing now … But St. André tells me, if I will but be regular, in one month I shall rise again." The preface to Shadwell's opera Psyche (1675) calls St. André "the most famous Master of France" (quoted in London Stage, Part I, p. 230). He was brought from France to choreograph the dances in Psyche. For more details of his career in England see Highfill, XIII, 171–172.
306 Cadence. As a technical term in music, "cadence" may be a synonym for "close" (l. 303), but it appears from l. 308 that here it contrasts with "close" and so has rather the general meaning of melody, rise and fall of the musical line, or even rhythm.
311–312 en Cavalier. I.e., à la cavalière, cavalièrement, "in a cavalier manner, careless, off-hand, free and easy." See An Evening's Love, III, i, 492–493, "I beseech you if you will lose [when gambling], to lose en Cavalier" (Works, X, 264). See also The Man of Mode, IV, ii, 107–108, where Sir Fopling says "We should not always be in a set dress. 'Tis more en cavalier to appear now and then in a déshabillé."
313 Nolo. "I do not wish [it]." Cf. Defence of the Duchess's Paper (Works, XVII, 311), "his three Nolo's." But there was in fact no requirement that an episcopal nominee deny his desire for the office. In a private communication Melanie Barber has pointed out that Dryden may have been thinking of Lancelot Andrewes (1555–1625), who refused the bishoprics of Salisbury and Ely before reluctantly accepting that of Chichester (DNB), and that OED (episcopate) quotes Wycherley as writing to Pope in 1704, "A Bishop gains his Bishoprick by saying he will not Episcopate."
320 so many Phillis's in Songs. Summers (IV, 549) notes that Sir Fopling Flutter's song is also about "Phillis," to which one may add that there is another song about "Phillis" in the same play (V, ii, 73–88). Possibly Dryden was poking fun at himself, for he had used the name in all three songs in pg 406The Conquest of Granada and in the song in The Assignation (Works, XI, 51–52, 69–70, 166–167, 359). He was to use it again in The Lady's Song and in the song in The Pilgrim (Works, III, 223; XVI). For references to its use by other writers, see Works, XIII, 565. See also note to I, i, 309 (pp. 390–391 above).
321 for Love or Money. Tilley L484, first citation c. 1565.
322 Fop. See note to I, i, 447 (p. 393 above).
329 Succuba. Already meaning strumpet in late Latin (OED), it retained this meaning in English.
339 quelque chose. Trifle (OED, kickshaw). Perhaps Limberham is being pretentious, for it would appear that the pronunciation "kickshaws" or "kickshows" was well known. See Richard Flecknoe, Diarium (1656), p. 11: "Ragouts and Sallets, … / Which … / Your dull Squire, that nothing knows, / But Beef and Bacon, calls Kick-shaws." In the preface to Albion and Albanius (1685), Dryden was to write that the French "have reform'd their Tongue, and brought both their Prose and Poetry to a Standard: the Sweetness as well as the Purity is much improv'd, by throwing off the unnecessary Consonants, which made their Spelling tedious, and their pronunciation harsh" (Works, XV, 7). In Amphitryon, III, i, 389, Dryden put "Quelque chose" into the mouth of Sosia, but with what connotation is uncertain (see note in Works, XV, 487–488). In An Evening's Love he had made a similar joke about pronunciation, when Aurelia tells Camilla not to say "Pardon me, Madam," but "Parn me, Mam" (III, i, 98–100 [Works, X, 251]).
345 the Elephant. In The Man of Mode, I, i, 487, Dorimant says, "I may ride the elephant if I please, sir." Very likely both plays refer to the same elephant, and the same as the one Robert Hooke went to see at Bartholomew Fair on 1 September 1679: "Saw Elephant wave colours, shoot a gun, bend and kneel, carry a castle and a man, etc." (Diary, ed. H. W. Robinson and Walter Adams , p. 423). An advertisement for "the Famous Indian Water Works" at Bartholomew Fair in 1682 says the show may be "seen in the Old Elephant's Ground, over against Osier [or Hosier] Lane, in Smith-field" (Loyal Protestant, 26 August and 7 September 1682, quoted in Henry Morley, Memoirs of Bartholomeiu Fair , p. 286). An elephant, again very likely the same one, is referred to in the prologue to Duffett's Psyche Debauched (1675) as "new come." It had been imported by Lord George Berkeley (London Stage, Part I, p. 235). Hooke noted on 12 August 1675, "Elephant sold for £1600"; on 2 September, "Walkd to see Elephant"; and on 1 October, "Saw Elephant 3sh." (Diary, pp. 174, 178, 184).
348 use your pleasure with your own. As ODP points out, the original of the proverb—"May not a man do what he likes with his own?"—is in Matt. 20:15.
349–350 Virgil was not permitted to burn his Æneids. Virgil had told Varius to burn his epic if he were to die before he could prepare it for publication, and in his last hours asked for it to burn. Neither Varius nor anyone else would comply with his wishes. Summers (IV, 551–552) retells the famous story, from Suetonius, Virgil, 39–41.
353 Oxe. An ox has horns; probably we are not also to consider that the term is commonly confined to a castrated bull. Ox and ass (l. 352) are many times linked in biblical law, as in the last commandment, "Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's … ox, nor his ass" (Exod. 20:17; Deut. 5:21), and the rule, "Thou shalt not plow with an ox and an ass together" (Deut. 22:10).
357 publick Nusance. In The Man of Mode, I, i, 247–248, the Shoemaker says of the Orange Woman, "Damn her, dunghill! If her husband does not remove her, she stinks so, the parish intend to indict him for a nuisance" (but the idea was commonplace; Dryden speaks of "State-nusances" in Cleomenes II, ii, 5 [Works, XVI]). A nuisance is "anything injurious or obnoxious to the community or to the individual as a member of it" (OED).
359 graff him. Graft "horns" onto him. See "grafting of the horns" for cuckolding in The Wild Gallant, II, i, 80 (Works, VIII, 26). OED cites Loyal Poems (1685), p. 132: "But of all pates, Git has the softest one; / 'The better,' crys the Wife, 'to graft upon.' " See II, i, 37–38 (p. 25 above), for a different use of the image.
360 A word to the wise. Tilley W781, first citation 1546. The proverb appears also in Love Triumphant, III, i (Works, XVI; S-S, VIII, 431).
362 Much is the word. For the similar expression in The Spanish Fryar, see note to l. 369.
365 Square. Since Mrs. Saintly's house is in St. Paul's parish (see note to I, i, 93 [p. 386 above]), this square is presumably Covent Garden. "Covent Garden, particularly so called, is a curious, large, and airy Square, enclosed by Rails, between which Rails and the Houses runs a fair Street. The Square is always kept well gravelled for the Accomodation of the People to walk there, and so raised with an easy Ascent to the Middle, that the Rain soon draineth off, and the gravelly Bottom becomes dry, fit to walk on" (Strype, Bk. VI, p. 89).
369 Bilbo. Summers (IV, 552) notes the derivation from Bilbao in Spain, famous for its cutlery. OED notes its use, often humorous, for the swords of swashbucklers or bullies, as in the second epilogue to The Duke of Guise, l. 5 (p. 214 above). "Bully Brainsick" (l. 367) uses it for alliteration three times: here, and in V, i, 252, 323 (pp. 83, 85 above). In Marriage A-la-Mode, V, i, 311–312, Rhodophil says, "I shall speak to you now by way of Bilbo," and "Claps his hand to his sword" (Works, XI, 307); a shorter form, "Bilbo is the word," appears in The Spanish Fryar, III, ii, 167–168 (p. 146 above), and "here's Bilbo, that's a word and a blow" occurs in The Duke of Guise, IV, iv, 70–71 (p. 272 above).
371+ s.d. Summers does not emend but instead identifies "with a Note for each" as a prompter's direction (IV, 552).
376–377 orange Gloves. Scented. As Summers notes (IV, 552), Sir Fopling's gloves are also orange-scented (III, ii, 215).
380 Roman. Summers (IV, 552–553) quotes a recipe for scenting gloves in the Roman and Milanese way, requiring a mixture of many perfumes.
384–385 two dozen. This might seem to be a large number, but Summers (IV, 552) quotes from Pepys's Diary for 25 January 1669, where we read that Mrs. Pepys wanted to buy two or three dozen French gloves.
387–390 As Summers notes (IV, 553), the business of conveying messages pg 408in gloves had appeared in Shadwell's The Virtuoso (1676) toward the end of Act III.
418 Old Woodall and I, are all one. We may perhaps imagine that Woodall here winks at the audience.
431 Numerical. Identical (OED).
16 Comedians. Those who act "a feigned part in real life" (OED).
31 Catter-wauling. Making love like cats (OED).
40 Necessity has no Law. Similar to Tilley N63, "Necessity never made a good bargain" (first citation 1611).
41 sadness. Earnest (OED).
50 Beldam. Old woman, witch, virago (OED).
54 Elders. In the Presbyterian system, those who manage church affairs, including the ministers, who are called teaching elders (OED) see also note to l. 59).
59 Teacher. See the Toleration Act, 1 William and Mary ch. 18, par. 8, "Any Preacher or Teacher of any Congregation of Dissenting Protestants" (quoted in OED, congregation). Also Albion and Albanius, III, i, 87–88 (Works, XV, 45), where preachers are called teachers, and To my Friend the Author [Peter Motteux], l. 24 (Works, VII), where "teachers" are "the saints" (as in Mrs. Saintly), that is, Puritans, though the attack is directed at Jeremy Collier, an Anglican. Richard Flecknoe, Diarium (1656), p. 16, writes of "A tiny Knipperdalling [i.e., Anabaptist] Teacher" who was the preacher at a conventicle in Brentford. And in Ward, London Spy, the spy, seeing a "Tabernacle" (see note to I, i, 10 [pp. 383–384 above]), asks, "Who is their Teacher? … I mean, who is it that Preaches, or Holds forth here?" (p. 326 [Part XIII]).
65 gift. Mockingly used; the language is St. Paul's originally (see esp. 1 Cor. 12).
66–67 kicked with the Heel. The language has a biblical ring. See 1 Sam. 2:29, "Wherefore kick ye at my sacrifice and mine offering?" See also Acts 9:5 and 26:14, "It is hard for thee to kick against the pricks," and Psalm 41:9 pg 409and John 13:18, "he hath lifted up his heel against me," generally understood to mean "he kicked me."
68–69 Serpent, in thy crooked Paths. Cf. "the crooked serpent" (Job 26:13); "leviathan that crooked serpent" (Isa. 27:1); and "they have made them crooked paths" (Isa. 59:8).
71 Flesh is frail. Tilley F363, from Matt. 26:41 and Mark 14:38, Jesus speaking to the apostles, who had gone to sleep in the Garden of Gethsemane when they ought to have been watching with him.
72 upon the Premises. Probably "about what we have just been talking of" rather than "in this place" (OED).
74–75 Mirabilis. Summers (IV, 553–554) glosses as "Aqua mirabilis, a well-known invigorating cordial," and in his note to Marriage A-la-Mode, III, i, 163 (III, 545–546), he cites its appearance in Behn's Sir Patient Fancy and Shadwell's Amorous Bigotte and quotes Sir Kenelm Digby's recipe for it (dry sherry flavored with a great many herbs). In The Man of Mode, V, i, 249–250, Pert explains Dorimant's distress at being confronted by Bellinda as "a little indigestion. The surfeit-water did it, madam, mixed with a little mirabilis." Besides Marriage a-la-Mode (Works, XI, 263), OED cites Sedley's Belamira. See also Works, XI, 499.
77 down. Downstairs.
85 the Old Woman in the Oven. Tilley W353, "The good wife would not seek her daughter in the oven if she had not been there before" (first citation 1520). Summers (IV, 554) knew the proverb.
86 Documents. Instructions (OED).
89 told her her own. Warned her in her own language.
106 tenders. Has a tenderness for (OED).
The scene is at first Aldo's room but becomes Brainsick's room by l. 292. Furthermore, none of the characters who appear here for the first and only time in the play is listed in the Personae Dramatis (p. 7 above). It therefore seems likely that Dryden inserted ll. 1–152 and the first part of l. 153 when revising the play. See also note to ll. 47–48. The scene is prepared for in III, i, 449–451 (p. 53 above).
1 out-lying. "Living at a distance from the centre of population" (OED). Summers (IV, 554, 557–558) glosses as "suburban" (see l. 143). Saintsbury (S-S, VI, 78) notes that prostitutes always lived in the suburbs, that is, outside the City of London. Strype (Bk. V, pp. 316–317) gives the laws excluding them from residence in the City.
4 Doily. "The name of a woollen stuff 'at once cheap and genteel', introduced for summer wear in the latter part of the 17th c." It got its name from the draper who introduced it and who made a fortune from such fabrics (OED, where this passage is the earliest citation).
5–6 lac'd Shooes, bought from Court at second hand. One cannot tell whether the shoes had ornamental braid or lace (OED, lace) or laces or all three.
7–8 a Mournival of. Four; originally four aces, kings, queens, or jacks in one hand of cards (OED). If we do not count Mrs. Overdon's daughter, Aldo is planning to entertain four prostitutes.
8 Curmudgeon. Miser (OED).
13–14 one thing must help out another, in this bad World. Cf. Tilley T256, "Three helping one another bear the burden of six" (citations of 1640, 1659).
14+ s.d. Over don. Summers (IV, 555) notes that her name comes from the awd in Measure for Measure who was "overdone [worn out] by the last" of her nine husbands.
17–18 'tis good to follow good example. See Phil. 3:17, "walk so as ye have us for an ensample."
33 filthi'st old Goat. Tilley G167, "As lecherous as a Goat" (first citation 1670). Note that Veramond calls Garcia "that Old Goat" in Love Triumphant, at the end of II, ii (Works, XVI). his wife and by her sister. Summers (IV, 555) shows that "dirty animal" and "goat" in the sense here are to be found in the comedies of Plautus (c. 254–184 B.C.).
37 her next Maiden-head. Dryden used the joke again in Love Triumphant, at the end of II, ii (Works, XVI).
38–39 has no luck to. Has been unfortunate in (OED, luck, citation ante 1656, "has no luck to the latin," has been badly translated into Latin).
42 taudry. "Showy or gaudy without real value" (OED, citing The Man of Mode, II, ii, 232, "a tawdry French ribband" ostensibly worn by Sir Fopling). The word is used similarly in Love Triumphant, I, i (Works, XVI; S-S, VIII, 396).
54 heavy Hill to Tyburn. Summers (IV, 555–556) notes that in Jonson's Bartholomew Fair, the "heavy hill" is specifically explained as Holborn Hill, a street on the west side of the Fleet River that under various names runs on west for several miles, passing along the north side of Hyde Park. Tyburn gallows stood where the road changes its name from Oxford Street to Bayswater Road, i.e., where Edgware Road meets it.
64 Justacorps. "An outer garment worn by women in the latter part of the 17th c." (OED, justaucorps, citing this passage). Summers (IV, 556) quotes Pepys's Diary for 26 April 1667, from which one can gather that the garment had a low neckline, leaving the wearer "naked necked" unless she wore a half shirt (see note to l. 101).
67 me. For me (OED).
74 Caster. Summers (IV, 556) notes that a caster is one who throws, in this instance, dice, and that Caster is the name of a "rooking gamester" in Edmund Prestwich's The Hectors: or, The False Challenge (1656).
78 sink. Either "reduce," here to nothing, or "make away with" (OED, senses 21, 26 of the verb). One reason why Dryden's Caster sank Mrs. Termagant's share has been suggested at III, i, 65–67 (p. 40 above).
85 keep Lent … till Whitsontide. I.e., six extra weeks. See The Man of Mode, III, iii, 79–82:
Har. … Could you keep Lent for a mistress?
Dor. In expectation of a happy Easter; and though time be very precious, think forty days well lost to gain your favor.
93 Palming and Topping. Two standard and similar ways of cheating at dice, often referred to in literature in the same phrase, as here. In Charles Cotton's The Compleat Gamester (1674), they are said to be ways of controlling the fall of one of the dice either by holding it in the hand with the little finger when shaking the other in the dicebox (palming) or holding it in the box with the forefinger or two fingers so that it is not affected by the shaking (topping). But in A Dictionary of the Canting Crew (ante 1700), topping is described as sticking the dice together with a little wax. Controlling one of the dice reduces the element of chance in the fall of both and so gives an advantage. Summers, who quotes both Cotton and the Dictionary, also shows by other quotations that palming and topping were terms for cheating of any kind (IV, 556).
98 under black and white. Explained in l. 99.
100 a Chip in Porridge. Tilley C353; the first citation, 1659, is recent enough to show why Dryden immediately explains the phrase. He had already used it in Troilus and Cressida, II, iii, 174, in apposition to "a King of clouts" (Works, XIII, 283).
101 Half-shirts. "A kind of chemisette for women, worn in 17th c." (OED, which defines "chemisette" as "An ornamental article of dress usually of lace or muslin made to fill in the open front and neck of a woman's dress").
102+ s.d. Mrs. Hackney. She is for hire (OED) or she lives in a northeastern suburb of London (see note to l. 1) or both. She is to ply her trade in Westminster, however (see ll. 120–121), and since Hackney is farther out than Shoreditch (see ll. 128–129), probably only the first meaning is intended.
106 the Law of Nations. The terminology goes back to Roman times (OED, law).
119–120 White-Chappel to Temple-Bar. I.e., from the east side to the west, all of London.
120–121 to Covent-Garden downwards. The Liberty of the Duchy of pg 412Lancaster (now no more) and Westminster, the latter, on a map of London, stretching "down," i.e., south, along the left bank of the Thames. Possibly a map was one of the stage properties in this scene.
123 Vizor-Mask. For the history of this article of dress see note in Works, III, 505, and David Roberts, The Ladies (1989), ch. 3.
125 Father Aldo's delight. I.e., a song.
125 Adjourn the House. Parliamentary language; "till we meet again."
128–129 Shoreditch. A northern suburb of London (see note to l. 1), then in the parish of Hackney. It took its name from the family of the Soerdiches who were lords of the manor in the time of Edward III, but Strype says, "The vulgar Tradition now goes, that Jane Shore lived here: and here her Royal Lover [Edward IV] used to visit her" (Bk. IV, p. 53). Very likely, then, Dryden's audience would have interpreted Aldo's words here in the light of the "vulgar Tradition" and have concluded that by "in Shoreditch" he meant "like Jane Shore," who died in poverty, the whereabouts of her husband unknown (DNB). Summers notes (IV, 557) that prostitutes lived in Shoreditch, bracketing Dryden's play with citations from Nashe's Pierce Penilesse (1592), and Lillo's London Merchant (1731). Possibly, then, Aldo means that the women will all find keepers or husbands.
132–133 And down went Chairs and Table, and out went every Candle. If this is a quotation we have not found its source.
133–134 Church Militant. "The church on earth considered as warring against the powers of evil" (OED); here ironic, of course.
134 Forkers and Ruine-tail'd. Young women and old, from names for partridges (OED, forker; ruin-tailed, citing this passage; rowen). Both words are used punningly, of course; to fork in Dryden's time was to pick pockets (OED). See also note to III, i, 450 (p. 408 above).
135 Bells. I.e., as the hawk or falcon, as noted by Summers (IV, 557).
138–139 Alexander, when he burnt Persepolis. See Alexander's Feast, ll. 147–150 (Works, VII).
140 Sodom. A residence of prostitutes: see The Wild Gallant, IV, i, 175 (Works, VIII, 59). Summers (I, 430) notes another reference to the place in a poem called The Cheaters Cheated, in Thomas Jordan's The Royal Arbour of Loyal Poesy (1664), p. 41 of the repr. in Illustrations of Old English Literature, Vol. III, ed. J. P. Collier (1866). I do not know where it was.
143 Suburbians. See note to l. 1. Summers (IV, 557) cites the use of the word in Heywood's Rape of Lucrece (1608), just preceding a song sung by Valerius.
145 my Flesh and Blood. Tilley F366, first citation 1565.
149 Gascoins. OED (gaskin) cites this passage as a metaphorical use of a term from farriery, namely, the "hinder thigh" of a horse, defined as running from the stifle bone to the bending of the ham. OED also gives "pants" as a meaning of "gaskins," and Saintsbury (S-S, VI, 78) so glosses "Gascoins" here.
176 Epictetus. No doubt Dryden knew of the Enchiridion (i.e., Manual)pg 413compiled by Arrian from the discourses of Epictetus, the Stoic philosopher, but his character Woodall would more likely have picked up the epithet from his roistering friends.
182–183 Dioclesian, and Julian the Apostate. Persecutors of Christians.
183 were but Types of thee. See MacFlecknoe, l. 29 (Works, II, 54): "Heywood and Shirley were but Types of thee" (Shadwell), that is, forerunners of the same nature but not so fully developed (OED).
184 Geneva Testament. The Bible preferred by Puritans and bawdy houses, the latter according to Otway's Soldier's Fortune (1681), V, i, as noted by Summers (IV, 558): "if there be ever a Geneva Bible or a Practice of Piety [by Lewis Bayly, a book of devotion very popular among Puritans] in the room, I am sure I have guest right [that I am in a bawdy house]." To associate one's religious opponents with prostitution seemed to Anglicans of the time to be a witty and effective counterblast. For the same kind of attack on Catholics see Robert Wolseley's epilogue to The Spanish Fryar, l. 7 (p. 202 above), and Absalom and Achitophel, l. 127, where the Catholics are said to have "rak'd, for Converts, even the Court and Stews" (Works, II, 9).
184–185 part of the Ceremonial Law, and hast been abolish'd these twenty years. I.e., since the Restoration. The ceremonial law is strictly that part of the Jewish law rejected by Christians, but Anglicans rejected more of it than Presbyterians, for example. For an equation of non-conformists with "the Law" and Anglicans with "the Gospel," see The Vindication, p. 323:13 above.
187–188 make the House too hot for you. Tilley H514, first citation 1639; cf. citation of 1648: "make your House too hot to hold you."
189–192 "The World, the Flesh, and the Devil" is a very old expression, enshrined in the service for baptism of infants in the Book of Common Prayer: "Dost thou in the name of this child renounce the devil and all his works, the vain pomp and glorie of the world, and the carnal desires of the flesh?" (text of 1662, shortened). Dryden had alluded to this service in The Wild Gallant, IV, i, 193–194 (Works, VIII, 60). OED (flesh) quotes The New Notboroune Mayd (c. 1500): "The devyll, his flesshe, / The worlde all fresshe, / Provoke hym day and nyght."
194 The very Ghost of Queen Dido in the Ballad. Scott (S-S, VI, 80) quotes the text from Percy's Reliques; Summers (IV, 558–559), from the Roxburghe Ballads, VI, 545–551. Dido told Aeneas he would die at once.
197 Uds Niggers. OED (God, sense 14b) does not attempt to explain this oath. Summers (IV, 559) notes that characters in plays who use it are not the most intelligent ones.
206 Clary. Dryden's recipe was apparently "Wine and Honey mix'd" (Palamon and Arcite, II, 16 [Works, VII]). Saintsbury (S-S, VI, 80) says the term may refer to either claret or brandy. Summers's recipe (IV, 559) is brandy flavored with clary (Salvia) flowers, etc. OED, which gives both recipes, says that spices were included in Dryden's.
206 Westphalia Ham. Summers's citations (IV, 559–560) show that everyone from shoemakers to queens ate it.
219 my proud Spirit. In The Man of Mode, I, i, 169, Medley speaks of Loveit's "mighty spirit"; a few lines later he says, "She's the most passionate in her love and the most extravagant in her jealousy of any woman I ever heard of."
225 pricking. From prick, a hare's footprint (OED); tracking for hares. There is probably the same double entendre here as in Romeo and Juliet, II, iv, 118–120.
227 view. Footprint (a hunting term) (OED). Greyhounds have to be shown the prey, but the language here refers to tracking hounds; "up the wind" means follow the scent (OED, wind).
228 Jouler. A heavy-jawed dog and often a dog's name (OED). One of James I's hounds was named Jouler.
232 her Den. It should be "his den" if it is to fit the rest of the sentence; perhaps Dryden is again dramatizing Mrs. Pleasance's conflicting thoughts.
233–234 Sir Cranion. Sir Cranium, Sir Skull, Sir Death's-head. Summers (IV, 560) notes that in Drayton's Nymphidia, XVII, "Flye cranion" is Queen Mab's coachman.
248 Greensickness. Anemia, chlorosis, mostly affecting young women of about the age of puberty (OED, citing this passage), hence Woodall's reply.
256 fed upon Fool so long, she's Carrion too. Gone without solid food (a fool is a kind of custard) so long she too has wasted away and is as good as dead (OED, carrion). See also The Vindication, p. 347:5–7 above.
258 my Lord Mayor's Pack. Cits. "Now a Days the Recreations of the Citizens [of London], besides Drinking, are … Riding out on Horseback, Hunting with my Lord Maiors Pack of Dogs, when the Common Hunt (one of the Maiors Officers) goes out: the Citizens having Privilege by their Charter to hunt in Middlesex, Hertfordshire, in the Chilterns and in Kent as far as Gray Water" (Strype, Bk. I, p. 257, from information supplied by Richard Blome). The very ancient privilege was first formalized by Henry I as applying in the Chilterns, Middlesex and Surrey (ibid., Bk. V, pp. 349, 389); see also The Royal Charter of Confirmation Granted by King Charles II to the City of London (1680), pp. 4, 5, 7, 11, 25. The king seized the charter in 1681 but parliament restored it at the accession of William and Mary (see Strype, Bk. V, pp. 351–354). The common hunt was a master of hounds and ranked just below the sword-bearer (ibid., Bk. V, pp. 163–164, 374, 433). In 1663 the lord mayor revived an old practice of proclaiming a hunt on the third day of Bartholomew Fair (see Pepys, Diary, 25 August 1663). Since Strype fails to mention this hunt (Bk. V, p. 167) it had apparently gone out of practice again by 1720. Ward, London Spy (pp. 144–146 [Part VI]), describes a great crowd of Londoners who ride out of the City to hunt in Wanstead Parish in Essex, now in the London borough of Redbridge, where James I had hunted (Strype, App. I, p. 122).
278–279 offer you a lusty Benefice. This was the original intent of Charles II, usually said to have been cut off by the Act of Uniformity, on the one pg 415hand, and on the other, by the Puritan clergy's refusal to accept what the king offered (see Oxford History of Britain, p. 379).
282 at Play-house price. Cheap. A playhouse ticket for the pit cost half a crown, as did an encounter with a prostitute met there (see ll. 121–123 [pp. 60–61 above], The Vindication, p. 312:34–35 above, and Prologue to The Mistakes, ll. 33–34, [Works, III, 258]).
284 fag end. As the context makes clear, Dryden is using the term in the special sense of "the last part of a piece of cloth." Although OED puts that meaning first, its earliest citation for it is Nathan Bailey's An Universal Etymological English Dictionary (1721). In the general sense of "remnant," however, the term had been in use a hundred years earlier. OED adds that the fag end was "often of coarser texture than the rest," whence we may conclude that Pleasance agrees with Woodall in his estimate of marriage, at least ironically.
288 another kind of Love. Cf. Dorimant to Harriet in The Man of Mode, V, ii, 114–116: "I will open my heart to receive you, where none yet did ever enter." This passage is important to Dryden's denouement: see V, i, 535–536 (p. 92 above).
293 my Lodgings. The scene has changed without warning. See note at beginning of scene.
321 step … into that … Closet. A device that had often been seen on stage recently. In The Man of Mode, V, ii, 10–11, Lady Townley hides Mr. Smirk in a closet.
365–366 Sultan … Mogol. The Muslim emperors of Turkey and northern India.
376 Lady mine. OED notes that the expression has since come to be regarded in Britain as vulgar.
377 Grand Seignior. The sultan of Turkey was called the grand seignor (Luttrell, II, 216).
381 Children, and Fools. They cannot lie (Tilley C328, first citation 1537).
389 Fool of the first Magnitude. Most shining example of a fool.
392 Mulligrubs. Summers (IV, 561) glosses as the spleen but cites A Dictionary of the Canting Crew (ante 1700) as saying it is "a Counterfeit Fit of the Sullens."
393 Vol. Winning all the tricks in one's hand (they are playing ombre); Summers (IV, 561) cites Charles Cotton, The Compleat Gamester (1674), ch. 8, for the definition. Failer and Loveby in The Wild Gallant "had sate up very late at Ombre in the Country" (III, i, 146–147; Works, VIII, 42), and a game of ombre had recently been introduced on stage in D'Urfey's The Fond Husband.
398 Potozi. Potosi is the site of by far the richest deposit of silver ore ever known. Founded in 1545 in a part of Peru that is now part of Bolivia, in 1650 it was the largest city in the western hemisphere, with 160,000 inhabit-pg 416ants. "Its very name became synonymous with great wealth" (Enc. Br., 3:815). The silver mountain at Potosi appears on the flag and some coins of Bolivia. We now think also of the Indians worked to death in the mines.
402 Longs. Probably the Rose Tavern, at the southeast corner of the present Catherine and Little Russell streets. It backed up onto the Drury Lane theater. It is illustrated in Hogarth's The Rake's Progress. Summers (IV, 561) says that William Long of the Rose Tavern had a brother who kept a tavern in the Haymarket and notes that there is a reference to "Long's" in The Man of Mode, I, i, 458–459.
405 Arise. Biblical language again (e.g., Judg. 5:12, "Arise, Barak, and lead thy captivity captive").
406 Faux. Guy Fawkes.
409 Canting. Puritan affectations of speech (OED).
418ff. Incidents of comical cowardice had recently been seen on stage in Chamberlayne's Wits Led by the Nose, Behn's The Town-Fop, and Etherege's She Would if She Could.
423 a man's but a man. Upending the proverb, "A man is a man" (Tilley M243–244).
438 Cock-Chicken. Not a fighting cock.
447 Mars and Venus. The familiar story of how Vulcan caught his wife and Mars in a net and displayed them for the amusement of the other gods is told in the Odyssey, VIII, 266ff.
454 Honor is Honor. Although Limberham is a coward, he comes off better than Falstaff, who concluded that "Honour is a mere scutcheon" (1 Henry IV, V, 1, at end). Woodall has twice said that when women use the word they mean either reputation (more or less Falstaff's view) or marriage (see III, i, 132–133, and IV, i, 275–276 [pp. 42, 65 above]). See also note to The Spanish Fryar, V, i, 170–180 (p. 470 below).
s.d. discover'd. In a state of undress (see headnote, p. 373above).
4–5 two-hand Fox. Sword needing both hands to wield. "It has been conjectured that this use [of "fox"] arose from the figure of a wolf, on certain sword-blades, being mistaken for a fox" (OED).
6 Still-House. A place for distilling, including such essences as Mrs. Saintly's aqua mirabilis (see the note to III, ii, 74–75 [p. 409 above]), and boiling down sugar and water to make candy (see l. 43), off by itself because of the heat from the fire and the smell when distilling some liquors (OED, still, citation of 1620).
9–10 the party and revenge … and … the Tout. The first, second, and third games (all played with Tricksy; see l. 114).
14 Mackbeth. "Still it cried, 'Sleep no more!' to all the house; / 'Glamis hath murder'd sleep'" (II, iii, 41–42).
34, 35 jealous. As Saintsbury noted (S-S, VI, 344) in connection with The Spanish Fryar, IV, i, 64 (p. 160 above), the meaning is "suspicious." "Jealousie" in l. 59 has a similar meaning; cf. "suspect" in ll. 56–57. The words "jealous" and "jealousie" usually mean "suspicious" and "suspicion" in this play.
44 Dog-trick. A low or 'scurvy' trick (OED, citing Don Sebastian, I, i, 508). Tilley D546, first citation c. 1540.
49 two Gipsies. Mrs. Saintly and Mrs. Pleasance (see IV, i, 404–407 [p. 70 above]). "A contemptuous term for a woman as being cunning, deceitful, fickle, or the like; a 'baggage', 'hussy', etc." (OED). The same language occurs in The Spanish Fryar, II, iv, 6 (p. 135 above), and Amphitryon, V, i, 345 (Works, XV, 313).
61 pure. Excellent (OED).
65–66 by Styx: and that's an irrevocable Oath. See The First Book of Ovid's Metamorphoses, ll. 1024–1025, "by Styx I swear, / And every Oath that binds the Thunderer" (Works, IV, 406). Line 1025 is Dryden's explanatory addition there also. OED quotes Raleigh's History of the World (1614): "There is not any forme of oath, whereby such articles of peace can bee held inviolable, save onely by the water of Styx, that is, by Necessitie."
83–84 Galley-Pot. Any "small earthen glazed pot" (OED).
98 Instrument. See note to II, i, 376 (p. 400 above).
103 Potozi. See IV, i, 398 (p. 69 above).
116 Take advice of your Pillow. A proverbial expression distorted from its usual meaning of "sleep on the idea" (Tilley C696, first citation 1540) to make a complex joke.
119 Drudgery. See note to II, i, 14 (p. 395 above.)
120 Zookers. The oath equals the quality of "Uds Niggers" (IV, i, 197 [p. 63 above]), showing that Gervase and Mrs. Saintly are well matched. Another match, this time in morals, comes in Gervase's second speech following, underscored by Woodall's then ironically using the language of Calvinists in calling him predestinated.
123 there's a provision. A sufficiently immoral and callous remark that rounds out Woodall's character. It is something like Dorimant's handing Mrs. Loveit over to Sir Fopling.
125 pity of. The construction must have been obsolescent at this time.
140 Trophy. A display of captured armor, etc. (OED); see Dryden's translation of Persius, Satires, VI, 108–109, "The Spoils of Kings, and Conquer'd Camps we boast, / Their Arms in Trophies hang, on the Triumphal Post" (Works, IV, 355).
Editor's postscript. Summers (I, civ) quotes from Malone's note in his copy of Reed's ed. of Biographia Dramatica some lines marked "Act IV" that apparently belonged to the foregoing conversation, though Dryden's revisions were evidently so thorough as to make their exact position undeterminable:
Stains. Twill be time to marry at threescore when I have enough pg 418but for one woman: to engage before, would be the direct way to
sin. I cannot confine my appetite to Manna yet.
Ger. And then you will be past tasting it.
Stains. I warrant thee. Our family is good winter fruit: true bon Chretien. My father's an example of it. Marry me now, and I shall beget an offspring of young rouges [sic] to supplant my pleasure as I do his.
3 Vision. Dream.
7–8 Fe-fa-fum … smelt the blood. Perhaps first found in print in Thomas Nashe's Have with You to Saffron-Walden (Works, ed. McKerrow , III, 37): "Fy, fa, fum, I smell the bloud of an English-man." It occurs earlier in a different form, "Fee, fa, fum, here is the Englishman," in George Peele's The Old Wives Tale, l. 659 in the Malone Society reprint and ll. 571–572 in The Revels Plays. See also King Lear, III, iv, 179–180. But Dryden probably heard the story of Jack the Giant-Killer as a child or read it in a chapbook.
9 butting. Probably with reference to his "horns."
12 New Exchange. Summers (IV, 563–564) notes that it was a two-story arcade of shops built in 1608 and taken down in 1737. It was on the south side of the Strand opposite what is now Bedford Street. Dresses, hats, gloves, ribbons, perfumes, etc., were sold there. See Strype, Bk. VI, pp. 3, 75–76.
16 Muse. Or meuse, a gap in a hedge through which hares run for food and when hunted (OED, meuse; relief).
25 Morning Exercise. See note to I, i, 5–6 (p. 383 above).
29–31 Speak Brother, speak; is the deed done? … Long ago, long ago. Summers (IV, 564) notes that Dryden is alluding to the song of the witches in Davenant's version of Macbeth, at the end of II, ii: "1. Witch. Speak, sister, speak! is the deed done? 2. Witch. Long ago, long ago."
37 highest Rangers. Most eager beaters of the ground (OED, high, sense 14b of the adjective; ranger). The double entendres are the real purpose of the sentence. The general idea is a commonplace in Dryden's plays, but it is always freshly expressed. See The Spanish Fryar, I, i, 346–348: "there is nothing so extravagant as a Prisoner, when he gets loose a little, and is immediately to return into his Fetters" (p. 120 above); see also King Arthur, II, ii, 81: "Passions in Men Oppress'd, are doubly strong"; and Love Triumphant, IV, i, 241–243: "you have giv'n my Soul so large a swing, / That it bounds back again with double force: / Only because you carry'd it too far" (Works, XVI). See also the proverb, "Nothing comes sooner to light than that which is long hid" (Tilley N286, first citation c. 1598).
41 at heels. The construction appears in a quotation of 1646 in OED (heel, sense 10 of the first noun).
48 transform. Into a cuckold.
65–66 Indian Gown. The same term appears in Marriage A-la-Mode, III,pg 419i, 230 (Works, XI, 265). Summers (IV, 564) notes that Wycherley's Gentleman Dancing Master (1673), toward the end of Act V, explains that this was a "dishabilee" of flame color and was expected by women from their keepers.
68 Vizor-Mask. See note to IV, i, 123 (p. 412 above).
70 musty. See note to II, i, 293 (p. 399 above).
79 tearing. Boisterous. OED classifies this sense of the word as slang, but here it is called for by Brainsick's usual alliteration.
79 Trumpeter to sound the Charge. See ll. 114–115.
88 bobb'd. Tricked (OED).
91 Ascendant. Summers (IV, 564) thinks Dryden retains some sense of the word's astrological meaning, particularly, no doubt, from the rest of the sentence here, and that he uses it often. "Often" is a relative term; failing a full concordance, we can say only that he uses it three times in his poetry and once each in 2 Conquest of Granada, I, ii, 84 (Works, XI, 113), in Aureng-Zebe, II, i, 108 (Works, XII), and in Sancho's fourth speech in Love Triumphant, II, ii (Works, XVI). Whether it appears in other comedies we cannot say. See also The Man of Mode, IV, i, 139–141: "Dor. (aside). I love her and dare not let her know it. I fear sh'as an ascendant o'er me and may revenge the wrongs I have done her sex."
110 Artillery of Eloquence. Although the language is appropriate to Brainsick, Dryden himself uses "artillery" in this sense in The Vindication (p. 345:34 above).
111 breaks no bones. Cf. Tilley W801, "Foul (High) words break no bones" (first citation 1584).
114 S. George for merry England. "At eleven o'clock they [William and Mary] went to bed [on their first night], and his majesty [Charles II] came and drew the curtains, and said to the prince, 'Now, nephew, to your worke! Hey! St. George for England!'" (Edward Lake, Diary, 4 November 1677; Camden Society Publications, vol. 39, no. 6 , p. 6). The rest here is sounding the charge; see l. 79 and John Smith's representation of boarding the enemy in a sea fight, "sound Drums and Trumpets, and Saint George for England" (The Sea-Mans Grammar , p. 61). For the possibility that Charles II suggested the incident here, see headnote (p. 370 above).
116–160 Events offstage in the older drama do not take place in real time, and in the present instance neither do events onstage. In l. 276, Limberham says the dialogue here lasted a quarter of an hour. We see from III, ii, 12 (p. 54 above), that a quarter of an hour is all Dryden allows for Woodall's sexual encounters. See also The Spanish Fryar, III, ii, 157–158 (p. 146) and Sancho's second speech after Dalinda squeezes his hand in Love Triumphant, II, ii (Works, XVI). A husband helping in his own cuckolding had recently been staged in D'Urfey's The Fond Husband (see headnote, p. 370above).
116 Bully Brainsick. See III, i, 367 (p. 50 above).
142 as mad as a March Hare. Tilley H148 (first citation c. 1497). OED (hare) explains the proverb as coming from the fact that hares are wilder in March, their breeding season.
147 Sabre. See note to III, i, 218 (p. 404 above).
154 Maggot. "Whimsical or perverse fancy" (OED).
155 Bet'lem. Bethlehem mad hospital, just outside London Wall on the north side of the city.
155 Dog-days. Roughly August. OED explains that the exact span has been differently calculated at different times, and says that there has long been an association between the name and the belief that dogs are most likely to run mad at this time of the year. Cf. Pope, Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot, ll. 3–4: "The Dog-star rages! … / All Bedlam … is let out."
161 Baron Tell-clock. A "tell-clock" counts the hours (OED, clock, and see The Spanish Fryar, V, i, 39 [p. 181 above]). As Summers notes (IV, 565), following a lead in Scott-Saintsbury (V, 101), Tom Brown pointed out on p. 55 of The Late Converts Expos'd (1690), Part II of The Reasons of Mr. Bayes Changing his Religion, that Dryden took the phrase from Cleveland's poem, To the State of Love, l. 74 (Poems, ed. Brian Morris and Eleanor Withington , p. 49). Brown says Dryden always used the phrase whenever he met a watchman.
162 Level. Cf. prologue to The Pilgrim, l. 27 (Works, XVI).
172–173 my dear Padron. Dryden so addresses Pepys in a letter of 14 July 1699 (Ward, Letters, p. 115).
178 laissez faire a Marc Antoine. We have been unable to identify this quotation or slogan.
193 Wefts. Waifs (OED, citing this passage); OED (waif) gives citations from 1676 and 1690 that agree with Tricksy's words here.
194–195 Fryer Bacon's Head has been lately speaking to me, that Time is past. Greene's Friar Bacon and Friar Bungay and its source, The Famous Historie of Fryer Bacon, tell of a great brass head Roger Bacon made. "Time is past" were its last words.
204 insults. Becomes arrogant (OED).
205 wink. Close his eyes; see The Cock and the Fox, ll. 628–630, etc. (Works, VII).
210 Man, in a green Livery, bound to serve a Warrant. In this context, to serve a warrant is to present an authorization to hunt (OED, warrant; serve, sense 50 of the first verb). The man in a green livery is a gamekeeper, who was empowered to give such warrants with respect to animals under his charge by an act of 1661 (13 Charles II, ch. 10).
219–220 Mrs. Brainsick had made a similar protestation; see note to III, i, 128–131 (p. 403 above).
224 cheap. "Lightly esteemed, esp. brought into contempt through being made too familiar" (OED). But if the second of these meanings is correct here, then Tricksy contradicts herself in the next sentence.
252 Bilbo. See note to III, i, 369 (p. 407 above).
265 smoak for't. Summers (I, 419, II, 483; IV, 566) notes the same phrase pg 421in The Wild Gallant, I, ii, 9 (Works, VIII, 12), Sir Martin Mar-all, V, i, 438 (Works, IX, 280), and Shakespeare's Titus Andronicus, IV, ii, 111.
267 obligation of a Cavalier. I.e., to obey a lady. See The Rival Ladies, IV, i, 106–107, "I do too much a Mistress's pow'r betray; / Must Slaves be won by Courtship to Obey?" (Works, VIII, 150, and note, p. 281).
291–292 heavy meat, as Pug says. Since larks and pigeons are delicacies, Limberham's nonsensical agreement with his mistress probably owes something to Falstaff's sighing and grief that blows a man up like a bladder (1 Henry IV, II, iv, 364–365). See note to The Spanish Fryar, II, iii, 19 (p. 456 below).
304 You had best. See note to II, i, 85 (p. 396 above).
314 Predestinated. Mrs. Pleasance has picked up a Calvinism from Mrs. Saintly, perhaps using it ironically (see note to IV, ii, 120 [p. 417 above]).
315 that shall be nameless. Echoing Limberham's words in IV, ii, 36 (p. 72 above).
321 generous. Courageous (OED). The word occurs in the same sense in l. 384, in The Spanish Fryar, IV, ii, 10 (p. 167 above), and in The Duke of Guise, III, i, 185, and IV, i, 78 (pp. 246, 260 above).
323 Bilbo. See note to III, i, 369 (p. 407 above).
323–324 Atoms … slice. Another "perbole" and an advance on III, i, 230 (p. 46 above), where Brainsick had only said, "I'll slice him small as Atoms." "Atom" still had its original meaning of unsliceable; see The Wild Gallant, II, i, 125: "She shall cut an Atome sooner than divide us" (Works, VIII, 27). Dryden must have enjoyed writing Brainsick's speech.
324 Ha! Probably an exclamation as he flourishes "Bilbo"; see note to III, i, 218 (p. 404 above).
331 hainously. Sorely (OED).
332 fear and tremble. A commonplace, but see Jer. 33:9, "they shall fear and tremble," and Phil. 2:12, "with fear and trembling."
334–335 burnish'd Beams. The main trunks of the horns from which the stag has rubbed the dead "velvet" or skin (OED, burnish; beam, sense 12 of the first noun).
335 brand. "Mark of infamy" (OED). Brainsick is more interested in his alliteration than his sense (he does not know his wife has been unfaithful).
340 deaf, as an Adder. Tilley A32, first citation 1605, and noting that the idea is found in Psalm 58:4.
341 s.d. her. Tricksy.
342+ s.d. Although the text does not show it here, Woodall must bring a box with him, since he has it at l. 400; it is the box of writings first mentioned at II, i, 280 (p. 33 above). Perhaps we are to believe that the devotions he accuses Limberham of interrupting (l. 344) were in fact his kneeling in front of the box to examine its contents.
354 the Devil for his Chaplain. Cf. Tilley W52, "Who preaches war is the devil's chaplain" (first citation 1659).
358 well given. Well disposed (OED), here disposed to piety.
363 vent'ring his Neck. Not a mere figure of speech.
365 Artemidorus. As Saintsbury noted (S-S, VI, 109) this is Artemidorus "the Daldian" (A.D. 138–180), author of a book on the interpretation of dreams the English translation of which, first published in 1606, reached a tenth edition in 1690.
377 Flagelet. "A small wind instrument, having a mouthpiece at one end, six principal holes, and sometimes keys" (OED).
402 Devils Pater Nosters. Prayers said backward, curses (Tilley P559); see l. 354 above.
406 Orient. "Brilliant, lustrous, sparkling" (OED). As we see a few words later, the necklace is of pearl, and OED explains that "orient" pearls, that is, pearls from the East Indies, are more beautiful than those from European mussels.
417 my Leg. A bow. Summers (IV, 566) notes that Dryden is alluding to Morose's words to his servant Mute, "answer me not but with your leg," in Jonson's Epicoene, and that at the end of the play Cutbeard makes a joke about the words. Dryden had published an "examen" of Epicoene in An Essay of Dramatick Poesie (Works, XVII, 58–64).
423 Under the Rose. Tilley R185. The phrase had two meanings. In Tilley's second citation, Jonson's Staple of News (1631), II, iv, 117, the sense corresponds to Dryden's here, namely, to our modern "no offense meant." In Tilley's first citation, however, a letter of 26 May 1546, in the Calendar of State Papers, Henry VIII, Vol. XXI, Pt. i, p. 457, the writer explains that he means "remayen under the bourde and no more to be rehersed." Dryden uses the phrase in this second sense in a letter to Mrs. Steward of 11 April 1700: "under the Rose, I am of Opinion," etc. (Ward, Letters, p. 135).
434 taken upon suspicion. See note to I, i, 314, taken (p. 391 above).
435–436 To be taken, to be seen!… a point next the worst. Two speeches of Mrs. Saintly's may cast light on the meaning here: first, "I have seen 'em" (IV, i, 425 [p. 70 above]), and second, "Scandal is the greatest part of the offence" (I, i, 134 [p. 13 above]). See also the note to the second passage (p. 386 above).
442 had a fair Course at him. Fairly pursued him. In coursing, when the term is used strictly, the game is always in view. See also "She shall have a course at the Knight," The Wild Gallant, III, i, 164 (Works, VIII, 42, and note p. 253).
444 Whoop Holiday. OED gives no other example of the phrase. "Our trusty and well-beloved Giles" is a good-natured use of the language of royalty in letters, decrees, etc. (OED, well-beloved).
453 Do I dote? Am I so weak-minded that I cannot recognize my son? (OED).
457 What a Tartar have I caught. Tilley T73, where this passage is the second citation; the first is Butler's Hudibras (1663), I, iii, 865. Dryden uses the proverb again in the Prologue to the King and Queen (1682), l. 23 (Works, II, 197).
461 what this young Rogue is privy to. Aldo's dilemma has been prepared for, and so has been made more believable, by Woodall's words in I, i, 339–340 (p. 19 above). See also note to ll. 500–501 below.
468 the Squib … the Line. See An Evening's Love, III, i, 33–36, "it went like a train of Powder. … Like a Squib upon a Line, … it ran through one row, and came back to me in the next" (Works, X, 249).
475 Put on. Your hat. Wearing of the hat indoors was normal; Woodall has taken his off in deference to his father.
483 Quondam. Former. In l. 558, such is the simple meaning. Here, there is irony.
487 Whetstone's Park. A short street paralleling and south of Holborn and north of Lincoln's Inn Fields; it was then inhabited by prostitutes. There is another reference to it in the second prologue to The Wild Gallant, l. 8 (Works, VIII, 6). Summers (I, 416) gives a number of additional references in the literature of the time, one of which says that the prostitutes had left by 1696. Summers also notes there that the street was developed by "one Whetstone, a tobacconist and a vestryman of S. Giles."
506 Why, this is as it shou'd be. See note to II, i, 198 (p. 397 above).
509–510 Pylades, and … mad Orestes. Nephew and son of Agamemnon, proverbial friends. "Mad" is a joke; Woodall is mad in the slang sense (see l. 505 and I, i, 256, 257 [pp. 16–17 above]); Orestes went mad in earnest (Aeschylus, Agamemnon, Choephori, Eumenides; Euripedes, Orestes).
510 the Estate. I.e., the prostitutes.
511 Ballum Rankum. Defined by Saintsbury (S-S, VI, 115) as a nude dance. Summers cites Lexicon Balatronicum (1811) as his authority for the same; it adds that the women were all prostitutes. (See OED, rank.) Perhaps this is what Ward, London Spy (p. 42 [Part II]), refers to when he writes of "Whores at a Buttock Ball."
512 let the World pass. Tilley W879, first citation c. 1525.
517 a metled Toad. In The Man of Mode, I, i, 51–52, Dorimant speaks of the "fine woman" the Orange Woman is describing to him as most likely "some awkward, ill-fashioned country toad," and in III, ii, 242, Medley describes Sir Fopling as "a fine-mettled coxcomb," but these parallels are almost certainly accidental. As noted at I, i, 273, "metled" means "spirited."
524 Mr. Palms. Evidently a merchant trading to tropical countries and therefore extraordinarily rich.
526 convenience. Advantage (OED).
529–530 being blown upon. Having the bloom taken off (OED, blow, sense 30 of the first verb). "Fops" presumably has its usual meaning in this play, "fools" (see note to I, i, 447 [p. 393 above]).
532 cross the Cudgels. Tilley (C897) cites Giovanni Torriano, The Proverbial Phrases (1666), p. 184, defining Scherma: "To have lost one's Fence, viz., to be fain to yield, having been beaten; the English say, To cross, and lay doun the Cudgels." The definition of crossing cudgels in Johnson's Dictionary, cited by Summers (IV, 567), makes it clearer that the crossing and laying down were one action: "to forbear to contest, from the practice of cudgel players to lay one over the other." Hence Mrs. Pleasance's next words, "You will not take 'em up, Sir?"
538–539 not touch … Butchers meat. Presumably she will eat only game or perhaps game and expensive fish (see notes to II, i, 136 [p. 397 above]).
543 Man's meat. The phrase has a different meaning at IV, i, 22 (p. 57 above).
549 Journey-work. See note to II, i, 14 (p. 395 above).
550 do thee Reason. Do you justice (OED, sense 15 of the first noun), usually, in Dryden, with respect to drinking. OED cites The Wild Gallant, I, iii, 4; see also The Spanish Fryar, II, iii, 23 (p. 133 above), so that, perhaps, "Reason" should have been left in italics.
552 Truce for one day. Note that Dorimant must wait for Harriet Woodvill, but longer and for a different reason. Pleasance does not make Woodall prove his constancy.
558 Quondam. See note to l. 483.
561 Landlord. See quotation from Blackstone in note to The Spanish Fryar, IV, i, 278 (p. 466 below). Woodall can unravel the mystery of Gervase's language (11. 563–564) because Gervase has told him he intended to marry Mrs. Saintly (IV, ii, 127–129 [p. 75 above]).
563 marri'd. The "canonical hours" during which legal marriages had to be performed were from 8 A.M. to noon (see Gellert Spencer Alleman, Matrimonial Law and the Materials of Restoration Comedy , pp. 33–34, and Works, VIII, 258, 260). Alleman summarizes Canon LXII, then in force, which established punishments for clergymen who performed marriages outside the stated hours. Such illegal marriages were still valid at this time. In The Man of Mode, V, ii, 174, Old Bellair, who plans to marry Emelia, says "the canonical hour is almost past"; Mr. Smirk then tells him he has already married Emelia to Young Bellair. A servant who disguises himself and marries one of his master's lady loves had recently been seen on stage in Betterton's The Amorous Widow.
569 labouring. See note to II, i, 14 (p. 395 above).
574 honesty. The word probably has a double meaning here, its usual meaning and the sexual one of continence.
584 Recognizance. Bail (OED).
590–597 As pointed out in the headnote (p. 366 above), Limberham's saying that he is a good Christian and will give a good example to all Christian keepers may be the remains of a joke in Act IV of the first version of the play (quoted in the editor's postscript to the notes to it [pp. 417–418 above]).
597 separate maintenance. Although the usual meaning is "support given pg 425by a husband to a wife when the parties are separated" (OED, maintenance), here it seems instead to mean a jointure (see OED, jointure).
598 Honour. Cf. IV, i, 274 (p. 65 above).
605 Chappel of Ease. A multiple pun: a chapel of ease is "a chapel built for the convenience of parishioners who live far from the parish church. Also fig." (OED); the reference is to Woodall's claim to have been praying in Tricksy's closet and to the fact that she keeps her urinal there. There is a different play upon "chapel of ease" in The Hind and the Panther, III, 540 (Works, III, 177).
607 Bel and the Dragon. In The History of the Destruction of Bel and the Dragon, a Greek appendage to the Hebrew book of Daniel, we are told that the Babylonians worshiped an idol, Bel, and also a dragon, both of which Daniel proved to the Persian king Cyrus, who also worshiped them, to be no gods at all.
608 Wedlock. See note to IV, i, 403 (p. 416 above).
611–612 Memphis shall not boast a Monument more firm. Memphis was the capital of Egypt during most of the time of the pharaohs and consequently has pyramids nearby. It is fourteen miles south of Cairo on the opposite bank of the river.
614 The Moral. Woodall's words are ambiguous, but if they refer to Limberham's rather than Brainsick's preceding speeches, then presumably the moral is that if such a fool as Limberham rejects keeping, no man of sense or taste will indulge in it either. See, however, epilogue to Love Triumphant, ll. 32–33: "For him that Weds a Puss, who kept her first, / I say but little, but I doubt the worst" (Works, XVI).
617 moyety. Tilley H49, "My better half" (first citation 1590). Dryden constantly uses "better half" or "better part," as, e.g., in The State of Innocence, I, i, 67, and II, iii, 5, and in Cleomenes, III, iii, 31, and IV, ii, 285 (Works, XII, XVI).
618 my comfortable Importance. "This derives from Marvell's 'Rehearsal Transpros'd,' which was published in 1672; Marvell, finding his opponent, Parker, using the phrase, banteringly suggests that by it Parker may mean his mistress. In 1678, when 'The Kind Keeper' was performed, the phrase was no doubt a current colloquialism; Dryden was not deliberately quoting Marvell, although he perhaps knew the source of the phrase" (E. S. de Beer, "Dryden: 'The Kind Keeper,'" N&Q, 179 , 129).
2 Bargain. See l. 21.
18 Pugs. See note to I, i, 414 (pp. 392–393 above).
19 Gadders. Vagrants. As Strype records (Bk. V, pp. 431–445), vagrants in London risked being rounded up and imprisoned, whipped, set to work, or all three; incorrigibles were shipped out of the country.
20 Counters. Prisons, as noted by Saintsbury (S-S, VI, 119).
22 A Smithfield Horse, and Wife of Covent-Garden. Tilley W276, "Who goes to Westminster for a wife, to Paul's for a man, and to Smithfield for a pg 426horse may meet with a whore, a knave, and a jade" (first citation 1585); Covent Garden is in Westminster. Scott (S-S, VI, 119) knew the proverb and the allusion to it in 2 Henry IV, I, ii, 58, 61. Summers (IV, 568) adds allusions to it in Act I of Wycherley's Country Wife (1675), where we find "a … Smithfield Jade" and "a Covent-garden Wife."
pg 427The Spanish Fryar
The Spanish Fryar, or The Double Discovery was by far Dryden's most popular and long-lived comedy. We do not, however, know when he wrote it, nor do we know the date of the premiere. Perhaps he had finished most of it by the summer of 1680.1 In any event, it was new on the stage in October 1680 and was drawing crowds.2 The first edition was advertised in the second week of March 1681.3
Part of the play's success on the stage was owing to the actors, of course. Downes reports that "'Twas Admirably Acted," and Dryden in his dedication acknowledges "the satisfaction I had in seeing it represented with all the justness and gracefulness of Action."4 In particular, Anthony Leigh in the title role, with his crutched stick, and tall William Smith as Lorenzo cast against medium-sized James Nokes as Gomez, set standards of appearance and stage business which later actors followed to the best of their ability, knowing that by doing so they were sure to raise a laugh. Cibber gives an interesting account of how Leigh developed his part: "In the canting, grave Hypocrisy of the Spanish Friar [his characterization] stretcht the Veil of Piety so thinly over him, that in every Look, Word, and Motion you saw a palpable, wicked Slyness shine through it—Here he kept his Vivacity demurely confin'd till the pretended Duty of his Function demanded it, and then he exerted it with a cholerick sacerdotal Insolence."5
Although Dryden devoted most of his comments on the play to its structure, he wrote it as religious and political propaganda, and it continued to be regarded as such throughout its long life on the stage. It disappeared, we may say, only when its religious and political message was no longer relevant or acceptable.6 The subplot of the play, from which it takes its title, defends the Protestant religion by denigrating Catholicism. The main plot of the play, from which it takes its subtitle, defends the Stuart succession by denouncing usurpation. The main plot shows a rightful king restored; the pg 428subplot shows a wily friar foiled. The subplot caused James II to ban the play from the stage; when William and Mary allowed its revival and the queen went to see it, the main plot caused her to pretend inattention to lines in which Queen Leonora is called a usurper.7 At the time of its writing, its premiere, and its first publication, however, the play accurately reflected the king's official position during the prosecution of the Popish Plot and the ensuing succession crisis.8
"1678. September.—About the latter end of this month was a hellish conspiracy, contrived and carried on by the papists, discovered by one Titus Oates unto sir Edmundbury Godfrey, justice of peace, who took his examination on oath." So begins Narcissus Luttrell's A Brief Historical Relation of State Affairs.9
Catholic conspiracies to assassinate kings of England mark Dryden's century from beginning to end. The first was the Gunpowder Plot of 1605; the last was instigated by James in exile in 1696. The Popish Plot differed from these others in that, while it too was designed to prepare the way for a Catholic England, it was directed against a king who had his own plans for achieving the same end. Its discovery seriously interfered with those plans by rousing opposition to the king's Catholic brother, next in the line of succession to the throne. The king's public face in the ensuing struggle was designed to protect his private purpose, and he never changed either of them, no matter how much his defensive tactics might shift to meet particular pressures brought to bear on him.
Charles's first public pronouncement came about six weeks after Oates's first allegations. We turn again to Luttrell: "November.—On the 9th the king came into the house of lords in his robes, and sent for the house of commons up, and made a most gratious speech, thanking them for the great care they took of his person; and that he was not unmindfull of their security, but came to assure them of his readinesse to comply with all lawes pg 429that shall secure the protestant religion, and that not only during his time, but also of any successor, so as they tend not to impeach the right of succession, nor the descent of the crown in the true line. Here it is worth noting, that … this parliament … did … all this sessions apply themselves earnestly to the prosecution of the popish plot, and went on now very unanimously, and came even to consider about excluding the duke of York from the crown as a papist; which occasioned the preceding speech of the king."10
Support of all the laws that shall secure the Protestant religion so as they tend not to impeach the right of succession, that is the program to which Dryden's play conforms. Written by the king's poet laureate and historiographer royal and acted by the Duke of York's company of players, it was one more piece of official propaganda for the royal program.11
But The Spanish Fryar is much more anti-Catholic than anti-exclusionist, seemingly. In his dedication Dryden calls it "a Protestant Play," laid at the feet of one whose family "have been alwaies eminent in the support and favour of our Religion and Liberties," like "all true English-men."12 The first edition was advertised in The True Protestant Mercury for 9–12 March 1681,13 further emphasizing its anti-Catholicism. The dedicatee's family, had supported the Earl of Shaftesbury, the exclusionist leader, in the past and his father continued to do so.14
Should not Dryden have sought a more equal balance in his play? The answer seems to be that he maintained about the same balance as the king, for whose public pronouncements we turn to Luttrell again.
"On the 30th [of October 1678] came out a proclamation by the king, commanding all persons being popish recusants, or so reputed, to depart the cities of London and Westminster, and all other places within ten miles of the same."15
"On the 10th [of November, the day after the king's speech in Parliament], his majesties proclamation came out for the confinement of popish recusants within five miles of their respective dwellings."16
"On the 17th came out his majesties proclamation for apprehending severall persons … as persons guilty of the plot; and for the further security of his majestie and his government from dangers arising from popish recusants."17
"On the 20th came out another proclamation, for the discovery and apprehending of all popish preists and Jesuites, with a reward of 20 l."18
pg 430"The 28th came out his majesties proclamation for the further discovery of the late horrid design against his majesties sacred person and government, promising pardon, and a reward of 200 l."19
"On the 30th his majestie came in his robes into the house of lords, and the house of commons attending. His majestie gave his royall assent to an act for the more effectuall preserving the king's person and government, by disabling papists from sitting in either house of parliament."20
"The 20th [of December] came out his majesties proclamation for disarming and securing popish recusants."21
"January.—On the 3rd came out an order by the king and councill charging all papists (according to his late proclamation) to retire from the cities of London and Westminster, and from all other places within ten miles of the same."22
"The 8th came out a proclamation commanding the immediate return of all his majesties subjects who are in any foreign seminaries, and forbidding relief to be sent to them."23
Such proclamations continued to be issued and reissued right up to the play's appearance on the stage.24 Its publication came the day the king left for the Oxford Parliament. In hindsight, Shaftesbury's arrival there with a small private army was the high-water mark of his and Monmouth's confederacy. The king opened the session with "a smart speech reflecting on the proceedings of the last parliament," in which the commons had passed but the lords had thrown out the second "bill for excluding James Duke of York." A week later he dissolved this new one.25 At the time it was far from clear that the opponents of James had been bested at last and the king did not proceed at once against Shaftesbury, but he issued no more proclamations against Catholics.
pg 431Just as royal proclamations do not necessarily bespeak a royal will to enforce them, so the rampant Protestantism of The Spanish Fryar does not necessarily bespeak a royal anti-Catholicism.26 To say so is not to charge Dryden with dishonesty. He was as much in the dark as the next person about the king's true will, just as he had been unaware of it and of the secret Treaty of Dover which then embodied it when he wrote Amboyna, his propaganda play in support of the Third Dutch War. It was to the king's advantage to have Dryden insist in his dedication on the importance of "our Religion and Liberties" while clearly meaning as poet laureate and historiographer royal that loyalty to the throne was the best way to preserve them. Dryden need have known no more.
True, the dedication might be differently interpreted, depending on where readers thought its fulcrum was. But if Dryden's end of the lever was longer in the eyes of the world, then his dedication of the play to the son of an anti-Yorkist father would not have been seen as a weakening of the king's forces. Rather, the young man's acceptance of the dedication from the king's representative would have been seen as a weakening of the opposition.27 Presumably Dryden took advice as to his choice of dedicatee, but if not he doubtless felt that most people, including the king, would accept the dedicatee as the one who had been levered out of position.
It is also possible that Dryden sought by his play not simply to fight off the extremists, Catholic and Protestant alike, but to foster moderation and harmony among "all true English-men." He may have intended not only to oppose any Catholics who might continue to seek the king's life but also to rouse a warmer loyalty among all men of goodwill. He may have intended not only to oppose any Protestants who sought to whip up fear of Catholic James but also to draw them and the general public into stronger support for legitimate succession. In Absalom and Achitophel, published later in the same year as the play, he adopted a similar mediating stance. He not only warned Shaftesbury and Monmouth against rebellion but sought by general praise of their political virtues to lead them into loyalty to the king. In The Vindication of the Duke of Guise he wrote similarly.28 Much later, he dedicated King Arthur to the Marquis of Halifax, who was also working to balance and harmonize the factions in 1680.29 Perhaps he recognized a kindred spirit in him. But one must admit that the evidence for Dryden as pg 432mediator might also be interpreted as evidence that he tried to win himself friends in both parties. Such was the interpretation of Tom Brown in The Reasons of Mr. Bays Changing his Religion (1688).30
It has also been proposed that The Spanish Fryar was a tale of a tub, a throwing out of Friar Dominic for Leviathan to attack instead of the ship of state, that the friar was a kind of Arnold Winkelried, drawing the spearheads of anti-Catholicism into his sole bosom. Also that the dedication was only a "pretence that this was 'a Protestant Play.'"31 If such was the play's purpose, it failed to attain it. Witness its banning by James, and its subsequent history on the stage.
Two proposed motivations for the play we know are wrong. Langbaine said that Friar Dominic reflected the author's failure to be admitted to orders. Robert Gould said in The Laureate (1687) that Dryden wrote the play because he had lost his pension and that he continued to attack "Kingly "Power" as "Arbitrary Lust" until he got it restored. The treasury records show no interruption of Dryden's salary as poet laureate and historiographer royal.32
In the textual headnote (pp. 579–580 below) I discuss the changes in the text made in the second edition (1686) to eliminate three passages, one reflecting on Catholicism, one on dishonesty in government, and one on arbitrary power.35 What evidence there is suggests that Dryden did not make the changes.36 The second edition was licensed by Roger L'Estrange and was advertised on 9 June in The Observator, which he conducted.37 Its place of advertisement may then have been intended to emphasize that the play did the king no harm. Nevertheless, the king decided to ban it five months later.38
In the third edition (1690) the three passages removed from the second pg 433were restored and five more were added. The fourth and fifth editions in quarto (1695, 1704) followed the third. The textual headnote details the evidence that the additions had been in Dryden's original manuscript but that it was not he who restored them to the text.39 The first three, all in the subplot, increase the play's anti-Catholicism; the last two, both in the main plot, flesh out the picture of the party loyal to the true king.
Our information is not sufficient for us to tell whether the revised text became the acting version. We know of two performances in the reign of William and Mary.40 Thereafter, when notices are better preserved, we see the play was in repertory until 1749, with an occasional performance of only the comical part, many benefit performances, and several royal command performances. The notice in The Weekly Journal or Saturday's Post for 25 May 1723 says, "This is esteem'd Mr. Dryden's best Play."41
After a five-year gap, performances resumed in 1755 and the play could be seen at least annually until 1764. Following more scattered performances, it was popular again in 1778–1781. A three-act version of the subplot was first offered at the Haymarket in 1781. Performances of the five- and three-act versions continued sporadically, the last recorded performance of the former coming on 15 October 1783 and of the latter on 20 May 1789, with Kemble playing the friar, the part in which he had made his first appearance at the Haymarket two years earlier.42
The play's effectiveness as anti-Catholic propaganda continued to be recognized. There were an unusual number of performances in 1715 and 1745 (six each year). In 1716 a member of the audience reported: "I observed that most of the clappings were upon party accounts. There happened to be some reflections upon the priests which the Whigs clapped extremely and the Tories made a faint hiss."43 The Freemasons asked that the play be performed in 1730.44 Its last burst of popularity, in 1778–1783, came when Spain joined in the American Revolution.
Dryden had already written tragicomedies with double plots (Marriage A-la-Mode, The Assignation) and had already dealt with the following pg 434themes in his plays: a hero torn between love for the heroine and duty to his country (Troilus and Cressida); a heroine's struggle with a sense that the object of her love is beneath her (Secret Love, Marriage A-la-Mode); usurpation (The Indian Queen); revelation that the hero is of royal birth (The Indian Queen); brother-sister relationships revealed in time to prevent incest (The Rival Ladies); anti-Catholicism (The Indian Emperour); youth pitted against age in the pursuit of women (The Assignation); and an illicit intermediary in the same pursuit (Troilus and Cressida). In short, it would seem that Dryden could have written The Spanish Fryar without borrowing from anyone but himself. In fact, however, he drew his main plot from Philippe Quinault's Astrate, Roy de Tyr (1665),45 and some of his subplot from Le Pèlerin, a short "nouvelle" by Sébastien Brémond, which had various undated editions in the 1670s and (in English translation) the 1680s.46 There are lesser parallels in Corneille's Don Sanche d'Arragon; in The Annals of Love, a historical romance translated from the French of Marie-Catherine Hortense Desjardins; in the subplots of Fletcher's and Massinger's The Spanish Curate and of Fletcher's Women Pleas'd; and in Molière's L'École des Femmes and Le Médecin Malgré Lui. Scott noted that Friar Dominic has some of the characteristics of Falstaff.47 A word or two of the language Dryden used in describing the friar had appeared in An Appeal from the Country to the City (1679), an anti-Catholic pamphlet by Charles Blount.48 Gomez's fear that he will lose his gold and his wife, and Elvira's attempt to make off with Lorenzo and with Gomez's casket, strongly resemble Jessica's and Lorenzo's making off with Shylock's casket and his grief thereat in The Merchant of Venice, II, vi, viii.49
To recount the action of Quinault's Astrate is almost to summarize Dryden's main plot. The title character, a general, has driven off the Syrians from Tyre and rescued the queen's cousin Agenor who has twice failed in battle against them. As the play opens, Agenor says that although his and the queen's fathers imprisoned the rightful king and her father usurped the throne, he and she have different natures than their parents, and he is grateful to Astrate. Astrate first rejects Agenor's offered friendship as false and then says he is unworthy of it because he has fallen in love with the queen, whose father has told her to marry Agenor. The queen falls in love with Astrate. She will not entertain the objection that he is not of royal blood. She had derailed the rebellion that arose when her father died by killing the rightful king in his prison and two of his sons, but continuing unrest pg 435shows that she needs a strong man with her on the throne. She offers her hand to Astrate, and although he feels unworthy of it he quarrels with Agenor, whom the queen then disgraces. Opponents of the queen try unsuccessfully to enlist Astrate on their side, even when Astrate's supposed father reveals to him that he is the true king. The rebels kill Agenor but Astrate saves the queen, to whom he has revealed his real identity. She, however, commits suicide so that he may reign with a clear name. Dryden keeps the queen and Bertran, his parallel to Agenor, alive, but on the other hand he closely parallels Quinault in a number of speeches, as the notes to them point out.50
The subtitle of The Spanish Fryar is The Double Discovery. Corneille uses these words in his Examen of Don Sanche d'Arragon, where he says he took the "double reconnoissance" that ends the fifth act from Dom Pelage, ou L'Entrée des Maures en Espagne, a novel by the Sieur de Juvenel (1545). He says also that the plot is not very artful. Carlos, a worthy commoner of unknown antecedents, wins the love of both Queen Isabelle of Castile and Princess Elvire of Aragon. The inequality of his rank with theirs imposes sufficient obstacles to fill four and a half acts, and when the piece must be finished off a fisherman seems to fall from the clouds to reveal that Carlos is Elvire's brother Sanche and a fit husband for Isabelle.51 It will be seen that Dryden's double discovery varies somewhat from Corneille's. In Dryden's subplot, Lorenzo, the would-be seducer of Elvira, does indeed learn that she is his sister, but in his main plot the queen marries Torrismond before he learns that he is of royal blood. Dryden actually has a third discovery, which "falls from the clouds to finish off the piece," namely, that the queen has not, after all, had her husband's father executed. Considering Dryden's debt to Don Sanche, it seems likely that he also took the name of his queen Leonora from Corneille's queen Leonor, the mother of Elvire, but he may have known the name from reading about Tasso, who had been said (falsely) to have met his death for love of Leonora d'Este of Modena. Dryden's and Corneille's plays also have characters named Alphonso and Raymond, but the same names, and Sancho's and Elvira's also, are found in The Annals of Love, which Dryden had earlier drawn upon in The Assignation, and which, as we shall see, has other parallels to The Spanish Fryar.52
pg 436Le Pèlerin tells the amorous adventures of one Camille, who falls in love with an Italian marquise passing through Barcelona with her husband. To send a letter to her he enlists the help of a Jacobin friar, Father André. The governor's wife intercepts Camille on his way to the intended rendezvous, and when he is imprisoned she disguises herself as a Jacobin to go with Father André to visit him. Barcelona is the seaport of Saragossa, the scene of Dryden's play. Dryden's Father Dominic is a Jacobin; he carries a letter from Lorenzo to Elvira; and Lorenzo disguises himself as a Jacobin and accompanies Dominic to visit Elvira. The notes to lines point out some additional details that are markedly similar to Dryden's play.53
Part II of The Annals of Love54 tells of the infidelities of the three daughters of Alphonso, who upon the death of his brother Sanchy becomes the first king of both Leon and Castile. Raymond of Burgundy, the husband of the oldest daughter, falls in love with Elvira, the youngest. Recognizing Raymond's infatuation, Elvira's husband warns her against committing incest. After a time Raymond employs an astrologer to convey a message to Elvira, but her husband enters and reads it. In the ensuing uproar the astrologer slips away and is heard of no more. Angered by her husband's jealousy, Elvira admits Raymond to her bed. On the contrary, when Dryden's Lorenzo and Elvira learn that they are brother and sister they abandon their scheming rather than commit incest.
In Fletcher and Massinger's The Spanish Curate, the lawyer Bartolus is the old, miserly, jealous husband of the young Amaranta. In the subplot the wealthy Leandro, abetted by the curate Lopez, apprentices himself to Bartolus so as to pay his addresses to Amaranta. Separately, Lopez and some associates try to trick Bartolus out of a considerable sum of money and are instead given citations by him to appear before the authorities. The judge refuses to act, saying that Leandro has followed his orders in a plot to make Bartolus jealous but that Amaranta has proved chaste, and he leads them all out to bring about the triumph of justice in the main plot. Dryden is likely to have known The Spanish Curate, for it was staged at intervals from 1660 to 1692, and a song for it was published in The Musical Companion in 1672. Also, Betterton, who created the part of Torrismond in The Spanish Fryar, had won "great Applause" for his acting in The Spanish Curate.55
On the whole, the somewhat similar subplot of Women Pleased is less likely to have contributed to The Spanish Fryar. Lopez, a usurer, is married to Isabella, whose brother Claudio disguises himself and attempts an intrigue with her. He reveals himself when she proves chaste. Women Pleased had been staged in 1668.56
The plot of L'École des Femmes, like Dryden's subplot, revolves around a pg 437jealous man's fear of being cuckolded, but in Molière's play the man has not yet married. In both plays the lover unwittingly reveals his passion to the husband (or, in Molière, to the guardian who intends to marry the girl). Both Molière's Agnes and Dryden's Elvira have been sent to nunneries to be raised, so that they would accept the marriages arranged for them. The parentage of the girls is important in both plays and is revealed only at the last minute, but in Molière's play it results in uniting the lovers rather than parting them as in Dryden's. In Le Médecin Malgré Lui, a young man bribes the "doctor" to disguise him as an apothecary and so introduce him to the presence of his beloved. In due course, the girl's father gives up his opposition to the match.57
We see from the plethora of parallels to The Spanish Fryar, including parallels in Dryden's earlier plays, that the only sources we can be reasonably sure of are those with close verbal agreements, that is, Astrate and Le Pèlerin. We are correspondingly free to see that Dryden changed the scene of his play from Tyre to Saragossa, not under the influence of The Spanish Curate or even of Le Pèlerin, but because he could make Moors instead of Syrians the besiegers of the city. In 1680 England was at war with the Emperor of Morocco over Tangier, which had come to it in the dowry of Catherine of Braganza, the queen of Charles II, and troops under the command of Dryden's friend the Earl of Mulgrave were being sent to reinforce the Tangier garrison at the time he was writing the play.58
In the dedication of the play Dryden remarks jauntily, "I satisfied my own humour, which was to tack two Plays [i.e., two plots] together; and to break a rule for the pleasure of variety." He then prophesies that "few Tragedies except those in Verse shall succeed in this Age, if they are not lighten'd with a course of mirth."59 Here speaks Dryden the experienced professional who, having mastered his trade, is not content always to repeat himself but enjoys experimenting. Yet as a theorist of the drama he seems to have become uncomfortable with tragicomedy. A Johnson would have robustly adjusted his theory to account for his successful practice. Dryden let himself be persuaded by the inadequate aesthetic, bad logic, and folk psychology he inherited from his predecessors, and perhaps by the lesser success of his later work in the genre, as noted below.
He had first dealt with the theory of tragicomedy in An Essay of Dramatick Poesie (1665). There he made Lisideius (i.e., Sedley) remark that tragicomedy is absurd, because "mirth and compassion [are] things incompatible," and Neander (i.e., himself) reply that music between the acts of a tragedy is not regarded as incompatible with compassion. Neander con-pg 438cludes by saying, "we have invented, increas'd and perfected a more pleasant way of writing for the Stage then was ever known to the Ancients or Moderns of any Nation."60 Twelve years later, in Heads of an Answer to Rymer, Dryden still maintained that English plays with underplots were "more diverting" than Greek plays, which lacked them, and two years after that, in The Grounds of Criticism in Tragedy prefixed to Troilus and Cressida (1679), he pointed out that Terence, when rewriting Greek comedies, wove two into one so as to give his plays underplots.61
But during those two years he had written three tragedies with a single plot and had characteristically defended his new practice. In the preface to All for Love he had reversed the position he had taken in Heads of an Answer: "I have endeavoured in this Play to follow the practise of the Ancients, who, as Mr. Rymer has judiciously observ'd, are and ought to be our Masters."62 In the preface to Oedipus he had said, "an under-plot of second Persons …. is too often subject to breed distraction."63 And he repeated himself in The Grounds of Criticism in Tragedy: Terence to the contrary notwithstanding, "two different independent actions, distract the attention and concernment of the Audience, and consequently destroy the intention of the Poet."64 Proceeding then to write another tragicomedy in The Spanish Fryar, he began to defend practical necessity against theory in the words quoted at the beginning of this section. And having written another in Don Sebastian in 1689, he did the same when he published it the next year: "I have observ'd, that the English will not bear a thorough Tragedy; but are pleas'd, that it shou'd be lightned with underparts of mirth. … But I dare appeal even to my Enemies, if I or any man cou'd have invented one, which had been more of a piece, and more depending, on the serious part of the design."65 Yet in 1692, having written another tragedy with a single plot, Cleomenes, Dryden said in its preface that it was "a bold Attempt … which though it be the natural and true way, yet is not to the Genius of the Nation," and called those of an opposite opinion "the barbarous Party of my Audience."66
In the next year Dryden's wavering between theory and necessity is particularly noticeable. In the Discourse Concerning the Original and Progress of Satire we read: "Mascardi in his Discourse of the Doppia favola, or Double-tale in Plays, gives an Instance of it, in the famous Pastoral of Guarini. … Yet we may observe, that Corisca is brought into the Body of the Plot, and made subservient to it. 'Tis certain, that the Divine Wit of Horace, was not ignorant of this Rule, that a Play, though it consists of many parts, must yet be one in the Action, and must drive on the Accomplishment of one Design."67 Later in the same year, in the dedication of pg 439Examen Poeticum, he said English audiences demanded double plots, and "I dare establish it for a Rule of Practice on the Stage, that we are bound to please those, whom we pretend to Entertain."68 And at the end of the year Dryden, writing to young William Walsh, to whom Pope would later turn for criticism, reiterated his theory: "my Irregular way, of Tragicomedies, in my doppia favola … I will never defend … for I know it distracts the Hearers. But I know, withall, that it has hitherto pleasd them, for the sake of variety; & for the particular tast, which they have to low Comedy. Mascardi … exemplifies [this] in the Satyr & Corisca, of the Pastor Fido: As I remember those two persons though not of a piece with the rest, yet serve in the Conclusion, to the discovery & beauty of the Design."69
When in 1694 Dryden wrote his last play, Love Triumphant, he made it another tragicomedy, in accordance with the "Rule of Practice" he had laid down in Examen Poeticum. As we have already suggested, its failure on the stage may have prompted him to write in 1695, in A Parallel betwixt Painting and Poetry, "our English Tragicomedy must be confess'd to be wholly Gothique, notwithstanding the Success which it has found upon our Theatre, and in the Pastor Fido of Guarini; even though Corisca and the Satyr [in the subplot of the Pastor Fido] contribute somewhat to the main Action. Neither can I defend my Spanish Fryar, as fond as otherwise I am of it, from this Imputation: for though the comical parts are diverting, and the serious moving, yet they are of an unnatural mingle. For Mirth and Gravity destroy each other."70 Later in the same work he writes, "The faults of that Drama [The Spanish Fryar] are in the kind of it, which is Tragi-comedy. But it was given to the people; and I never writ any thing for my self but Antony and Cleopatra."71
From Dryden's fuller analysis and defense of Don Sebastian, especially, we see that he sought to give The Spanish Fryar more unity of effect than Secret Love or Marriage A-la-Mode had had by increasing the part the subplot characters play in the main plot and the part the main-plot characters play in the subplot. As a result, Johnson remarked that it is "a tragicomedy eminent for the happy coincidence and coalition of the two plots," and Scott spoke of "the minutely artificial strokes by which the reader is perpetually reminded of the dependence of one part of the play on the other. These are so frequent, and appear so very natural, that the comic plot, instead of diverting our attention from the tragic business, recalls it to our minds by constant and unaffected allusion."72 Perhaps the considerable share Bartolus has in the main plot of The Spanish Curate suggested to Dryden how to proceed.
The play begins with the main plot, but the friar appears almost at once in Pedro's description of him as he had seen him earlier in the night among pg 440the frightened crowds.73 In Don Sebastian, also, "you see Dorax giving the Character of Antonio, in the beginning of the Play, upon his first sight of him at the Lottery."74 Shortly thereafter, Lorenzo, an immediate subordinate and supposedly a cousin of the hero, Torrismond, appears, to announce the latter's victory. Lorenzo then departs in search of "any courteous Damsel" who will take him in, a search that makes him a main figure in the subplot.75 As Dryden remarks in the preface to Don Sebastian, "what cou'd be more uniform, than to draw from out of the members of [the] Court, the Subject of a Comical entertainment?"76 We find that Elvira can approach Lorenzo because the general rejoicing at Torrismond's victory has broken all the usual restraints upon her.77 Her husband also remarks on the victory and, by telling us of the bonfires decreed to celebrate it, actually adds a detail to the picture drawn by the main plot.78
The second act begins with another tie between main plot and subplot. Alphonso says his personal disturbance at his son Lorenzo's "wild Riots" is overwhelmed by fear that the whole family will suffer for their relationship to Torrismond, who has roused the powerful Bertran against him.79 At the end of the act Elvira says it was no crime to have asked Lorenzo "how the Battle pass'd."80 Further ties come in the fourth act. The friar proposes to get Elvira's husband out of the way by denouncing him as one of the murderers of King Sancho, whose supposed death is a principal source of tension in the main plot. Lorenzo says instead that as there are or will be mutinies against the queen, he will have the husband arrested as a traitor.81 It happens, however, that Alphonso and Pedro come into Lorenzo's view, so that he does not dare run off with Elvira, and it transpires that Alphonso has rescued the husband from his arrest.82
Characters from the main plot having prevented Lorenzo from seizing Elvira in the subplot, Lorenzo now prevents Bertran from seizing the queen in the main plot. Lorenzo is needed, says Pedro, to head the city militia; he has won the hearts of all the city wives, who will urge their husbands to follow him.83 In Don Sebastian similarly, as Dryden points out, "Antonio is ingag'd in the Fourth Act, for the deliverance of Almeyda; which is also prepar'd, by his being first made a Slave to the Captain of the Rabble."84
A peripety in the fifth act of The Spanish Fryar finds the militia turned against the queen, and Lorenzo now brings the army to her rescue.85 As the end of the play approaches, the characters from the two plots intermingle pg 441even more thoroughly. Elvira's husband appeals to Alphonso and Pedro against the friar. Lorenzo comes in behind his father and, after threatening the husband in dumb show, learns that Elvira is his sister and thus unattainable. They unite in driving the friar off the stage, the remaining characters from the main plot enter with the news that King Sancho is alive, and the play concludes.86
Whether in fact Dryden's careful intermingling of the two plots attains a unity of effect, however, must remain for the reader to decide. His plotting of Don Sebastian did not please everyone, as we see from his defense of it, and he himself came to feel, as we have seen, that he had not unified the effect of The Spanish Fryar. At least one modern reader has agreed with him.87
Just as the anti-Catholicism of The Spanish Fryar does not mean that the king was similarly anti-Catholic, so it does not mean that Dryden was at the time he wrote the play. In the first place, as we have said, he wrote as a kind of official representative of the king's public stance. In the second place, an author cannot be supposed to represent his own feelings in those of the fictional characters he has created.88 We have taken the view that the meaning of a play is to be found in audience reaction, not in the playwright's inner life or even, in the case of Dryden, in his work in the theater. We have already quoted Cibber's description of how Leigh, creating the part of the friar, made him a monument of "palpable, wicked Slyness" and "sacerdotal Insolence." Everything we know about the relationship between playwright and acting company at the time indicates that Dryden chose Leigh for the part and coached him in it. Thomas Betterton as the hero Torrismond and Elizabeth Barry as the heroine Leonora stood at the top of their profession, but Betterton said later that he and Mrs. Barry always made it a practice "to consult e'en the most indifferent Poet in any Part we have thought fit to accept of."89 Dryden's coaching of the players had been burlesqued in The Rehearsal; he attended rehearsals of The Duke of Guise; later he coached Thomas Dogget in his part in Love Triumphant.90 Yet we conclude from these facts nothing more than that Dryden's religion at this time did not forbid him to stir up anti-Catholic feelings in his audience.
We have already quoted Dryden's satisfaction at seeing his play "represented with all the justness and gracefulness of Action." Both Betterton and pg 442Mrs. Barry were noted for their "action," which includes facial expression, but Betterton built a repertory of suitable actions whereas Mrs. Barry let actions arise from her sympathy for the character.91
In their own ways, Leigh and James Nokes (who played Gomez, the miserly banker) also stood at the head of their profession. Kneller chose to paint Leigh in his role as Friar Dominic, and a print (reproduced in our frontispiece) was made from the painting. Downes says that Dryden wrote the part of Sir Martin Mar-all expressly for Nokes, and Cibber says that Sir Martin and Gomez were among Nokes's best. His special quality, on- and offstage, says Cibber, was "a plain and palpable Simplicity of Nature," but as he was a shareholder in the company, was for a time one of its accountants, and left the stage with a considerable fortune, his simplicity was in appearance only. Cibber says he was of medium height, an important matter in this play and of help to him also in his female impersonations, which won him the nickname "Nurse."92
Mary Betterton never attained the stature of her husband or of Mrs. Barry, but it seems likely that Dryden chose her for Elvira as having much of the beauty and charm he ascribes to Elvira in the play: "She's of a middle Stature, dark colour'd Hair, the most bewitching Leer with her Eyes, the most roguish Cast; her Cheeks are dimpled when she smiles; and her Smiles would tempt an Hermit."93 She had created the role of Bellinda in Etherege's The Man of Mode five years before.
Our knowledge of the remaining members of the original cast is not sufficient for us to visualize them in their roles. The extreme example is Mrs. Crofts (Theresa), of whom almost nothing is known. But we have every other evidence of the effectiveness of the first performances, and with a little imagination we can see much of it clearly in our mind's eye.
Double Discovery. See headnote, p. 435 above.
Duke's Theatre. See note to title page of The Kind Keeper, p. 379 above.
Ut melius possis, etc. "So you may better escape notice, select a toga" (Martial, VIII, 48, 8, slightly altered so the clause will stand alone). Martial addresses a man who had walked off with an expensive purple cloak, telling him that he must not wear it if he hopes to escape detection. The quotation probably refers to the fact that Raymond in the play raised the heir of the rightful king as a commoner to protect his life from the usurper. It may also be a warning to the exclusionists, more direct than anything in the play itself. Winn (p. 338) proposes that when Dryden in his dedication (p. 101:20–9 above) points out his own youthful mistakes in judgment he is sending a warning to the young Duke of Monmouth.
Alterna revisens, etc. "Fortune, fitful visitant, has mocked [him], then once more set [him] up upon firm ground" (Virgil, Aeneid, XI, 426–427; Loeb). As Summers notes (V, 436), the original reads "mocked many a man" pg 443and by his omission Dryden makes the quotation apply to the rightful king in the play. We may add that he thus makes it apply also to the Duke of York.
P. 99 John Holies, Lord Haughton (1662–1711), was only nineteen when The Spanish Fryar was published. He had as yet had little chance to show his political and religious views to the world, but his father the Earl of Clare, his great-uncle, Denzil Lord Holies, and Denzil's son Sir Francis, had supported Shaftesbury in the past, and at the time he accepted this dedication his father and cousin still did. In due course he showed his own Whig and anti-Catholic feelings, for which, along with his enormous wealth, William III made him Marquess of Clare and Duke of Newcastle upon Tyne and a knight of the Garter (DNB and Phillip Harth, "Dryden in 1678–81: The Literary and Historical Perspectives," in The Golden and the Brazen World, ed. John M. Wallace , pp. 55–77). That Dryden should have asked Lord Haughton to accept the dedication of the play has seemed strange to commentators (see Works, II 228). For some possible reasons why he did so, see headnote, p. 431 above.
99:6 two Plots. See headnote, pp. 437–441 above.
99:8–9 other Play es of the same nature. In The Grounds of Criticism in Tragedy Dryden cites Marriage A-la-Mode but exempts his Oedipus as not having the two plots sufficiently distinct (Works, XIII, 230). The Assignation is like Marriage A-la-Mode; The Conquest of Granada and Secret Love are more like Oedipus.
99:17 ordinary. Average.
99:19 my other Tragi-comedies. Marriage A-la-Mode, The Assignation, and perhaps Secret Love.
99:24 fancie … judgment. For a discussion of Dryden's use of these terms see headnote to The State of Innocence (Works, XII).
99:28–29 brass money. Some of Dryden's letters of 1694–1695 refer to his problems with brass coins; his publisher Tonson, in changing some money for Lady Dryden, gave her "at least forty shillings brass"; and shortly afterward Tonson's banker paid a note to Dryden in shillings and sixpences that tradesmen would not accept (Ward, Letters, pp. 75, 80). Summers (V, 436) notes that in Wycherley's Plain Dealer (1677), III, i, 262, the Widow Blackacre accuses Petulant of being too scrupulous about receiving brass half crowns in his fees. See also prologue to The Spanish Fryar, l. 9 (p. 105 above).
100:4–11 In … Trick. Winn (pp. 338–339) sees allusion to processions by which both sides in the succession struggle sought to dramatize their strength, particularly Monmouth's "progression" through the west. "During a hunting visit to Chichester on 13 February, for example, Monmouth's friend Lord Grey arranged to have him greeted by '100 Batchellors all in white, except Black Velvet caps with white wands in their hands' " (the inner quotation is from An Historical Account of the Heroick Life and Magnanimous Actions of the Most Illustrious Protestant Prince, James Duke of Monmouth , p. 107).
100:6 Action. Acting in all its aspects; hence "Grace" is that which graces.
pg 444100:16 Bussy Damboys. By Chapman (see l. 32). It was one of the first plays revived after the Restoration, with a performance on 30 December 1662 by the King's Company, to which it was formally assigned in 1669. In 1691 D'Urfey said it had not been acted for about sixteen years, so that Dryden had not seen it recently in 1681 (London Stage, Part I, pp. 12, 45, 152, 220). As Summers notes (V, 436–437), D'Urfey says the acting of Charles Hart in the title role had given the play its popularity. Hart became the company's leading man in the later 1670s, but by the end of 1681 he had effectively retired from the stage (Highfill, VII, 151). At about this time Dryden was revising Sir William Soame's translation of Boileau's Art of Poetry (1683), in which he inserted a derogatory notice of Chapman's play (ll. 555–557, Works, II, 141). The date of the revision comes from the note by Tonson in the 1708 edition of Soame, quoted in Works, II, 368: "This Translation … was made in the Year 1680 …. I saw the Manuscript lye in Mr. Dryden's Hands for above Six Months … and it being his Opinion that it would be better to apply the Poem to English Writers … that was entirely done by Mr. Dryden."
100:17–18 fallen Star … Jelly. There are references in Tyrannick Love, IV, i, 53–55, and, as Summers (V, 437) notes, Oedipus, II, i, 9, to the idea that the jellylike plants of the genus Nostoc, an alga, were the remains of fallen stars. See Works, X, 148, 423; XIII, 141, 478.
100:24 scantling. Small portion (OED).
100:25–26 A famous modern Poet. As Tom Brown recognized (preface to The Reasons of Mr. Bays Changing his Religion, quoted by Scott, S-S, VI, 398), the poet was Andrea Navagero (1483–1529). Brown read of him, he says, "somewhere in Mons. Rapin's Reflections sur la Poetique," but Malone (III, 56 n. 4) recognized that Dryden's source was Famiano Strada, Academic Prolusions (1617), II, 5. Strada says Navagero used to burn a volume of Martial to the manes (the deified soul) of Virgil on his birthday. In the next sentence he says that on another occasion, finding Statius similar to Martial, he burned his copy of Statius also. And a few sentences later he cites the line from Statius that Dryden quotes in 101:12.
100:30 Maximin and Almanzor. In Tyrannick Love (1670) and The Conquest of Granada (1672), respectively.
101:2 Dalilahs. Judg. 16; Dryden's spelling of the first syllable is found also in Love Triumphant, V, i, 92 (Works, XVI), and in Milton's Samson Agonistes. It presumably comes from the Greek Bible, where the name is Daleida.
101:4 mortified. Rendered insensible (OED).
101:6 Bubbles. Dupes, those deluded with insubstantialities (OED).
101:8–9 nothing is truly sublime that is not just and proper. Longinus's criterion may be thought to encompass Dryden's: "To speak generally, you should consider that to be truly beautiful and sublime which pleases all people at all times" (VII, 4; Loeb. See also VIII, 1).
101:12 "What [a] mighty mass redoubled by a huge form surmounting it" (Statius, Silvae, I, i, 1; Loeb). By curtailing the quotation Dryden changes it from a question to an exclamation. The title of the poem is "The Great Equestrian Statue of the Emperor Domitian." Ker notes (I, 322) that Dryden refers to it again in A Parallel betwixt Painting and Poetry (1695) as Statius's pg 445"fustian Description of the Statue on the brazen Horse" (Works, XX, 73). In the Discourse Concerning the Original and Progress of Satire (1693), Dryden praises Statius's versification but dispraises the organization of his Thebaid (Works, IV, 13).
101:14 "You, Tityrus, lying under your spreading beech's covert" (Loeb), the opening line of Virgil's Eclogues.
101:16–18 when … it. There is a similar proverb, "Vice is often clothed in virtue's habit" (Tilley V44, first citation 1616).
101:23–26 From Joshua Sylvester's translation of Guillaume Du Bartas. Issues of the first collected edition (1605 or 1605–1606) have the title Bartas his Devine Weekes and Workes. Dryden quotes from "The fourth Part of the First Day of the II Weeke," ll. 173–176 (ed. Susan Snyder , I, 385), but he puts "Now" in place of "But," "to bridle" in place of "and bridle," and "Snow" in place of "wool," no doubt because he is writing from memory. At about this time, also, as Summers notes (V, 439), he inserted the following into the Boileau-Soame-Dryden Art of Poetry, in a warning against "bumbast":
- Nor, with Dubartas, bridle up the Floods,
- And Periwig with Wool the bald-pate Woods.
(Lines 101–102, Works, II, 127.)
101:27 fustian. The fact that Dryden immediately defines the word suggests that he is using it in a special way (OED cites this passage without comment), and indeed in his poetry he uses it with the meaning he explains in his translation of Persius, "All Noise, and empty Pomp, a storm of words" (I, 32–33; Works, IV, 261). In The Author's Apology for Heroique Poetry and Poetique License prefixed to The State of Innocence he had remarked that those who do not like the "strength" of Cowley's images call them fustian; he himself thinks there is nothing more beautiful (Works, XII). John Illo has come to Sylvester's defense in ELN, I, (1963), 101–104.
102:1–2 the common cry, that nothing but Madness can please Mad-men. See II, ii, 114–115 (p. 130 above). The "cry" is an inverse of the proverb in III, ii, 242–243 (p. 148 above), "every thing in the World is good for something."
102:3–5 in a room, contriv'd for State, the height of the roof shou'd bear a proportion to the Area. See Andrea Palladio, The First Book of Architecture, trans. Godfrey Richards (1676), pp. 135–137, where the correct height of a flat-roofed hall is given as between two-thirds and three-fourths of the breadth, e.g., in a hall twenty-four feet wide, the ceiling should be between sixteen and eighteen feet high.
102:5–7 the strength … the Persons. The idea that style should fit context is a commonplace that Dryden had illuminated by his detailed discussions in Notes and Observations on The Empress of Morocco (Works, XVII, 180–181, 183), The Author's Apology for Heroique Poetry and Poetique License prefixed to The State of Innocence (Works, XII), and The Grounds of Criticism in Tragedy prefixed to Troilus and Cressida (Works, XIII, 241). In the following lines he gives his reason for bringing the matter up once again.
102:14 trifle. Dryden regularly speaks ill of his work, following a tradition as old as Catullus, perhaps (see dedication of The Kind Keeper, 11. 12–15, pg 446p. 51 above), but arising from the fact that everyone who has completed a complex task can then see how he could have done better. In the present instance, however, Dryden has forgotten his estimate of the play at the beginning of the dedication.
102:16 Credit. Van Lennep quotes from the Hatton correspondence a letter by Anne Montague of 1 November 1680: "I was to see the new play, The Spanish Frier, and there was all the world" (London Stage, Part I, p. 292).
102:20 'tis my Ambition to be read. Cf. his later remark, in the dedication of King Arthur, that "the Numbers of Poetry and Vocal Musick, are sometimes so contrary, that in many places I have been oblig'd to cramp my Verses, and make them rugged to the Reader, that they may be harmonious to the Hearer," where, however, he excuses himself (next to last par., Works, XVI).
102:21–22 propriety of thoughts and words. Summers notes (V, 439–440) that Dryden is repeating a phrase from The Author's Apology prefixed to The State of Innocence (last par., Works, XII). See headnote to that play in Works, XII.
102:24 hasty motion. Perhaps a movement of the head, but more likely synonymous with "riding Post" (see note to 102:27).
102:26 silent graces. McFadden (p. 223) believes Dryden means passages that can be interpreted as royalist propaganda. He finds one in III, iii, 176ff., Torrismond's description of Sancho in prison, and another in the last five lines of the play.
102:27 Post. At express speed (OED).
103:2–3 nothing but Truth can long continue; and Time is the surest Judge of Truth. Tilley T580, "Truth is time's daughter" (first citation 1553); T338, "Time tries the truth" (first citation 1546); T576, "Truth is always the strongest" (first citation 1623); T579, "Truth is mighty and will prevail" (first citation in English 1576, with citation of 1 Esd. 4:41 also).
103:9 rule. Corneille had defined unity of action in comedy as fulfilled by a single intrigue or obstacle to the purposes of the main characters, and in tragedy as fulfilled by a single peril that overwhelms the hero or that he surmounts. Corneille allowed, however, that the resolution of one intrigue, obstacle, or peril might lead into a contingent problem without loss of unity, although he could remember no example from antiquity ("Discours des Trois Unitez," Théâtre , V, 5–6). As Dryden had noted in The Grounds of Criticism in Tragedy (Works, XIII, 229), Corneille's rule enlarges on Aristotle's definition of a tragedy as "a representation of an action that is whole and complete" (Poetics, VII, 2; Loeb. See also VI, 2, and VIII, 4).
103:10–13 The truth … mirth. For Dryden's varying views of the need for tragicomedy see headnote, pp. 437–441 above.
103:17 half a Poet. But note that Dryden felt he was too saturnine to write the best comedy (Works, IX, 8; see also X, 203).
103:17–18 Neither is it so trivial an undertaking, to make a Tragedy end happily. As Summers notes (V, 440), Dryden had discussed problems of denouement in The Grounds of Criticism in Tragedy, where he had said that tragedies with happy endings are inferior (Works, XIII, 233, ll. 15–16). He was there following Aristotle (Poetics, XIII). We may add that in the dedi-pg 447cation of Love Triumphant he accepted Corneille's argument that Aristotle would have ruled differently if the Greek dramatists had written differently, adding: "Had … Aristotle … seen the Cinna, … he would have alter'd his Opinion; and concluded, that a simple change of Will might be manag'd with so much Judgment, as to render it the most agreeable, as well as the most surprising part of the whole Fable" (Works, XVI).
103:19–23 The Dagger … the performance. Dryden alluded to this sentence in the preface to Don Sebastian (Works, XV, 68).
103:32 your Noble Family. John Holies, first Earl of Clare, served as a volunteer against the Armada, joined the expedition of 1597 to the Azores, won a battlefield knighthood in Ireland, and fought the Turks in Hungary. His son Denzil fought in the parliamentary army but always opposed the Independents (at one time he tried to impeach Cromwell). In 1641 he opposed toleration of Catholics in Ireland; on the other hand, in 1675 he opposed the Test Act.
103:35 your Education at home, and your Experience abroad. In Historical Collections of the Noble Families of Cavendishe, Holies … (1752), Arthur Collins gives a lengthy account of Lord Haughton, but with respect to his education and experience he simply paraphrases Dryden, "having all the Advantages of Education both at Home and Abroad" (p. 178), and then quotes him at length. Apparently Haughton was educated by tutors and made the grand tour. Other members of his family attended Cambridge, but he attended neither university.
4 Kings invited to dine with the Lord Mayor of London normally returned the compliment by knighting him. See Strype, Bk. V, pp. 154–155.
9 brass mony … in Spain. Kinsley (IV, 1872) thinks the reference is to fluctuations in the value of the copper "vellon" and cites E. J. Hamilton, American Treasure and the Price Revolution in Spain, 1501–1650 (1934), pp. 73–103, 211–221.
11 Groats at Bromingam. The mint had stopped issuing groats, silver four-penny pieces, in 1662 (OED), but they continued in circulation. OED notes that in The Cock and the Fox, ll. 181–182, "groat" rhymes with "lot" (Works, VII). Summers (V, 440) notes a number of references to counterfeiting of groats in Birmingham at this time: A Panegyrick on Their Royal Highnesses (Wing P264; 1682), p. 2; Tom Brown, The Reasons of Mr. Bays Changing his Religion (1688), p. 14; Guy Miege, The New State of England (1691), Part I, p. 235.
12–13 This passage is one of those deleted from the second edition and restored in the third.
21 notcht. "Having unevenly or closely cropped hair" (OED, citing this passage).
21 whole Sermons. Dryden exaggerates, perhaps. Scott (S-S, VI, 412) observes that apprentices were supposed to take notes on sermons, and Summers (V, 441) cites Wood's Athenae Oxoniensis to the same effect (ed. Philip pg 448Bliss [1813–1820], Vol. I, under John Gaunt). In addition, Summers quotes Mrs. Marwood in Congreve's The Way of the World, V, i, 249–250, "take notes, like 'prentices at a conventicle," and points out that Ralph Shorthand is the name of an apprentice in A Bartholomew Fairing (1649), addressed by Mr. Learned as "my Stenographical Sermon catcher, my Imp of Repetitions and Conserver of my small wares of Divinity."
22 heavy. A double entendre: fat, and slow-witted. For a history of Dryden's dislike of the Dutch see headnote to Amboyna (Works, XII).
24 honest. The meaning may be "comely," since the word has that meaning in Alexander's Feast, l. 52, and Palamon and Arcite, III, 100 (Works, VII).
26 Mum. "A kind of beer originally brewed in Brunswick" (OED).
28 Philip first taught Philip. Presumably "first" means "senior." Both Philip III and his son Philip IV took no interest in government. Philip IV might have come to Dryden's mind because the Dutch won their independence from Spain when he was on the throne. The current king of Spain was Charles II, the son of Philip IV. Macaulay says of Charles that he "was a fit representative of his kingdom, impotent physically, intellectually, and morally, sunk in ignorance, listlessness, and superstition.… Among the ministers who were raised and pulled down by his sickly caprice, was none capable of applying a remedy to the distempers of the State" (V, 2214). See also note to The Kind Keeper, II, i, 243–245, p. 398 above.
31 Conquering. The French had recently had considerable success against the Dutch and Spanish in the Spanish Netherlands (in 1672–1678).
34 they … try our English Air. To cite only the most recent examples, French singers and dancers came to London in 1674 and French comedians in 1677–1678 (London Stage, Part I, pp. 209, 247, 261, noting that Dryden had referred to the singers and dancers in his Prologue and Epilogue Spoken at the Opening of the New House, prologue ll. 38–39, epilogue ll. 38–40; see Works, I, 149, 151).
39 Perhaps true at the moment, but not for long. Summers (V, 441) calls attention to Shad well's The Squire of Alsatia (1688) and The Scowrers (1691). Similar ruffians calling themselves Mohocks operated in the early eighteenth century. Kinsley (IV, 1872) cites the second prologue to The Wild-Gallant, ll. 10–12, and the prologue to All for Love, l. 22 (Works, VIII, 6; XIII, 20).
40 Tilting in the Pit. On 26 February 1680, i.e., about eight months before the premiere of The Spanish Fryar, "Mrs. Ellen Gwyn being at the dukes playhouse [where the play was performed], was affronted by a person who came into the pitt and called her whore; whom Mr Herbert, the Earl of Pembroke's brother, vindicating, there were many swords drawn, and a great hubbub in the house" (Luttrell, I, 34–35, cited by London Stage, Part I, p. 285). Summers (V, 442) notes an earlier duel between John Churchill, later Duke of Marlborough, and Thomas Otway, the playwright, that at least had its occasion in the theater (citing Verney letters, 23 June 1679, HMC, Seventh Report , Part I, p. 473), and a still earlier battle in the pit between Sir Thomas Armstrong and a Mr. Scroop, who died of his wounds (Langbaine, p. 460; London Stage, Part I, p. 235, citing Verney letters, 30 pg 449August 1675, HMC, Seventh Report, Part I, p. 465; and Hatton Correspondence, Camden Society, XXII , 121). See also the second epilogue to The Duke of Guise, l. 6 (p. 214 above).
44 Night-murth'rers. Winn (p. 328) calls this a "playful suggestion" and Dryden's "most direct reference to" the assault on him in Rose Street on 18 December 1679. On the whole, a more recent event seems more likely to have been in the public mind. "On the 15th [of April 1680], about 9 at night, John Arnold, esq., one of his majesties justices of the peace for the county of Monmouth, goeing home to his lodging was sett upon in Bell yard, near Jack-an-apes lane end by three fellows, who dangerously wounded him, endeavouring to cutt his throat; thinking they had killed him, they cried, Damme the dog, now pray for the soul of capt. Evans, who was a Jesuite executed some time since in Monmouthshire; which is the occasion that this murther is thought to be committed by the popish party, and the rather for that Mr. Arnold was a very strict prosecutor of the popish party." On 14 July, John Giles was convicted for his share in the attack and on 9 September "stood on the pillory the third and last time, and was protected from the rabble by a great guard of constables and watchmen" (Luttrell, I, 41, 51, 55).
46 new found Pois'ning Trick of France. As Summers notes (V, 442–443), correcting Saintsbury (S-S, VI, 413) in some particulars, the Marquise de Brinvilliers had been executed at Paris on 16 July 1676 for several poisonings, on 22 February 1680 Catherine Deshayes was burnt at the stake for her share in various poisonings, and investigations were continuing in Paris. DNB, citing Luttrell, I, 20, et al., notes that when Charles II had suffered from fits in August 1679 rumors had circulated that he had been poisoned. Dryden refers again to the new "pois'ning way" of the French in the prologue to The Duke of Guise, ll. 15–16 (p. 210 above).
47 Rats-bane. Any poison, perhaps, but most likely arsenic (OED).
48 Plot. Supposing that the first night of the play was about 1 November, the following recent events in what Luttrell also sometimes calls simply "the plot" had occurred: in reverse order, (1) on 30 October, Oliver Plunkett, titular Catholic primate of Ireland, was brought to London and put in close confinement in Newgate (executed 1 July 1681); (2) on 25 October, Francisco de Faria was examined in the House of Lords about whether the Portuguese ambassador had bribed the Lord Chief Justice Sir William Scroggs to acquit Sir George Wakeman of high treason (the House of Commons impeached Scroggs of high treason on 7 January 1681, but the Lords only took away his office); (3) on 23 October, Elizabeth Cellier, a Catholic midwife, stood in the pillory the third and last time for having published Malice Defeated, reviewing her acquittal of having manufactured a Protestant plot, the Meal Tub Plot; Thomas Dangerfield, who had said Mrs. Cellier had involved him in the Meal Tub Plot, had one Atwood, a Romish priest, committed (the king pardoned Dangerfield on 3 November and on 4 November his charge of high treason brought the Countess of Powis to the Tower); and Thomas Thwing was executed at York; (4) on 9 October one Shippon was convicted at the Westminster sessions of defaming Titus Oates, William Bedloe, and Mr. Dugdale (Bedloe had died at the end of August, repeating pg 450his charges on his deathbed); but Mr. L'Estrange was acquitted by the Privy Council of charges brought against him by Simpson Tonge; (5) on 4 October the king's proclamation ordered all papists or reputed papists to remove at least ten miles from London and Westminster; and (6) on 18 September, on the complaint of Oates, Simpson Tonge was convicted by the Privy Council and sentenced to Newgate for perjury against "the king's evidence, and all the prosecutions concerning the popish plot." In short, matters of the Popish Plot were in full swing (Luttrell, I, 23ff.).
The sources for most of the names are canvassed in the headnote (p. 435 above). Summers (V, 443) notes that Torrismond is a character in Lodge's Rosalynde (1690) but says that Dryden was thinking of Tasso's tragedy, Il Re Torismondo (1587). Dominic's name is that of his order, the Dominicans.
The scene and time of the play are not specified here. The scene is Saragossa (Zaragoza), the ancient capital of Aragon (see I, i, 384 [p. 121 above]). The date is approximately the same as that supposed in The Conquest of Granada, since Abdalla, who in The Conquest is the brother of Mahomet Boabdelin, the last Moorish king of Granada, is besieging the city (see I, i, 27 [p. 109 above]).
The scene is said (l. 404) to be in front of Gomez's house on a corner.
27 Abdalla. See note to Dramatis Personae, above.
37 squander'd. Scattered (OED, citing this passage).
68 Fresh colour'd. The words may come from Le Pèlerin, whose Father André has a rosy face: "un visage frais & vermeil comme un bon Jacobin qu'il estoit" (p. 47 in a 1678[?] edition), or from Molière's Tartuffe, whose Dorine says Tartuffe has "le teint frais et la bouche vermeille" (I, v, 12).
69 greazy bald-pate. Although the words refer strictly to the "choir" they are evidently intended to describe the friar also. Winn (p. 335) noticed them on p. 29 of "a notorious Whig pamphlet," Charles Blount's Appeal from the Country to the City (1679): "some old greasie bald-pated Abbot, Monk, or Friar." Summers notes (V, 443) that in the Essay of Dramatick Poesie Dryden had pointed out how Ben Jonson prefaced the appearance of his humors characters with descriptions put in the mouths of other characters (Works, XVII, 62). Dryden regularly does the same, as do his contemporaries.
72 the Labell of his Function. Explained in ll. 74–75.
78 Ataballes. "A kind of kettle-drum or tambour used by the Moors" (OED, citing 1 Conquest of Granada, I, i, 100).
84 St. Jago's Tow'r. The old fortifications of Saragossa had towers and it might be supposed that one of them would be named for St. James, the patron of Christian Spain, but the name appears to be Dryden's invention. The spelling "St. Jago" is also to be found in An Evening's Love, I, ii, 86 (Works, X, 227).
105–107 This is one of the passages Queen Mary had to pretend to ignore as those in the pit turned to see what her reaction was (see headnote, p. 428above).
128 woollen Night-cap. Summers (V, 443) thinks Dryden meant a turban. OED says, however, that turbans are caps wound with linen, cotton, or silk, and we see later that the attack was a surprise at night (l. 219). Dryden may then have meant a nightcap.
150 Circumcision. I.e., Moors. Circumcision is not required by the Koran but Muslims regard it as a usage of "natural religion" (New Schaff-Herzog Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge [1908–1914], III, 118).
152 dog-cheap. Very cheap; cf. The Wild Gallant, II, i, 127–128, "no fat overgrown virgin of forty ever offer'd her self so dog cheap" (Works, VIII, 27). As it turns out, Lorenzo has nothing to do with harlots but concentrates his attention solely upon the married Elvira. Nevertheless, in this speech he resembles slightly the wide-ranging licentiousness of Wildblood in An Evening's Love and Woodall in The Kind Keeper, whose forerunner was Mirabell in Fletcher's The Wild Goose Chase.
160 have a Nose. Not have syphilis, commonly referred to in the literature of the time as causing this disfigurement.
163 publick. A pun; public women (OED).
164 seasonable … in the nick. Perhaps synonymous, "available immediately" (OED, seasonable; nick); perhaps "seasonable" means "seasoned," i.e., ripe, or ready for copulation (OED, season; and see note to The Kind Keeper, I, i, 101 [p. 386 above]).
184 open. Bark, continuing the image begun in l. 179.
191–197 In contrast with Creon in Oedipus, "who plays upon the ignorance and fear of the common people, Torrismond is motivated by honor and love; Dryden had been developing that contrast between popular politicians like Shaftesbury and the loyal aristocrats like Mulgrave since the dedication of Aureng-Zebe" (Winn, p. 335). For the changeableness of "popular Applause" see also prologue, ll. 6ff. (p. 105 above).
205 States. Cortez, parliament; called senate in ll. 210, 248. The kingdom of Aragon actually had three cortezes, one in Aragon proper, one in Catalonia, and one in Valencia, which the king had to consult separately (Spain: A Companion to Spanish Studies, ed. P. E. Russell , p. 84).
209–210 Bertran's sentiment is one that Denzil Holies, great-uncle of the play's dedicatee, guided his life by, and that brought him into opposition to the king. Presumably Charles recognized that Bertran was the villain in the play.
223–224 Vertue … light. Contravening the proverb, "Virtue is its own reward" (Tilley V81, first citation 1596).
245 who can help his frenzy? Cf. Tilley F672, "Frenzy, heresy, and jealousy seldom cured" (first citation c. 1527).
276–277 Penelope's tale / Inverted. Explained in the following lines. See Odyssey, II, 93–109.
306, 313–314 the Tempter is wanting … will not be lost for want of diligence in this Devil's reign. The latter is the usual formulation in Dryden's pg 452plays, e.g., The Duke of Guise, IV, ii, 6 (p. 262 above), and see Absalom and Achitophel, ll. 79–80, "when to Sin our byast Nature leans, / The carefull Devil is still at hand with means" (Works, II, 7).
307–308 Collier (p. 4) objected to Dryden's picture of Elvira as lustful. Milhous and Hume, however, say (p. 162) that "what she really wants is rescue," citing her words in III, ii, 65 (p. 143 above), "deliver me from this Bondage." Her words in ll. 345–346 and 366–367 of the present scene are also apposite. The note to l. 341 points out that she had to make her own opportunities. Collier went on to say: "I grant the Abuse of a Thing is no Argument against the use of it. However Young people particularly, should not entertain themselves with a Lewd Picture; especially when 'tis drawn by a Masterly Hand" (p. 5).
308 Matador. Summers notes (V, 444) that this is the first citation in OED for the sense of the bullfighter who kills the bull. Since Dryden knew about bullfighting (see An Evening's Love, I, i, 138, and 1 Conquest of Granada, I, i, 11–12, in Works, X, 221, and XI, 23), that is probably his meaning, but a derived sense of matador, "a killing card" (OED, citing Charles Cotton's The Compleat Gamester , p. 70 in the 1680 ed.), may have come more immediately to the minds of the ombre players in the audience.
315 Cynthia. Diana's name as goddess of the moon.
323 a doe. A trouble (OED, do). Emendation to "ado" is also possible.
334 drawn down. See ll. 85–88.
338 my Profession. Elvira speaks as the wife of a banker, her "profession" by marriage, so to speak.
339–340 upon content … without peeping. Synonymous; see Love Triumphant, III, i, 61–62, "on content; / To save … telling [counting]" (Works, XVI).
340 stand. Haggle (OED, sense 79a of the verb, citing this passage). The expression occurs again in Love Triumphant, III, ii, Sancho's last speech before Carlos enters (Works, XVI).
341 Lifts up her Veil. Dryden had introduced a similar business several times in An Evening's Love: I, i, 98, 208; II, i, 232; III, i, 85 (Works, X, 220, 223, 236, 250). Two notes in Works, X, 468, are apposite to Elvira's action. The first points out that respectable Spanish women left their homes only rarely; in An Evening's Love, the opportunities come on the last night of carnival, in The Spanish Fryar on a day of rejoicing at the city's rescue (see ll. 345–346). The second reminds us that Spanish taboos prevented men from visiting women, so that they had "against the modesty and custome of [their] Sex to speak first."
346–348. there is nothing so extravagant as a Prisoner … Fetters. A commonplace idea in Dryden's plays, but always freshly expressed (see note to The Kind Keeper, V, 1, 37, p. 418above).
355 Trammels. I.e., fetters, continuing Elvira's metaphor in ll. 346–348.
369 Jealous. The word as normally used in the subplot of this play is defined in II, iii, 73–75 (p. 134), but Gomez is also suspicious (l. 454) and in The Kind Keeper "jealous" usually means "suspicious" (see p. 417above).
413–416 Presumably Dryden is describing Mrs. Betterton, who created the role of Elvira (see headnote, p. 442above; Highfill, I, 97–98).
429–431 The same device appears in The Kind Keeper, where the hero,pg 453George Aldo, has taken the name of Woodall to escape his father's hearing of him (I, 1, 35–38 [p. 10 above]).
433–434 damning colour. "Gold goes in at any gate except heaven's" (Tilley G282, first citation 1639).
443 Pumping. Trying to think of something; here, pumping for excuses (OED, citation of 1633); the same usage occurs in The Vindication (p. 349:22 above) and in Secret Love, IV, i, 105, Amphitryon, III, i, 450, and Sancho's fifth speech in Love Triumphant, IV, i (Works, IX, 166; XV, 278; XVI).
446 make some Interest. Bring some personal influence to bear (OED, interest), either at court or in the city (see IV, ii, 181–186 [pp. 172–173 above]).
447 Alcaide, Mayor. Synonyms.
452 Head. Antlers (OED). See The Kind Keeper, III, i, 86 (p. 41 above). Summers (V, 444) cites the epilogue to Ravenscroft's The London Cuckolds, produced the year after our play, "every Cuckold is a Cit."
454 suspicious. See note to l. 369.
460 Twinckledum, Twinckledum. Guitar music, presumably; see l. 465.
468 Red Locusts. Devouring soldiers. The imagery is biblical, and while Lorenzo may have particular reference to the last biblical locusts (in Rev. 9:3, 7–11), we see that Gomez, just below, has reference to the first (in Exod. 10:12–15, 19). Dryden also made reference to the Exodus story in the prologue to The Kind Keeper, ll. 27–28 (p. 8 above) and in the dedication of Plutarch's Lives (Works, XVII, 234–235). For "Red" see note to l. 471 below.
469 wrought. Embroidered (OED, citing Tatler no. 91  for the phrase "wrought nightcap").
471 Buff … Red-coat. Realism on the English stage at this time, as is well known, did not extend to period costumes. The English army was shifting over from buffcoats, a kind of leather armor, to red coats for its infantry. The cavalry still wore buffcoats. It is possible that Lorenzo, as an officer, was supposed to be mounted and wore a buffcoat for that reason. Burr in The Wild Gallant is another wearer of a buffcoat (see Works, VIII, 8).
471 Free-quarter. "Having to provide free board and lodging for troops" (OED).
472 in the Red-sea. See note to l. 468.
474–475 Camphire … to abate Incontinency. OED cites this passage under camphor. Summers (V, 444) quotes Waitwell, disguised as Sir Rowland, in Congreve's The Way of the World, IV, i, 590–591, who says Lady Wishfort is "all camphire and frankincense, all chastity and odor."
477–478 Troy weight … drachms and scruples. Goldsmiths' as opposed to apothecaries' weight, that is, presumably pounds (5,760 grains) and ounces (480 grains) as opposed to drachms (60 grains) and scruples (20 grains), or large amounts as opposed to small. The language is appropriate to a banker.
478–479 Fasting Almanack. Some almanacs, such as Henry Coley's Nuncius Coelestis: or, The Starry Messenger, and Jonathan Dove's Speculum Anni, had tables with the ecclesiastical calendar in the left column. Gomez intends to alter it considerably for his wife.
481 Ember-weeks. The four weeks, one in each season of the year, in which pg 454fasting is enjoined on Wednesday, Friday, and Saturday in the Roman Catholic and Anglican churches.
33 Romance. Since Pedro is a Spaniard we cannot tell whether he refers to a kind of Spanish poetry or to lengthy prose fictions.
50 press'd upon the Toyles. Driven into the nets, cornered. Dryden inserted a similar figure in one of his translations of Ovid, Ceyx and Alcyone, ll. 142–144 (Works, VII), and used it also in The Duke of Guise, IV, iii, 93, and V, i, 7–8 (pp. 268, 279 above).
54 Heart. Short for God's heart or dear heart.
57 OED gives no example of the proverbial throwing of cold water before the nineteenth century.
19 Patience of a God. Patience as if one were God (Exod. 34:6, Rom. 15:5, etc.)
34 Friendship follows Favour. Cf. Tilley F737, "Friends fail flyers" (first citation 1577).
45 Hellebore. From antiquity accounted a purgative of the brain. See Dryden's translation of Persius, Satires, IV, 34, and his note (Works, IV, 320).
46 Whips, Darkness. More remedies for madness and equally standard; cf. The Wild Gallant, IV, ii, 31–32, "She must be us'd as Mad-folkes are then; had into the dark and cur'd" (Works, VIII, 65), and Love Triumphant, II, i, 178, "Darkness and Chains, are Medicines for a Madman" (Works, XVI). In fact, quite different means were used in Bethlehem mad hospital, where gentle dealing with the insane and giving them access to a walled garden cured more than two inmates in three (see Strype, Bk. I, pp. 192–197). Hence it is possible that we are to think of Bertran as once again vindictive.
65 like a mighty Stream. Amos 5:24, "let judgment run down as waters, and righteousness as a mighty stream," a memorable passage.
75–76 Cibber quoted these lines to describe Mountfort's manner of speaking as a lover (Highfill, X, 355).
106–108 Sure my lot … Volume. Torrismond's words do not necessarily reflect Dryden's views on predestination. In the dedication of The Rival Ladies (Works, VIII, 97) he had denied that man has free will, and in Absalom and Achitophel, ll. 361–366 (Works, II, 16), he had made Monmouth deny it, but in The State of Innocence, IV, i, 11–120 (Works, XII), he had asserted that man has it. See also III, iii, 161–168 (p. 154 above).
114–115 See note to dedication, 102:1–2 (p. 445 above).
138 restive. Sluggish (OED).
141–144. There is a close parallel to these lines in Astrate, II, iv (ll. 718–720): Queen Elise sighs, Astrate asks whether it is her heart that sighs (scil., for love of him), and she gives him leave to interpret the sound as he wishes.
- Astrate.———Vostre Coeur soûpire?
- Elise. Maigre toute ma plainte, allez, je vous permets
- D'expliquer ce soûpire au gré de vous souhaits.
145–146 Fayery favours / Are lost when not conceal'd. Scott (S-S, VI, 441) quotes The Winter's Tale, III, iii, 127–130: "This is fairy gold… . We are lucky, boy, and to be so still requires nothing but secrecy."
s.d. A Table and Wine set out. The first scene of the act took place in the queen's antechamber, the second in her presence chamber, revealed by drawing the scene. It was not the custom to lower the stage curtain during a play (see Summers, Restoration Theatre, p. 97). It would seem, then, that supernumeraries standing by the throne carried it off when all but the queen and Teresa made their exit (after ii, 59), and that either they now brought on the table and set it or that the scene was drawn again to reveal it. One or more supernumeraries dressed as servants certainly carried off the wine and perhaps the table at the beginning of the next scene (see the note there). That stagehands could be actors and actors stagehands appears from the first note to V, ii, 359 (p. 473 below).
1–2 Fryars have free admittance into every house. See Le Pèlerin (pp. 46 –47), which says Camille knew that friars were the normal go-betweens in affairs of gallantry in Spain because they had access to every house: "en Espagne les Moines sont les confidens ordinaires de toutes les intrigues galantes; à cause de l'entrée qu'ils ont dans toutes les maisons, comme un privilege affecté aux gens de leur charactere."
2 Jacobin. Dominican. OED quotes Littré to the effect that the original Jacobins were Dominicans to whom the church of St. Jacques in Paris had been given.
4 Pimp? … once. After each of these words the third edition has an addition that increases the anti-Catholic tone of the play (see textual collation, p. 583below). The additions may have been in Dryden's manuscript, for without the second addition, the words "I'll try for once" do not have much meaning, and the first is repeated in V, ii, 383–384 (p. 199 above).
5–6 none love Money better then they who have made a Vow of Poverty. The idea comes from Le Pèlerin (p. 47), which says Camille had long known that friars, who resist the devil (see James 4:7), do not resist money: "It avoit apris en Italie que les Moines, qui resistoient au Diable, ne resistoient pas à l'argent." Dryden's formulation of the idea, however, corresponds to the formulation in I, i, 346–348 (p. 120 above; see note thereto, p. 452above).
9 rosie as a Turkey-Cock. Tilley T611, "As red as a turkey cock" (first citation 1484). Summers (V, 445) traces "rosie" to the Jacobin in Le Pèlerin (see note to I, i, 68 [p. 450 above]). Later Dryden wrote in derogation of conventional religion that it "shows a Rosie colour'd face" (The Hind and the Panther , I, 370 [Works, III, 133]).
10–11 gouty … limping . The painful disease, a form of arthritis, causes pg 456the limp. In creating the role of Dominic, Leigh furnished himself with a crutched stick or cross-headed cane that Kneller included in his picture of him in the part and that subsequent actors also used (Summers, V, 116; see frontispiece of this volume).
11 Tun of devotion. See The Second Part of Absalom and Achitophel, l. 458 (Works, II, 75), but the figure was a commonplace.
19 infirm … with Fasting. Copied from Falstaff: "A plague of sighing and grief! it blows a man up like a bladder" (1 Henry IV, iv, 364–365). See note to The Kind Keeper, V, i, 291–292 (p. 421 above).
23 doe you reason. Do you justice, i.e., drink to you (OED, citing The Wild Gallant, I, iii, 4; it does not, however, mean "drink to you" in The Kind Keeper, V, i, 550, p. 92 above). Le Pèlerin (p. 48) says that if you have drunk with a friar, you have made him your familiar forever and will have a place in his prayers even if you have no need of his services: "Ayez bû une fois avec ces Reverends Peres, c'est une connoisance establie pour jusqu'a l'autre monde; & si vous n'avez pas besoin de leur services, vous aurez part au moins malgré que vous en ayez à leurs prieres." See also ll. 58–62.
25 Second thoughts … are best. Tilley T247, first citation 1579.
33 I intend to doe an act of Charity. See Le Pèlerin (p. 49), in which Camille tells Father André that, having assumed pilgrim's garb by a vow to St. James, he knew he must also do some charitable works to obtain prayers for himself: "[Il] lui dit qu'ayant pris cét habit, qu'il lui voyoit, par un voeu, qu'il avoit fait à St. Jacques, il savoit qu'il estoit encore obligé de faire quelques charitez, pour faire prier Dieu pour lui."
37–38 sure Card. "A person whose agency, or the use of whose name, will ensure success" (OED, card).
47–48 Fame has pointed out your Reverence as the Worthiest man. See Le Pèlerin (p. 49), where Camille tells Father André that he believes he can put some of his works of charity in no better hands: "[Il lui dit] qu'il ne croyoit pas, de les pouvoir mettre en des meilleures mains qu'entre les siennes."
48–49 Fifty good Pieces. The money is referred to as pounds in l. 102, but in V, ii, 388–389 (p. 199 above), as pistoles. Pistoles rather than pounds being Spanish coins, "pieces" here means "pistoles." See then Le Pèlerin (p. 49), in which Camille gives Father André fifty pistoles: "La dessus il tire de sa poche une bourse de Pistoles, dont il en donna cinquante au Reverend Pere."
69 Ghostly Father. Father confessor (OED). See ll. 77–78, and II, iv, 40 (p. 136 above). "Ghostly Father" occurs again in II, iv, 38, and "Ghostly Authority" occurs in II, iv, 42–43. "Confessor" and "Ghostly Father" are synonyms once more in III, ii, 5, 7 (p. 141 above).
70 I have some business of Importance with her. From Le Pèlerin (p. 50): "j'ay quelque affaire avec elle."
71–72 her Husband is so horribly given to be jealous. From Le Pèlerin (p. 50): "son marie … est jaloux."
73 Ho, jealous? he's the very Quintessence of Jealousie. From Le Pèlerin (p. 50): "Ho! jaloux, interrompit le Pere André, plus que tous les hommes du monde."
79 he call'd me False Apostle. Summers (V, 445) sees here another draught on Le Pèlerin, in which the marquis calls Father André an apostate (p. 105).
81 Copy-hold. Tenure; strictly, a kind of land tenure.
82–83 My Letter. See Le Pèlerin (p. 50), where Camille wishes Father André to give a letter to the marquise: "je voudrois bien, continua Camille, lui faire rendre seurement une lettre."
86–88 See Le Pèlerin (p. 50), where Father André promises to bring an answer before Camille goes to bed and Camille replies that if the friar does so he will receive fifty more pistoles for charitable works: "Si cela est, lui répliqua Camille, il y a encore cinquante pistoles pour des charitez."
92 See Le Pèlerin (p. 50): "je crois, qu'il n'y a pas de mal à cela."
1 Henceforth I banish Flesh and Wine. Supernumeraries dressed as servants have just carried off the wine that stood on the table in the last scene, and perhaps the table too.
6 Gipsey. "A contemptuous term for a woman as being cunning, deceitful, fickle, or the like" (OED); the same language occurs in The Kind Keeper, IV, ii, 49 (p. 73 above).
32 Cockatrice. Synonymous with basilisk, it was a serpent that killed by its glance. In Don Sebastian, IV, ii, 192 (Works, XV, 168), it means whore (OED), but here, it seems, merely that Elvira has killing glances; the same usage occurs in The Duke of Guise, IV, iii, 70 (p. 267 above), and when Sancho greets Dalinda in Love Triumphant, IV, i (Works, XVI).
33 our Royal Pleasure. Gomez echoes Teresa, who said to Leonora that Torrismond awaited her pleasure (II, ii, 76 [p. 129 above]).
39 condign. Deserved (OED).
40–41 that parcel of holy Guts and Garbidge. As Summers notes (V, 445–446), Collier (p. 98) objected to these words and to ll. 63–65 below as demeaning all clergymen. He recognized Dryden's long-standing prejudice against the clergy, which Winn (p. 8) thinks may have originated when Dryden had to hear long sermons as a boy, and noted that at the time of this play Dryden had written or was about to write, "Priests of all Religions are the same" (Absalom and Achitophel, l. 99 [Works, II, 8]; Collier, p. 103). It was only at the end of Dryden's life that pressure from critics like Collier led him to assert in To My Friend the Author (l. 18), "Their Faults and not their Function I arraign," and to describe an ideal clergyman in The Character of a Good Parson (see Works, VII).
41 Chucle. "Express regret for by the inarticulate sound 'ts! 'ts!" (OED, pg 458citing this passage only, but noting also that Johnson's Dictionary quotes Don Sebastian, II, ii, 73–74 (Works, XV, 125): "if these Birds are within distance, here's that will chuckle 'em together."
41 moan. Summers (V, 446) says, moan over and with.
44–45 no sooner conjure, but the Devil's in the Circle. See I, i, 306, 313–314 (pp. 118, 119 above), and note (pp. 451–452). According to Thomas More's Dialogue Concerning Heresies (1528), the circle drawn by a conjurer was to protect himself against devils (cited by OED). Hence "circle" here may mean the circle of observers.
50 Fast for Penance. An ironic punishment, considering that Gomez had enjoined it on Elvira (see I, i, 478–481 [p. 124 above]).
53–56 There is a similar joke in The Kind Keeper, II, i, 172–173 (p. 29 above).
60–61 stand you at distance. One can imagine the stage business that now takes place, especially from what Cibber tells us of Nokes, who was the first Gomez: "In the ludicrous Distresses which, by the laws of Comedy, Folly is often involv'd in, he sunk into such a mixture of piteous Pusillanimity and a Consternation so ruefully ridiculous and inconsolable, that when he had shook you to a Fatigue of Laughter it became a moot point whether you ought not to have pity'd him. When he debated any matter by himself, he would shut up his Mouth with a dumb studious Powt, and roll his full Eye into such a Vacant Amazement, such a palpable Ignorance of what to think of it, that his silent Perplexity (which would sometimes hold him several Minutes) gave your Imagination as full Content as the most absurd thing he could say upon it" (quoted by Highfill, XI, 43). In Le Pèlerin, Father André finds it much easier to hand over the letter he carries, for the jealous husband is distracted by the coming in of the governor of Barcelona, who engages him in conversation (p. 51).
69–70 if you keep your wound from the knowledge of your Surgeon. Cf. Tilley P261, where Ray's formulation (1670) is "Hide nothing from thy minister, Physician and Lawyer."
93 a thing of course. A matter of course, a custom (OED, course, sense 36 of the noun).
100 –101 Love … is a great Vow-maker; but he's a greater Vow-breaker. Cf. Tilley L570, "Lovers' vows are not to be trusted" (first citation 1534).
106 sit bare upon a Bed of Nettles. On 1 May 1660, one Thomas Blacklocke said, "if ever the Kinge come into England, He should come in a Wheel-Barrow, and his Breach shold be stucke full of Nettles" (quoted in Harris, p. 51). Whether the words were only a traditional threat or there was such a folk punishment we have been unable to determine.
108 malapert. Saucy.
110 In verbo Sacerdotis. On the word of a clergyman; see also V, ii, 264–265 (p. 196 above). In Le Pèlerin, Father André says, "foy de bon Religieux, comme je suis" (p. 50).
117 charitably given. See note to The Kind Keeper, V, i, 358 (p. 422 above.)
127 close. Secret, exclusive (OED).
136 & liberavi animam meam. "And I have delivered my soul"; as Summers notes (V, 446), the friar is turning Ezek. 3:18–21 to his own purposes; in Ezek. God says you must warn sinners, who will then be punished if they do not reform, "but thou hast delivered thy soul"; if you do not warn them God will hold you accountable.
136 Your Reputation. See note to The Kind Keeper, II, i, 261 (p. 398 above).
143 Palming. See note to The Kind Keeper, IV, i, 93 (p. 411 above).
148 lick his Conscience whole. Tilley L227, "He will lick himself whole again" (first citation 1549).
148 with a wet finger. Tilley F234, first citation 1519, citing Walker's explanation (1672): "without any trouble."
155 a crying Sin. Cf. dedication of The Kind Keeper, "our crying sin of Keeping" (p. 5:17 above).
157–158 actions of Charity do alleviate … the Mortality of the Sin. "Mortality" means "wrongness"; moral sins are worse than venial, entailing spiritual death. Dominic is distorting 1 Pet. 4:8, "charity shall cover the multitude of sins." In 1 Pet., "charity" means "loving actions."
164 comfortable. Reassuring, helpful, pleasant (OED), with an element of irony, as the following words show. See also III, ii, 8–9 (p. 141 above).
s.d. Lorenzo, in Fryars habit. In Le Pèlerin (pp. 140–157) the governor's wife asks Father André to get her a habit of his order to wear, which he does. They then visit Camille in prison, where Camille talks of his love for the marquise in spite of all the friar's interruptions and signals to him to watch his tongue. Only when the other "friar" speaks does he realize who she is. Friar and "friar" return undetected until the marquis recognizes them and carries her off to her husband.
8 Town-bull. Whoremaster (Tilley B716, citing the definition in B. E., A New Dictionary of … the Canting Crew [ante 1700], s.v. bull); a jesting reference to the rape of Europa here.
27–28 if the above-named, etc. The legal language has parallels in the contract between Dryden and Tonson for the translation of Virgil. There the phrases are "the said" instead of "the above-named," and "well and truly" instead of "well and faithfully," and there happens to be a payment of £50—four such payments, in fact—contingent upon receipt of work contracted for (see Works, VI, 1180).
19 comfortable Water. Comfortable in the sense of sustaining, water in the sense of a distilled alcoholic liquor (see OED, water, where the phrase "comfortable waters" is found in a citation of 1624). The phrase corresponds to Mrs. Saintly's "Cordial Water" in The Kind Keeper, I, i, 129 (p. 13 above; see the note thereto, p. 386 above).
27 Interest governs all the World. More a commonplace than a proverb, but note Tilley 186, first citation Andrew Yarranton, England's Improvement by Sea and Land, Part I (1677), p. 110: "Interest will not lie, every Man will be for his own Interest." See also V, ii, 412 (p. 200 above).
29 silence. After this word the third edition has a considerable addition that increases the anti-Catholic tone of the play (see textual collation, p. 584below). It may have been in Dryden's manuscript in the first place, for without it there is less reason for Lorenzo to say in his next speech that he has neglected the subject that had brought him there. Collier, who read the third edition, objected to the whole speech as "a general stroke … upon the whole Profession" (pp. 98–99).
33—35 In Le Pèlerin, the governor's wife, hearing how Camille loves the marquise, tells him she will nevertheless try to help him, asking him only to remember that others would not make such a sacrifice and that few love him at her rate: "D'autres ne se contenteroient pas de cela; & il en est peu, qui t'aimassent à ce prix" (p. 149). But the idea was a commonplace. Both Mrs. Brainsick and Judith make similar protestations in The Kind Keeper, III, i, 128–131, and V, i, 219–220 (pp. 42, 82 above).
50 Clown. Rustic, probably, rather than the mountebank's toad eater.
52–53 that which comes last, as it is the sweetest, so it cloies the soonest. This very euphuistic remark appears to be made up from two separate proverbs: "The last works of men are best" (Tilley W852, first citation, Lyly's Euphues, The Anatomy of Wyt ), and "Too much honey cloys the stomach" (Tilley H560, second citation, Lyly's Euphues and his England ); as it happens, neither of the proverbs in Lyly's formulations of them is in the high euphuistic style.
60 a mint at your tongues end to coin them. A dead metaphor resuscitated. "Coin" in this sense had been in use since 1589 and in the similar sense of "make, devise, produce" since Lyly's Euphues and his England (OED). "At my Tongue's end," i.e., ready to be spoken, occurs also at V, ii, 362 (p. 199 above).
65 deliver me from this Bondage. See note to I, i, 307–308 (p. 452 above).
68 never … out. Saintsbury glosses "at a loss, baffled" (S-S, VI, 455).
69 have with you. Let's go (OED, sense 20 of the verb).
73 Bottle. OED gives only the fairly precise meaning, "bundle of hay or straw," which, considering that Lorenzo is to carry a knapsack, may be the precise meaning here, i.e., Elvira is to carry their bedding straw, the lighter load.
74 the Ridge of the World. In All for Love, II, i, 143 (Works, XIII, 44), we find "the World's ridge," which OED classifies as a figurative use of "ridge" in the sense of "top." The full sentence in All for Love is "Who bids my age make way? drives me before him, / To the World's ridge, and sweeps me off like rubbish?" The sense both there and here would appear rather to be "edge," especially considering that here, having reached the ridge of the world, Lorenzo and Elvira are to drop into the next. It is the sense also in Amphitryon, IV, i, 2–3 (Works, XV, 284).
77 In sign and token whereof the Parties interchangeably. Part of the closing language of a contract; see Dryden's contract with Tonson for trans-pg 461lating Virgil (Works, VI, 1182, ll. 160–162). "Interchangeably" means "mutually" (OED).
79 Soft-wax. Cf. "You (fairest Nymph) are waxe" in Dryden's letter to his cousin Honor (Works, I, 9), but a very old metaphor. Caxton had compared women to soft wax in The Game and Playe of the Chesse (1474), cited by OED (soft, sense 23 of the adjective).
84 makes. See note to II, iv, 131 (p. 459 above).
86 boding. Ominous (OED).
94 strutting like the two black Posts before a door. "Strutting" in the sense of bulging or sticking out or firmly planted (OED). The posts prevented wheeled vehicles from harming the door and people going in and out. Owners of houses in high streets could protect them from damage with posts set six feet or more from their foundations; they were then required to pave the intervening space for a footpath (Strype, App. I, p. 47). "Black" may refer only to the color of the Dominican's garb, for in Canaletto's painting of Whitehall (c. 1750), which shows the protective posts in front of Richmond House, one specifically guarding a door, they are brown (Adrian Eeles, Canaletto , pl. 37).
98 as sure as a Gun. Tilley G480, first citation 1622.
101–102 possess'd with a dumb Devil. Cf. Matt. 9:32, "a dumb man possessed with a devil," and Luke 11:14, "he was casting out a devil, and it was dumb."
105 make a Novice of me. Treat me as inexperienced, trick me.
110 edifie. Learn. The intransitive verb might appear in secular or religious contexts (OED). OED notes that use in the transitive might be ironic; an element of irony may be present here also. A different kind of irony occurs when the word is used in V, ii, 259 (p. 195 above).
123 Blunderbusses. See I, i, 463 (p. 123 above).
126 ripping up. Revealing (OED).
130 toy. Waste in flirtation or caressing (OED).
134 you promis'd. In I, i, 466–469 (p. 123 above).
144 before a Judge. In a lawsuit against Lorenzo for adultery. See also IV, i, 250–252, 266–269 (pp. 165–166 above). The audience would perhaps think of civil proceedings in England, in which, under the statute 6 Richard II, ch. 6, an aggrieved husband might sue his wife's lover for damages. But the suit that Gomez brings, though it takes place before a magistrate (see V, ii, 321 [p. 197 above]), is against Elvira on charges of adultery and theft. In English law, a man could sue his wife for adultery to prevent her from claiming her dowry, under 13 Edward I, Stat. 1, ch. 34, and 6 Richard II, ch. 6.
146 grains to make 'em currant. Bankers' language. A grain is the smallest English unit of weight (see note to I, i, 477–478 [p. 453 above]).
157 a quarter of an hour. Dryden's allowance of time for a sexual encounter; see The Kind Keeper, III, ii, 12 (p. 54 above), and when Dalinda is squeezing Sancho's hand in Love Triumphant, II, ii (Works, XVI).
159 Messalina. The third wife of the emperor Claudius, who according to Juvenal, Satires, VI, 114–132, offered herself as a prostitute (see Works, IV, 156–159).
167–168 Bilbo is the word. OED notes the phrase in Congreve's The Old pg 462Batchelour (1687), III, vii. A longer form of the phrase appears in Marriage A-la-Mode, V, i, 311–312: "I shall speak to you now by way of Bilbo" (Works, XI, 307). See also note to The Kind Keeper, III, i, 369 (p. 407 above). Cf. The Duke of Guise, IV, iv, 70–71, "here's Bilbo, that's a word and a blow" (p. 272 above).
186 in less time then Mushrooms. See Tilley M1319, "A mushroom grows in a night," (first citation 1573).
197 Foord. Water (OED).
198 Gudgeons. "Fish of eager bite, and soonest deceived" (OED, citation of 1622).
209 cover-shame. "A garment to conceal nakedness" (OED, citing this passage).
210 swindging. The word here is ambiguous; see note to The Kind Keeper, I, i, 177 (p. 387 above).
212 Bo-peep. The child's game in which one alternately hides the face and peeps out, saying "bo" (boo).
221 Coller. Here evidently "noose," but originally, it would seem, "horse collar" (OED, e.g., citation of 1571, "slip their neckes out of his coler"). The metal collar worn by prisoners and slaves (OED) is also possibly the vehicle of the metaphor.
230 and Sins. See note to The Kind Keeper, I, i, 464 (p. 394 above).
233 Levi. The tribe from which the Jewish clergy came.
235 Issachar. See Israel's prophecy, Gen. 49:14–15:
- Issachar is a strong ass
- crouching down between two burdens:
- and he saw that rest was good,
- and the land that it was pleasant;
- and bowed his shoulder to bear,
- and became a servant unto tribute.
242–243 every thing in the World is good for something. Tilley U21, "Everything is of use to a housekeeper" (first citation 1611).
243 Toad. Proverbially venomous (Tilley T360, "Full as a toad of poison," citing various passages in Shakespeare).
250 Pol-cats. A kind of weasel (OED).
252 Vermin. Polecats (l. 250) are "vermin" (OED); foxes (l. 250) are vermin to the farmer but "beasts of game" to the hunter.
23 After this line the third edition has an additional passage, for which see textual collation, p. 585 below.
33 At break of day, … Dreams … are true. Summers notes (V, 447) that this belief is very ancient, and cites Ovid, Horace, Moschus, and Seneca, not to mention Gascoigne, Jonson, and Dryden himself in evidence (see Don Sebastian, IV, i, 133, in Works, XV, 159). Dryden once more invoked the superstition in The Cock and the Fox, ll. 205–206 (Works, VII), by prefixing "morning" to Chaucer's "dremes" in the Nun's Priest's Tale, VII, 2979. He did the same by a parenthesis in Palamon and Arcite, I, 546 (Works, VII).
70 Heav'n knows its own time when to give. The idea is biblical; see, for pg 463example, "It is not for you to know the times or the seasons that the Father hath put in his own hands" (Acts 1:7).
79 Generally true, but "An obligation, or bond, is a deed," and "a deed is good, although it mention no date; or hath a false date; or even if it hath an impossible date, as the thirtieth of February; provided the real day of it's being dated or given, that is, delivered, can be proved" (William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England, 3d ed. [1768–1769], II, 340, 304).
118 Æsop's Logg. Referred to also in Carlos's second speech after his reentry in Love Triumphant, IV, i (Works, XVI). As Summers notes (V, 448), the fable is Phaedrus, I, 2. When the frogs asked for a king, Jupiter sent them a log, and when they discovered it was not alive they jumped on it. When they asked for a live king, he sent them a water snake that ate them.
136 Tilley D27, "Better pass a danger once than be always in fear," (first citation 1542, there noted as an aphorism of Julius Caesar recorded by Plutarch, Life of Caesar, LVII).
161–168 The rhyme here, alternate at first and then couplet, is very effective. On the matter of free will see note to II, ii, 106–108 (p. 454 above).
174 charm an Angel from his orb. Cf. Alexander's Feast, l. 170, "She drew an Angel down" (Works, VII).
176–205 An awkward introduction of foreshadowing. Dryden appears to have visualized Leonora as keeping the old king in some kind of house arrest, as Aureng-Zebe kept Shah Jahan (see headnote to Aureng-Zebe in Works, XII). At any rate, he can send for Torrismond and be visited by him. Yet we are told that the place is windowless and unfurnished. It is also hard to believe that the old king, mingling tears with Torrismond, would not tell him they were father and son. There are similar awkward passages at the beginning of IV, ii, that were evidently intended to help with the exposition. Perhaps all these passages were patched in during rehearsal. See note to IV, ii, 305–306 (p. 469 below).
180 Bonds. I.e., fetters, for he throws his arms about Torrismond's neck (l. 193).
208–211 As Summers notes (V, 448), Collier (pp. 167–168) objected to Torrismond's words on the grounds that "he does as good as tell" the queen "she may Sin as much as she has a mind to." Collier was unwilling to excuse the words as belonging to a fictitious character in the grip of a fictitious emotion. Scott (S-S, VI, 370–371) objected to the queen's willingness to suborn murder (ll. 139–233). Summers agrees with Scott but not with Collier, which seems contradictory. It is true that in his next speech Torrismond draws back from murder, but since he still has no objection to the queen as a usurper, it is hard to be sure that all his speeches are intended to counterbalance Bertran's influence, which Summers appears to believe. Milhous and Hume (p. 158) see impulse and muddled thinking in the queen here. We may add that the main plot remains a moral muddle from here to the end.
223 In Astrate, the hero speaks these words (IV, ii [l. 1130]) as part of his defense of the queen.
254 The Power that guards … Kings. See also the last line of the play (p. 201 above) and The Duke of Guise, IV, v, 12–13 (p. 277 above). The most familiar statement of the idea that God guards kings is in Hamlet, IV, v, 123–125:
- pg 464There's such divinity doth hedge a king,
- That treason can but peep to what it would,
- Acts little of his will.
Believers in the divine right of kings emphasized the concept, and of these Bruce King singles out Sir Robert Filmer as one whom Dryden read ("Dryden's Ark: The Influence of Filmer," SEL, VII , 403–414).
258 Tilley T203, first citation 1546. Dryden uses the proverb again in Love Triumphant, V, i, Lopez's second speech after the children re-enter (Works, XVI).
268 revolving. For the origin of the concept of "rolling years" in Virgil and Dryden's other uses of it, see note in Works, VI, 852.
287 aboding. Foreboding (OED).
291 Lion … Toils. See II, i, 50 (p. 126 above).
8–9 Gold … in all Barbary. See I, i, 87 (p. 111 above). Although the reference here may be to the pirates that infested the coast of North Africa, the Barbary corsairs, Lorenzo says, in I, i, 161–162, 304–305, and II, iii, 39–46 (pp. 114, 118, 133 above), that he has been plundering the dead Moors outside the city.
10 thou lovest a sweet young Girl. Cf. I, i, 71–72 (p. 110 above).
22 peach. Accuse formally, or inform against (OED). The meanings alternate in the following lines.
26 we hang together. Considering the popularity of The Spanish Fryar at the time of the American Revolution (see headnote, p. 433), it is interesting to note John Hancock's words in 1776, "The members of the Continental Congress must hang together," and Benjamin Franklin's reply, "We must all hang together, or assuredly we shall all hang separately."
31 Paratours. Officials of the ecclesiastical court (OED, apparitor).
40 profess. Vow (OED).
47 in Confession. Under vow of secrecy, with perhaps the idea that Lorenzo recognizes the sinfulness of what he intends to do.
50 Let me alone. Trust me (OED, sense 18d of the first verb, citing l. 138). The expression occurs also in The Kind Keeper, I, i, 146, II, i, 81, III, i, 236, 453, and in The Duke of Guise, V, i, 325 (pp. 13, 27, 46, 53, 289 above).
52–54 a Citizen … Shop. Cf. IV, ii, 53–55 (p. 168 above).
56–57 throw off … Lion's. Reversing Tilley L319: "If the lion's skin cannot the fox's shall" (first citation Erasmus, Adagia). Summers (V, 449) notes that Bulwer-Lytton found the original in a remark of Lysander's as recorded by Plutarch: "Where the lion's skin will not reach it must be patched out with the fox's" (Life of Lysander, VII, 4; Loeb). The same reversal occurs in The Duke of Guise, V, vi, 14–15, where it is taken from Davila (see note, p. 540 below). Dryden owned a copy of Davila (now in the William Andrews Clark Memorial Library), so Davila may be the source pg 465of this passage also. There is direct use of the proverb in Sir Martin Mar-all, I, i, 109–110 (Works, IX, 213).
76–84 From Le Pèlerin, "Non, mon Pere, lui répondit encore plus froidement le Marquis, elle est un peu malade, & vous l'excuserez pour cette fois. Mon Dieu! que j'en ai de regret! lui repartit le bon Pere, c'est dans ces occasions … qu'on a le plus de besoin de la consolation d'un sage directeur; & … le ciel semble m'envoyer icy pour cela" (pp. 78–79). The contest of wits between the two men continues somewhat as in Dryden's play.
81 Angels. An English gold coin, last minted by Charles I, "having as its device the archangel Michael and the dragon. Its value varied from 6s. 8d. to 10s." (OED). Collier (pp. 168–169) thought Dryden's joke here was not very witty. No doubt he was prepared to dislike it as one more attack on the clergy.
84 A little Sleep will doe her more good. In Le Pèlerin the marquis says, "Elle dort" (p. 79).
101 Ana's. Dittos (OED, citing this passage), i.e., sequential charges for the same medicament as before.
103 the Swiss. I.e., the hired guard; cf. Epilogue to Mithridates, l. 25, and The Hind and the Panther, III, 177 (Works, II, 186; III, 166); Tilley L108, "Law, logic, and the Switzers may be hired to fight for anybody" (first citation 1593).
106 Bell, Book, and Candle. "Referring to a form of excommunication which ended 'Doe to [do to, i.e., close] the book, quench the candle, ring the bell'" (OED).
108–110 From Le Pèlerin: "On ne traitte pas ainsi, Seigneur, lui dit Pere André sans s'estonner, un Religieux comme moy, &, en me parlant de l'air, que vous faites, vous offensez tout un ordre, qui pourrait … j' offenserais le Pape & toute l'Eglise ensemble, interrompit encore le colere Marquis, … si le Pape & l'Eglise vouloient voir ma femme malgré moy" (p. 80).
112 Promulgation. Publication of a new ordinance (OED).
116 Song. Unidentified.
127 Dead-men tell no Tales. Tilley M511, first citation 1664.
138 Assassinates. Assassins (OED).
138 let me alone. See note to l. 50.
142 Quoad hoc. As far as this (fact).
143 Quoad hunc. As far as this (person).
145–146 Omne majus continet in se minus. "The greater always contains the lesser in it," Tilley G437, first citation c. 1594, Francis Bacon, The Promus of Formularies and Elegancies, ed. H. Pott (1883), no. 132, in the same Latin words. Summers (V, 450) cites Henry de Bracton, De Legibus, 16 (1569, but written about 1250), and Charles Viner, General Abridgement, 19 (1742–1743), who give different Latin words.
164–165 your infallible … Swear devoutly . Collier (pp. 98–99) objected to these words as another "general stroke … upon the Profession."
180 my Gold! my Wife! my Wife! my Gold! Cf. Merchant of Venice, II, pg 466viii, 15. Gomez fears he will lose his gold and his wife, Shylock grieved for the loss of his ducats and his daughter. In both plays the money is conveyed in a casket, and the women love men named Lorenzo. The parallels indicate that Dryden was drawing on Shakespeare, but with a difference and with some confusion. Gomez, accused of treason, fears death less than the loss of his gold and his wife. Immediately thereafter, Elvira appears with the casket, but, as it turns out, she does not escape with it or with Lorenzo. Yet in the last scene Gomez accuses her of theft (V, ii, 285–288 [p. 196 above]).
183–185 Lorenzo speaks as one sailing from the East Indies. "Merry gale" rather than "merry wind" is Dryden's standard expression; see Horace. Ode 29. Book 3, l. 101, and the English Woman's second speech in Amboyna, III, ii (Works, III, 84; XII). "Merry" means "favorable" (OED, citing the Ode).
250 Huff-cap. Swashbuckler (OED, citing the phrase "Captain Huff-cap" in Farquhar's The Recruiting Officer ).
271–273 you must needs … there's for that too. Summers (V, 450) notes that the language and the head beating resemble a passage in Molière's George Dandin (1668), I, iii: "voilà ce que c'est d'avoir voulu épouser une demoiselle! … je me donnerais volontiers des soufflets." Betterton (Torrismond) may have been the source for this random parallel, since he had taken the subplot of his The Amorous Widow from George Dandin. When Betterton's play came to be published, however, the corresponding speeches, at the end of Act II and the beginning of Act III, included nothing about beating the head. (The Amorous Widow came on the stage in 1670 but was not published until 1706; see London Stage, Part I, p. 176.)
277 Covert-baron. "In our law-french … under the protection and influence of her husband" (William Blackstone, Commentaries, I, 442). OED notes use of the word in the act 4 Henry VIII, ch. 19 (1512), and a briefer definition in Henry Cockeram, The English Dictionarie (1623).
278 Covert-feme. Under the protection and influence of my wife (a manufactured bit of law French; this passage is the only one cited by OED). Saintsbury (S-S, VI, 482) pointed out the irony of the coinage: in actuality, "the very being or legal existence of the woman [was] suspended during the marriage" (Blackstone, Commentaries).
1–3 These lines, in which Raymond seems to know nothing of the usurping government, are inconsistent with ll. 358–367 (p. 178 above) in which he produces a document that shows he knew of it from its beginning. In ll. 15–19 of this scene, also, he says that the government "Is scorn'd abroad," which suggests that he knew its nature. But Raymond's ignorance here contributes to the exposition, as the queen's ignorance does at l. 46. For an earlier example of awkwardness in exposition see note to III, iii, 176–205 (p. 463 above).
15–19 This passage is one of those deleted from the second edition but restored in the third. Without it, the speech is self-consistent and consistent with ll. 1–3 but still inconsistent with 358–367.
21 After this line the third edition has an additional passage, for which see textual collation (p. 586 below).
25–26 Still another speech Queen Mary had to pretend to ignore. In reporting her pretense, Nottingham added, "Twenty more things are said, which may be wrested to what they never were designed" (see headnote, p. 428 above).
46 was he lov'd. See note to ll. 1–3.
49 sainted. Sent to join the saints in heaven.
54 With Arms a-cross, and Hats upon their Eyes. A traditional posture of distressful thought. See Threnodia Augustalis, l. 193, and Palamon and Arcite, I, 223 (Works, III, 97; VII). Cf. IV, i, 52–54 (p. 159 above).
59–62 "Clearly communicates Dryden's scorn for Oates and the other inventors of the Plot" (Winn, p. 335).
65 Tilley S219, first citation 1602–1609.
70–72 Arbitrary Power in Kings … Tyrant. These lines reflect the passage in 1679 of the Habeas Corpus Act, so called, 31 Charles II, ch. 2, characterized by Macaulay as "the most stringent curb that ever legislation imposed on tyranny" and by Samuel Johnson as "the single advantage which our government has over that of other countries" (Macaulay, II, 663, 664 n. 1). The Stuarts were opposed to the act but never suspended it, as William III was to do, so Dryden could make his Leonora speak of limitations on the royal prerogative without much offense to his masters.
81 shrewd. Cunning, or malignant, or perhaps only a vague intensive, (OED).
93 free from Laws. Tilley K61, "The King can do no wrong" (K65 and K72 similarly); the citations and their dates suggest that by the time of Dryden's play these proverbial ideas were limited to France and Italy, but John Selden's Table Talk, in which K61 occurs in a conversation from before 1654, was published in 1689. Bertran speaks in his character, not for Dryden (see note to ll. 70–72; see also I, i, 209–210 [p. 115 above]).
93–95 will have that done … Ruin. Tilley K64, "A king (prince) loves the treason but hates the traitor" (first citation 1583; last, The Duke of Guise, III, i, 99).
97–98 Laws, / (Which are his safety,). See Luttrell's summary of the king's speech to parliament after the revelation of the Popish Plot (quoted in headnote, pp. 428–429 above).
102–103 Summers (V, 450) and McFadden (p. 225 n. 46) see a reference here to the Earl of Danby's imprisonment in the Tower, only a month after publication of All for Love, which Dryden had dedicated to him. The event must have caused Dryden some consternation. Danby was not released until 1684.
pg 468141 here. In her heart. Cf. Queen Mary I's remark about Calais.
143 Temple. Church, as always in Love Triumphant also.
158 Train-bands. Militia.
160–168 Dryden's remarks on citizen actions in his plays depend upon the dramatic circumstances. Here he praises defense of liberty. Harris points out that there was not just one "London mob" in the reign of Charles II but two, which he calls Whig and Tory, and sometimes other groupings. Harris also says that a high proportion of the agitators were men of conviction, the sons of gentlemen, tradesmen, and yeomen, organized into units like the military, who might take up arms but for the most part organized peaceful assemblies and processions and the presentation of petitions.
165 One and All. Tilley O51, first citation 1602. Tilley's citations indicate that the words were originally a soldiers' and sailors' rallying cry.
165 Cocks o'th' Game. Fighting cocks; see "a Hen of the Game," Amboyna, V, i, the Fiscal's last speech before Julia enters (Works, XII).
168 Liberty. A cry of the London mob at Lord Mayor's shows, according to Ward, London Spy (p. 299 [Part XII]).
192ff. The following exchange has a general and some close verbal parallels in Astrate, I, v, in a dialogue between the queen and Sichée.
221 spurn the Balance. Kick the beam, be greatly outweighed (OED).
223–224 In Astrate, I, v (l. 307), Sichée tells the queen that he speaks to her as a good subject should: "J'ay crû qu'un bon Subjet ne vous devoit rien taire."
228–230 In Astrate, I, v (ll. 275–277), Sichée tells the queen that although the hero has a great heart, he does not have scepter or birth like hers: "Il a sans doute un Coeur qui ne cede à nul autre / Mais il n'a point de Sceptre à joindre avec le vostre, / Point de Rang qui merite un si glorieux soin."
233–237 From the queen's reply to Sichée in Astrate, I, v (ll. 278, 299–302):
- Il a de la Vertu, c'est dequoy j'ay besoin… .
- J'ay besoin d'un Espoux Illustre, & Magnanime,
- Qui m'alie à la Gloire, & me tire du Crime;
- Dont la Vertu, pour Moy, calme les Factieux,
- Ecarte la Tempeste, & desarme les Dieux.
238 In Astrate, Sichée replies similarly, but without exact verbal parallel.
239 From the queen's reply in turn to Sichée in Astrate, I, v (l. 306): "S'il n'importe pour Moy, qu'importe-t'il pour Vous?"
240 Ministers. Servants.
244 "Vengeance is mine; I will repay, saith the Lord" (Rom. 12:19).
253ff. From Torrismond's entrance to the end of the scene there are notable parallels to Astrate, III, v, and IV, ii.
261–262 Mermayd's melody, / Into an unseen whirl-pool draws you. OED cites this passage apparently as an example of identification of mermaids with sirens, but Dryden is also identifying them with Charybdis, who with Scylla comes next after the sirens in Odyssey, XII. See also V, ii, 148–149 (p. 192 above), and Cleomenes, IV, ii, 131–133 (Works, XVI).
269 In Astrate, III, v (l. 967), the hero says he owes much to the queen: "je luy dois assez."
pg 469270 Exactly as in Astrate, III, v (l. 968), except that Dryden has "more," which is ironic in its context, for Quinault's more direct "moins."
275–290 The dialogue between Raymond and Torrismond parallels in its general sense a dialogue between Sichée and the hero in Astrate, III, v, but only the last line has a close verbal reminiscence of Quinault's play, in which the hero asks Sichée whether he doubts that a lover wishes to be happy: "Doutez-vous qu'un Amant, Seigneur, veuille estre heureux?" (l. 980).
291 In Astrate, III, v (ll. 981–982), Sichée replies as Raymond does, but more indirectly: "Je vous estime assez, pour ne vouloir pas croire, / Qu'en vostre Coeur, l'Amour, l'emporte sur la gloire."
296 Tilley B310, "Benefits bind" (first citation 1616); also T616, "One good turn asks (requires, deserves) another" (first citation 1562).
305–306 Summers (V, 450) notes a story in John Doran, "Their Majesties' Servants," ed. Robert W. Lowe (1888), I, 124, that at this place Dryden had written
- So, when clay's burned for a hundred years,
- It starts forth china!
And that when Betterton said the expression was "mean," Dryden had replaced it. The language of the supposed omission does not sound like Dryden, but the avoidance of "mean" or "low" words does; see dedication of Amboyna, last par. (Works, XII).
311–319 Another passage deleted from the second edition, thereby destroying the sequence of ideas, but restored in the third.
314 See note to ll. 70–72 above.
324–325 In Astrate, III, v (ll. 996–997), the hero says much the same: "Que n'excuse-t'on point dans un Objet aimé? / L'éclat de deux beaux Yeux adoucit bien un crime."
333–334 Collier (p. 171) objected to Raymond's analysis of Eve's creation from Adam's rib, taken from his side when he was asleep (Gen. 2:21–22): "The Satir falls on blindly without Distinction, and strikes at the whole Sex." No doubt we should allow Dryden to create any characters he wishes to in his dramas, but in fact he did dislike women as a sex (see Ward, Letters, pp. 27, 63).
348 We accept this line as an anacoluthon.
351–352 The parallel in Astrate, IV, ii (ll. 1163–1164), is very close: "Je suis seur de vous voir pâlir d'étonnement, / Et fremir de terreur, à son nom seulement."
365 Literally from Astrate, IV, ii (l. 1175): "Ou pour rompre mes Fers, ou pour vanger ma Mort." The sense of the whole letter is very similar in the two plays.
377–379 The sense is taken from Astrate, IV, ii (ll. 1228–1233), and the words "pity," "fate," and "obscurity" are all to be found there: "pitié, sort, obscurité."
383–384 be my Father … glorious. Literally from Astrate, IV, ii (ll. 1228–1229): "Astrate. … soyez toûjours mon Pere. / Sichée. Vostre sort est trop beau."
pg 470402–403 Cf. An Evening's Love, III, i, 371–379 (Works, X, 260). The ultimate source for such lists of impossibles is Virgil, Eclogues I, 59–63, "Sooner, then, shall the nimble stag graze in air, and the seas leave their fish bare on the strand—sooner, each wandering over the other's frontiers, shall the Parthian in exile drink the Arar, and Germany the Tigris, than that look of his shall fade from my heart" (Loeb).
414–415 Summers (V, 450) sees a parallel in Romeo and Juliet, I, v, 140–143:
- Jul. My only love sprung from my only hate!
- Too early seen unknown, and known too late!
- Prodigious birth of love it is to me
- That I must love a loathed enemy.
420–421 in Despight / Ev'n of himself I'll save him. In Astrate, IV, ii (l. 1260), Sichée, to whom Raymond corresponds, says he will take care of the hero in spite of him: "J'en vais donc prendre soin, pour Vous, malgré Vous-mesme."
20–27 Collier (p. 9) objected to the explicitness of these lines as lascivious and as encouraging the easy ladies in the audience to continue in their "Vocation/' Cf. The State of Innocence, III, i, 39–46 (Works, XII).
62–63 Olympia … Bireno. The song is Dryden's invention, but, as others have noted, it concerns characters in Ariosto's Orlando Furioso, Books IX–X. Bireno married Olimpia, but then left her on a desert island. As the textual headnote points out, the song may have been replaced in revivals of the play by another that was not Dryden's (pp. 578–579 below).
64 As in Ariosto, Olympia looks out to sea after Bireno's vanishing ships.
89–90 Ghost … forbid to talke. See Cleomenes, III, iii, 71–73: "He … wants a Voice! / … like a forbidden Ghost, / Till he be spoke to first"; and see note to King Arthur, I, ii, 24 (Works, XVI).
122 billing. Stroking his bill with hers (OED, citing The Hind and the
Panther, III, 950).
136 O Leonora! Oh! See also V, ii, 410 (p. 200 above). Lee had similarly written, "O Sophonisba, oh!" (Sophonisba, I, i, 152).
144–145 Opium … dye. Opium in a sufficient dose is fatal; it was used by Indian princes to kill their imprisoned relatives, a fact Dryden had worked into Aureng-Zebe, III, i, 313–314, in a passage based on Francois Bernier's Travels in the Mogul Empire (see note to the passage in Works, XII).
154 Hives. I.e., bees; a metonymy.
170–180 Frank Harper Moore, The Nobler Pleasure (1963), p. 161, notes the similarity of Lorenzo's speech to Falstaff's analysis of honor, 1 Henry IV, V, i, at end, and notes that both Lorenzo (l. 178) and Falstaff (V, iv, 76) use the phrase "Boys play." Since Dryden also used "Boys-play" in The Vindication of The Duke of Guise (p. 343:4 above), the parallel with Shakespeare may be only a coincidence.
pg 471197 Orange-Tawny. The militia. Lorenzo's regular soldiers wear red though he himself wears a buffcoat (I, i, 471 [p. 123 above]). Orange-tawny is an orange shade of brown, as opposed to lemon-tawny (OED, tawny). The London militia still wore buffcoats after the English army had shifted over to red coats (Ward, London Spy, p. 188 [Part VIII]), and though buff is strictly a dull light yellow (OED), a buffcoat, being leather, might perhaps have had an orange shade. Saintsbury (S-S, VI, 504) said that "Orange-Tawny" was "Apparently the uniform of the 'city bands.'" Perhaps "Orange-Tawny" merely means that except for their buffcoats the militia wore their everyday clothes.
There are scattered verbal parallels to Astrate in this scene, as noted below. The outcomes of the two plays, as respects the queen and Bertran/ Agenor, are different, however.
26 In Astrate V, iii (l. 1574), the hero says the same: "Je … le prens tout sur moy," but the expression is so commonplace that the parallel may be only accidental. It is true, however, that in each play the hero is justifying his defense of his queen.
60 breathing. For Dryden's other uses of the word in this sense see note to Heroique Stanzas, l. 48 (Works, I, 198).
66 hard-head. "A contest of butting with the head" (OED, quoting this passage and The Hind and the Panther, II, 442–443). The word occurs also in Troilus and Cressida, II, iii, 165 (Works, XIII, 283).
83 chaffer'd. Traded (OED).
86 fiber. Muscular filament (OED).
87 letting down the Springs. Slackening the motive forces (OED, let, sense 29b of the first verb, citing this passage; spring, sense 23 of the first noun, citing Absalom and Achitophel, l. 499). See also The Duke of Guise, V, ii, 12; iii, 20 (pp. 290, 295 above).
107 This line may be read as a normal tetrameter by accenting "that"; if one accents "say," the line seems to need an additional stressed syllable after "that," perhaps "yet."
110 In Astrate, IV, iii (ll. 1353–1354), the queen similarly tells the hero to avenge himself but, if possible, not to hate her: "vangezvous, mais helas! / Astrate, s'il se peut, ne me haïssez pas."
123 pardon. Win divine pardon for me for causing.
149 stop my Ears. See Odyssey, XII, 173–200, and note to IV, ii, 261–262 (p. 468 above).
149 mince. Minimize (OED, citing the preface to Sylvæ).
150 mollifie. "Lessen the harshness or severity of" (OED, citing this passage).
162–163 In Astrate, IV, iii (ll. 1337–1338), the corresponding words are given to the queen, who says the crimes she committed for the hero's sake have not united but have separated them forever: "Et tout ce que pour Vous j'ay commis de forfaits, / Au lieu de nous unir nous sépare à jamais."
194 Tribune of the People. In Rome, an officer "appointed to protect the interests and rights of the plebeians from the patricians" (OED).
pg 472206 rheum. Two syllables, as in Samuel Garth's Dispensary, l. 68, "Eyes in rheum, thro' midnight watching drown'd" (quoted by OED).
221–225 Anyone might think of the hook, but the details probably reflect Dryden the fisherman, as Saintsbury supposed (S-S, VI, 513). About this time Dryden visited the river Trent, a famous place for trout fishing, and watched the tide there (see Threnodia Augustalis , Dryden's note to l. 134; Works, III, 96). Later he caught pike in Northamptonshire (Ward, Letters, p. 60).
239 Belswagger. Dryden had used the word the year before in The Kind Keeper, IV, i, 286 (p. 66 above), but in a context that does not so clearly define its meaning; we see from the present passage that it means "seducer" (see l. 236).
240–241 Fire … Church-buckets … Engines. That is, when Elvira was on fire with lust, Dominic came to her aid and called in Lorenzo. Fire buckets were kept in churches; see Annus Mirabilis, l. 914 (Works, I, 94).
262 old Gentleman in black. See Secret Love, V, i, 494, "the black Gentleman," and the Song of a Scholar in The Pilgrim, l. 29, "the Man in black" (Works, IX, 198; XVI).
263 the t'other old Gentleman in black. See The Wild Gallant, IV, i, 121, "the Gentleman in the black Pantaloons," and note there (Works, VIII, 58, 257).
270 Circum-bendibus. Roundabout way. This passage is the first citation in OED, from which Summers (V, 451) not implausibly concludes that Dry
den may have invented the word.
275–276 Lord have mercy upon us. On 7 June 1665, at the onset of the Great Plague of London, Pepys saw these words on doors in Covent Garden. Strype (Bk. V, p. 450) notes that they were required by an ordinance of 21
December 1582, made at the time of an earlier plague.
281 Crocodile. Tilley C831, "Crocodile tears" (first citation Erasmus, Adagia, and quoting Shakespeare's 2 Henry VI, III, i, 226–227, "the mournful crocodile / With sorrow snares relenting passengers").
290 corporal Oath. "An oath ratified by corporally touching a sacred object" (OED).
309 Gomez flew upon him. Summers (V, 452) observes with some exaggeration that since "Nokes who played Gomez was a little man, and Smith the original Lorenzo a fine athletic fellow," the friar's words here are comical. He quotes Addison, who had seen Richard Norris in the part of Gomez and said in The Old Whig (1719), no. 2, p. 4, "Who forbears laughing, when the Spanish Friar represents little Dickey, under the person of Gomez, insulting the Colonel that was able to fright him out of his Wits with a single Frown? … The Improbability of the Fact never fails to raise Mirth in the Audience."
314 Rhodomont. "The boastful Saracen leader in Ariosto's Orlando Furioso" (OED); whence rodomontade. Summers (V, 452) gives more exact references: XVIII, 11, 14, 19, 22, 25; he also notes that the same character pg 473appears in Boiardo's Orlando Innamorato, II, i, 56 and II, iii, 22, and in other romances.
320–321 Fourscore take him. Eighty devils, perhaps, or perhaps the pains of an eighty-year-old, Psalm 90:10 saying that if people are strong enough to live beyond seventy, "yet is their strength labor and sorrow." Collier (p. 142) says Lorenzo is "vitious" to call his father "an old bawdy Magistrate." Cf. The Kind Keeper, IV, i, 68 (p. 59 above).
331 counter. "In a direction opposite to that which the game has taken; following the scent or trail of game in the reverse direction" (OED).
345 walls cry'd. "The stone shall cry out of the wall, and the beam out of the timber shall answer it" (Hab. 2:11).
352 vi & armis. By (or with) force and arms, a phrase in law Latin (see OED, force).
359 Fresh Straw. A conventional slang way of saying he is mad. Summers notes (V, 452) that Guardian, no. LXXXII (15 June 1713) reports among the effects of William Peer, actor and property man at the Queen's Theater, a bill for "a truss of straw for the madmen, 0l. 0s. 8d." i.e., for the mad scene in Fletcher's The Pilgrim; see headnote to Song of a Scholar, which Dryden wrote for a revival of the play in 1700 (Works, XVI).
383–384 the Church is an indulgent Mother. In the third edition, these words were also given to Lorenzo at II, iii, 4 (see note thereto, p. 455 above). Elvira calls Dominic an indulgent father in II, iv, 67 (p. 137 above).
397 dis-order'd. Summers (V, 452) glosses as unfrocked.
397 in Quirpo. Dryden's meaning emerges from the rest of the sentence. Today, en cuerpo means "in shirtsleeves." As Summers notes (V, 453), John Ray's A Collection of English Proverbs (1670) contrasts "in cuerpo" with "in a cloak."
398 cas'd. Skinned (as noted by Saintsbury, S-S, VI, 520).
398 holy Fur. As a Dominican, Dominic would not normally have been allowed to wear fur, but the order had a system of dispensations peculiar to it, by which individuals could vary from the ascetic standard if it would improve their work as preachers (Catholic Encyclopedia [1907–1914], XII, 357). Even if we suppose Dryden and his audience knew the facts, we cannot be sure how he intended playgoers to react to Dominic's fur. Were they to see it as a violation of his vows or as a dispensation from them? The nature of the fur Dryden has in mind would presumably correspond to the linings of the hoods or tippets worn by English clergymen (see Summers, V, 453, citing two references in Milton, Comus, l. 707, and Observations Upon the Articles of Peace, Complete Prose Works [1953–1982], III, 323).
404 s.d. Exit. Scott's remark resembles Johnson's note on Pistol and his friends at the end of Henry V, V, i ("I believe every reader regrets their departure"): "We have a natural indulgence for an amusing libertine; and, I believe, that as most readers commiserate the disgrace of Falstaff, a few may be found to wish that Dominic's penance had been of a nature more decent and more theatrical than the poem has assigned him" (S-S, VI, 396). Collier's observation had been entirely different: "Dominick … makes a pg 474dishonourable Exit, and is push'd off the Stage by a Rabble. … Lewd Lorenzo comes off with Flying Colours. 'Tis not the Fault which is corrected but the Priest" (pp. 99–100). Collier (pp. 148–165) rejected Dryden's argument in the preface to An Evening's Love that no law of comedy required the punishment of iniquity (Works, X, 209). The ensuing stage direction does not imply that those who enter do so as a group. Bertran and Raymond would come in separately or in a different place from Torrismond, Leonora, and Teresa. The etceteras might enter with either group or as still another body or as individuals.
405–432 In A Parallel betwixt Painting and Poetry (Works, XX, 76), when discussing a rule observed better by Virgil than Homer, namely, that a writer should stop when the main action of his work is finished, Dryden wrote: "This Rule I had before my Eyes in the conclusion of the Spanish Fryar, when the discovery was made, that the King was living, which was the knot of the Play unty'd; the rest is shut up in the compass of some few lines, because nothing then hinder'd the Happiness of Torismond and Leonora." See also Dryden's other remarks in the dedication, p. 103:17–23 above.
431–432 Winn (p. 335) says "the obvious moral" has a double meaning: (1) "Those still willing to believe the elaborate fictions of Oates and the other informers" would understand it to refer to the foiling of the Popish Plot; (2) "those like Dryden, who now realized that most of those alleged plans were mere fabrications, and who also considered the Duke of York a prince under the peculiar care of heaven," would understand it to refer to Whig efforts to exclude the Duke of York from the throne.
Robert Wolseley wrote the epilogue (London Stage, Part I, p. 292). In summer 1680, when Dryden was presumably near the end of his work on the play, he visited Wolseley's father, Sir Robert, in Staffordshire. Osborn (p. 217) supposes the son was present, and Winn (p. 332) thinks it possible. Osborn describes the son as "a man about court who had literary interests and who five years later contributed a preface to Rochester's Valentiniani A poem in the Osborn collection at Yale called "An Essay on Poetry" says Wolseley attempted to rival Dryden (POAS, V, 3). Winn (p. 334) says the anti-Catholicism in the epilogue is stronger than anything in the play. Summers (V, 453) notes that the author of The Revolter (1687) blamed Dryden for letting the epilogue be printed, "which in effect is the same thing, as if he had done it himself." Summers notes that in Poems on Affairs of State, III (1704), 2–3, the epilogue is ascribed to Dryden. It is there called "Satyr upon Romish Confessors," and lacks ll. 1–4 of the original.
7 This gains them their Whore-Converts. Cf. Absalom and Achitophel, l. 127: "[the 'Jebusites'] rak'd, for Converts, even the Court and Stews" (Works, II, 9). See query in note to l. 34 below. The most prominent "Whore-Convert" was the king's mistress the Duchess of Cleveland, who had pg 475converted in 1663, about the time Dryden addressed her in his poem To the Lady Castlemaine, upon Her Incouraging His First Play (Works, I, 45–46).
10 Fornication. I.e., by allowing four wives.
12 Dives. "Rich man," the conventional name for the rich man in Jesus' parable (Luke 16:20–25).
13 strait gate. Another biblical allusion (Matt. 7:13, Luke 13:24).
14 a mortal sin. See note to II, iv, 157–158 (p. 459 above).
15 all besides you may discount. All other sins you may pay a smaller price for in advance (OED, discount).
16 drop a Bead. Say a casual prayer (OED, drop, sense 15 of the verb; bead).
30 godliness is alwaies gain. "Godliness with contentment is great gain" (1 Tim. 6:6).
34 the God they can devour. Referring to the Catholic doctrine of transubstantiation: Summers (V, 453) points to Absalom and Achitophel, ll. 118–121 (Works, II, 9). Did Wolseley influence Dryden?
39 Rouze up you Cuckolds. Summers (V, 454) notes almost the same language in the epilogue to Ravenscroft's The London Cuckolds, produced in the winter of 1681, but that would also be an influence of, not on, Wolseley's epilogue.
40 As Summers shows by multiple quotations (V, 454), the idea was widespread in England that Sweden had passed and put into effect a law to geld friars taken in that country. Ward, London Spy, p. 377 (Part XVI), thought Denmark was the place. Saintsbury (S-S, VI, 523) had found no evidence for the allegation and indeed there seems to be none.
43 Summers notes (V, 454) that Shakespeare in his Troilus and Cressida, V, x, 42–45, and Dryden in the prologue to Amphitryon, ll. 1–2 (Works, XV, 227), both suppose that a bee can live after it has left its sting in someone. The prologue to Amphitryon reads,
- The lab'ring Bee, when his sharp Sting is gone,
- Forgets his Golden Work, and turns a Drone.
Dryden's couplet, then, has two of the rhyme words in Wolseley's triplet, but these and the other words they have in common are perhaps inevitable draughts on the vocabulary of bee culture and so not evidence that Wolseley remembered Dryden's lines.
45 Aaron's Bells. Aaron's ephod, a kind of apron, had bells on its fringes (Exod. 28:31–35, 39:22–26). His successors as high priests of the Jews wore similar garments. As Summers notes (V, 455), the Bible says Aaron's "sound shall be heard when he goeth in."
pg 476The Duke of Guise
No other play involving Dryden excited as much contemporary comment as The Duke of Guise,1 and few of his other plays had a recorded stage history that was briefer. The records show only that The Duke of Guise received its premiere on 28 November 1682 and had an initial run of perhaps four days, which concluded with a performance before the queen,2 but we can be reasonably sure that the play received other performances in the season of 1682–83. Writing in February or March 1683, Dryden remarked that The Duke of Guise "succeeded beyond my very hopes, having been frequently Acted, and never without a considerable Audience."3 Contemporary comment explains the initial success, for the comment, almost all hostile, is directed at the play's topical relevance. Indeed, no other play involving Dryden (or, for that matter, any other Restoration dramatist) was understood to reflect contemporary events and personalities as sharply and consistently as was The Duke of Guise. Perhaps because the play struck contemporaries as intensely topical, its appeal was short-lived, and we have no certain evidence of revivals after the season of 1682–83. Some have thought that an unnamed play reported by the Newdigate newsletters as performed before the king on 24 May 1684 was most probably The Duke of Guise,4 but others have argued, more persuasively, that on that date Charles probably saw a rehearsal of Albion and Albanius.5 A second edition of The Duke of Guise in 1687 perhaps signals a revival in the season of 1686–87,6 and, since Guise in the play was understood to represent Monmouth and since Guise's fate could be construed as a warning to pretenders to the throne, performance of the play might have been thought apposite a year or so after Monmouth's rebellion. By 1699 and play's third edition, its topical relevance must have faded, and Dryden and Lee's The Duke of Guise had for a decade been supplanted on the stage, as far as we can tell, by Lee's The Massacre of Paris, a play evidently written during the Popish Plot and Exclusion Crisis but at first prohibited and not performed until 1689,7 and from which Lee drew or adapted a number of speeches for his share in The Duke of Guise. Although there is no recorded performance of The Duke of pg 477Guise in the eighteenth century, The Massacre of Paris was revived in 1716 and 1745, probably to capitalize on the anti-Catholicism engendered by the risings of the Old and Young Pretenders.8
We are able to document for The Duke of Guise, as we cannot for most plays of this period, a contemporary interest prior to its first performance. The interest turned, as discussion of the play itself eventually turned, upon the extent to which Dryden and Lee had chosen to represent on stage the royal pretender of 1682, James Scott, Duke of Monmouth. To understand both the prior interest and the eventual discussion we need first to reconstruct the genesis of the play and the political mood of 1682. The latter is readily recoverable, but some obscurity attaches to the play's genesis because part of it is to be found in other plays by Lee for which we have no certain dates of first performance or composition.
The story begins with Lee's The Massacre of Paris, which received its premiere early in the season of 1689–90; it was entered in the term catalogue for November 1689 and published with an imprint of 1690. Lee mentioned in the dedication of The Princess of Cleve that The Massacre of Paris met with a "Refusal,"9 and did so shortly after its composition, we may suppose. Dryden brings us closer to the time of composition when he turns in The Vindication of The Duke of Guise to
the Accusation, that this Play was once written by another, and then 'twas call'd the Parisian Massacre: Such a Play, I have heard indeed was written; but I never saw it. … I have enquired, why it was not Acted, and heard it was stopt, by the interposition of an Ambassador, who was willing to save the Credit of his Country, and not to have the Memory of an Action so barbarous, reviv'd.10
The first revelations of a Popish Plot in fall 1678 supply an obvious terminus a quo for Lee's composition of The Massacre of Paris because the play seems especially designed to capitalize on fears of a Roman Catholic slaughter of Protestants and because such fears were strongest in the winter and spring of 1678–79.11
The special appropriateness of Lee's play to the mood of these months has prompted some scholars to set the terminus ad quem of its composition in 1679.12 We should remember, though, that the moods, issues, and events of the Popish Plot remained current for several years. In the prologue to pg 478Venice Preserv'd, first delivered in February 1682,13 Otway alluded to the rumored invasion of Spanish pilgrims and to the murder of Sir Edmund Berry Godfrey, alluded, that is, to matters first made public in the early months of the Popish Plot. The Duke of Guise was charged in 1682, among other things, with representing through Guise's return to Paris against the king's orders Monmouth's return to London against Charles II's orders, which occurred in November 1679. As the Popish Plot dragged on, it found additional, albeit superfluous, fuel in reports from France of Louis XIV's oppression of the Huguenots, many of whom were seeking refuge in England by 1681; Luttrell dated his first report and what he took to be the beginning of the oppression to August 1680.14 These and other evidences have led two scholars to propose that Lee wrote The Massacre of Paris in 1681 rather than in 1678–79, partly because the play would still have been topically relevant and partly because such a date makes for a more plausible reconstruction of Lee's career.15
Whenever Lee wrote The Massacre of Paris and whenever it was suppressed, whether in 1679 or in 1681, we certainly know, because Lee has told us, that after its prohibition he reworked some of its speeches for inclusion not only in The Duke of Guise but also in The Princess of Cleve.16 The most plausible schedule has Lee working first on The Princess of Cleve, probably for performance in the season of 1681–82, although it may not have been produced until the following season.17 In the fall of 1681, perhaps while Lee was working on The Princess of Cleve, his acquaintance with Dryden, then of some years standing,18 occasioned poems on both sides. In mid-October Dryden contributed a new prologue and epilogue to a revival of Lee's Mithridates,19 and within two months Lee responded with a commendatory poem on Absalom and Achitophel.20 At about the same time, or pg 479shortly thereafter, Lee asked Dryden to collaborate with him on a play that was to become The Duke of Guise. As Dryden puts it in The Vindication:
I must do a common Right both to Mr. Lee and my self, to declare publickly that it was at his earnest Desire, without any Solicitation of mine, that this Play was produced betwixt us. After the writing of Oedipus [in 1678], I pass'd a Promise to joyn with him in another; and he happen'd to claim the performance of that Promise, just upon the finishing of a Poem, when I would have been glad of a little respite before the undertaking of a second Task. The Person that pass'd betwixt us, knows this to be true.21
The poem just finished was probably Absalom and Achitophel, published in the third week of November 1681, or possibly The Medall, published in mid-March 1682.22 By the time of The Medall, in fact, Dryden was referring (in a prefatory "Epistle to the Whigs") to Davila's history of the religious wars in sixteenth-century France,23 and Davila's history was the principal source for The Duke of Guise.24 Moreover, just two weeks after publication of The Medall Dryden and Lee had advanced sufficiently in their collaboration to change their plans by dropping the word "Parallel" from their provisional title because, as Dryden puts it, "a Book call'd the Parallel had been printed, resembling the French League, to the English Covenant; and therefore we thought it not convenient to make use of another mans Title."25 The Observator for 29 March 1682 advertised for sale John Northleigh's (anonymously published) The Parallel: Or, the New Specious Association, an Old Rebellious Covenant.26 By early May or thereabout, according to Dryden, they had completed The Duke of Guise, for "the Play was wholly written a month or two before the last Election of the Sheriffs," which began on 24 June 1682.27 We ought to allow them several months in which to write the play, especially as it looks as though Dryden must have interrupted work on his share in order to write The Medall. Probably in late June or early July, when the play was being prepared for production, Dryden wrote a prologue and epilogue for it.28
pg 480At some point in the collaboration Dryden and Lee divided their labor in the way Dryden later specified: "Two thirds of it belong'd to him; and then to me only the First Scene of the Play; the whole Fourth Act, and the first half, or somewhat more of the Fifth."29 We take Dryden's contribution to the first act to consist only of the opening scene as we have marked it. The early editions supply no scene divisions in the first act and they conclude the opening conference of Guise and the Council of Sixteen with the stage direction, "Exeunt all but Guise." Guise, however, has a new entry just twenty-six lines later and clearly should also have left after the conference. With the stage cleared and the location changed, a new scene begins and with it Lee's contribution to the play. The scene we have marked as I, ii, contains some thirty-two scattered lines after Guise's entry which are borrowed or adapted from The Massacre of Paris. Moreover, the opening of that scene—Malicorne's soliloquy and exchange with a devil—probably contained in performance a couplet also taken from The Massacre of Paris, although it was omitted from published versions.30 The early editions supply only two scene divisions in the fifth act and their second and third scenes account only for the act's last eighty lines. We have introduced new scenes whenever the stage is cleared in the fifth act, and what we have marked as the long first scene, together with the song, "Tell me Thirsis," early in the second scene, accounts for just half of the fifth act. We take the first scene and the song to constitute Dryden's contribution to that act. Altogether, Dryden wrote just under half the play's lines, and his claim that " Two thirds of it belong'd to" Lee represents an obvious miscalculation. Lee, in fact, wrote somewhat less of The Duke of Guise than he did of Oedipus, his earlier collaboration with Dryden, which was evidently, and unlike The Duke of Guise, proposed by Dryden, and to which Lee contributed the second, fourth, and fifth acts.31
Lee, we may suppose, although of course we do not certainly know, sought Dryden's collaboration on The Duke of Guise to ensure against the play's prohibition. Dryden wrote most of the play's more politically provocative scenes, those concerning conspiracy, insurrection, and its planned suppression by the king, and Dryden had recently demonstrated in Absalom and Achitophel how adroitly he could handle tendentious matters. Dryden, moreover, had some influence at court, whereas Lee seems to have had none, as he already would have known from the suppression not only of The Massacre of Paris but also, in December 1680, of Lucius Junius Brutus.32 It has also been argued that sometime in 1681 Lee began to move from a position loosely describable as Whiggish and republican to a royalist view of England's current crisis,33 a view decisively expressed by Dryden in pg 481Absalom and Achitophel. If Lee indeed hoped that having Dryden participate in The Duke of Guise would shield it from prohibition, his hopes received an initial blow. The play may already have been in rehearsal when, on 18 July 1682, the Lord Chamberlain banned its performance.34 From contemporary comment it seems likely that Dryden's share in the play proved more objectionable than Lee's.
The prohibition evidently surprised the authors; so much is clear from Dryden's remarks in The Vindication.35 When they began work on The Duke of Guise it must have seemed that a play so fiercely loyal would have been acceptable, even welcome, at court. The trial of Shaftesbury in November 1681, although it concluded with his acquittal, marked only the first step in what has been called the Stuart revenge against the Whigs.36 The next step soon followed. On 21 December 1681 the court issued a writ of quo warranto against the City of London requiring it to show by what right it held its charter of self-government.37 If the City could be forced to surrender its charter, its key officers—sheriffs and lord mayor—would be determined by royal appointment or at least by royal approval instead of by election.38 The quo warranto proceedings were not decided for more than eighteen months, but the issuing of the writ late in 1681 marked a clear move by the court to break the Whig control of the City. And were not Dryden and Lee planning and writing a play that showed a capital city defying its king? The evidence at Shaftesbury's trial had included a paper purportedly found in his lodgings which set out the articles of an Association dedicated to preserving a Protestant succession and thus to excluding James.39 By the end of January 1682 loyal addresses were presented to the king expressing abhorrence of the Association, and these addresses continued to come in throughout 1682.40 On 10 June 1682 Luttrell noted that "Letters from severall parts of the kingdome inform of the great solemnity his majes-pg 482ties birth day [29 May] was kept with; and that at some places they burnt the association, the books intituled No Protestant Plott, &c., as at Darby, Durrham, at the Wonder tavern at Ludgate in London, &c."41 And had not Dryden and Lee been writing a play that showed a group in league to change the succession on religious grounds? During the months of Dryden and Lee's collaboration, Shaftesbury was probably in ill health and was for the most part in seclusion at Thanet House in the City.42 Early in December 1681 Luttrell heard that Monmouth "has incens'd the court more against him by his offering himself for bail for the earl of Shaftsbury, when he was lately bailed out of the Tower."43 On 8 April 1682 the Duke of York returned to London, from which he had been forced to absent himself for well over a year, and "at night was ringing of bells, bonefires, &c."44 On 20 April James dined with the Artillery Company at Merchant Taylors' Hall, just one day after the king had forbidden a lavish Whig feast planned for 21 April at Haberdashers' Hall and Goldsmiths' Hall, which was to be attended by Shaftesbury, Monmouth, and Essex, among other Whig leaders.45 While the Whigs were disposing of the food to prisons or consuming it at separate dinners, James attended on 21 April a performance of Otway's Venice Preserv'd, with its portrait of Shaftesbury as the degenerate senator Antonio, and for which Dryden had now written a new prologue addressed to James.46
As Dryden later remembered it, his collaboration with Lee on The Duke of Guise must have been nearly finished when he wrote his prologue to Venice Preserv'd, and at the end of April 1682 the political situation was much as it had been for several months. The Whigs had certainly not been idle since Shaftesbury's trial the preceding November. Perhaps in February they had struck and circulated a medal commemorating Shaftesbury's release from the Tower, to which Dryden responded the following month with The Medall: A Satyre against Sedition.47 The pamphlet war of course continued, with the Whigs contributing, among other pieces, the second and third parts of No Protestant Plot in the first two months of 1682 48 and verse attacks on Absalom and Achitophel and The Medall from December 1681 to the following May.49 On 13 February Shaftesbury and some of his supporters "appeared at the court of kings bench, according to their recognizances, being the last day of the term, [and] were discharged from their bail, there being no farther prosecution against them."50 But these were small triumphs and defiances, and in spring 1682 the Whigs were clearly on the defensive. They had been denied a parliament for over a year and therefore any significant say in the affairs of the kingdom. They might hope that Louis XIV's bellicose policies on the Continent would force Charles to pg 483summon a parliament in order to request supplies.51 But Charles was comfortably subsidized by Louis and determined to avoid another parliament.52
Such, then, was the political situation when Dryden and Lee completed a play that represented the disloyalty and sedition of a capital city, the danger of allowing a pretender to the throne to act unchecked, and the opposition of a parliamentary body to royal policies. Their play ought to have been welcome at court, but by the time it went into production the political mood had shifted sufficiently to prompt refusal of a license for its acting. No official reason was given for the prohibition,53 but by the end of July 1682 newsletters reported that the play had been construed as an attack upon Monmouth and that the king, though annoyed with Monmouth, was "not willing that others should abuse him out of a naturall affection for him."54 These reports coincided with rumors in August 1682 that an effort was underway to effect a reconciliation between Monmouth and Charles.55 Indeed, in mid-August Aphra Behn and Lady Slingsby were arrested, the first for having written, the second for having spoken, an epilogue reflecting on Monmouth.56
One other matter may have contributed to the prohibition of The Duke of Guise. On 24 June 1682 the City held its annual election to decide its two sheriffs for the next year, with two Whig and two Tory candidates vying for the offices. The Whig candidates could command a majority of the votes, but the Tories had the support of the court and of the incumbent lord mayor, also a Tory. The first poll was adjourned and ended tumultuously, and two days later the incumbent Whig sheriffs were briefly committed to the Tower on a charge of permitting a riot. When polling resumed in mid-July, the Whig candidates received a majority of the votes, but the Tory candidates were declared elected, and, as Luttrell remarked on the occasion, "What will be the issue hereof time must shew."57 In late pg 484June and early July the court's assault on the City was, then, still of undetermined outcome, and it may be that prohibition of The Duke of Guise proceeded in part from the court's wish to keep provocative material from the stage even if that material were also loyal. Such at least seems the case with John Crowne's City Politiques, which was licensed for production on 15 June 1682 and then prohibited on 26 June,58 the day the sheriffs were committed to the Tower. City Politiques has no character resembling Monmouth, but it obviously satirizes the Whigs and the City of London's conduct during the Exclusion Crisis, especially at its elections. It may well be that on 26 June the inconclusive shrieval election prompted withdrawal of the permission granted less than a fortnight earlier: so provocative a satire might have dangerously articulated court policies at a time when they needed to be prosecuted with caution. A similar thought may have contributed to the prohibition of The Duke of Guise.
By the end of summer 1682, or shortly thereafter, the political mood had shifted again. It was still a Tory wind, but now it blew more strongly. Two Tory sheriffs were confirmed in office on 28 September, and on 24 October, after some additional tampering with the polls, a new Tory lord mayor was declared elected.59 Early in September Monmouth once more tried his father's patience with a progress into Cheshire. His continued popularity occasioned large crowds along the way and inevitable riots. Charles ordered his arrest and return to London, where he was held in custody until posting bail on 25 September and was then forbidden to come to Whitehall or St. James's.60 On 29 September, with Monmouth at least temporarily disgraced and with two Tory sheriffs confirmed in office, Shaftesbury left his house in Aldersgate Street and went into hiding in the City.61 By mid-October it was "now certainly reported that the earl of Shaftsbury is gone for Holland; and some others, tis thought, will follow, not thinking it safe to tarry here longer, as affaires are at present."62 On 29 October the Lord Chamberlain rescinded the prohibition of The Duke of Guise: "Whereas I signified His Maties pleasure that the play called ye Duke of Guise should not be Acted until further Order These are now to Signifie His Maties pleasure That this play of the Duke of Guise shalbe acted & may be Acted by their Maties Comedians when soever they will."63 Those comedians soon had the play in production, and while they rehearsed it, Dryden wrote a new epilogue, which opens by glancing at the reported grounds for the play's prohibition and closes by continuing the attack on Trimmers begun by L'Estrange in the November numbers of the Observator.64
When Dryden and Lee began their collaboration, they presumably intended their play for the Duke's Company, for which they had been writing pg 485since 1678.65 But by the time they finished their work early in May 1682, as Dryden remembered it, the Duke's Company had merged with or taken over what was left of the ailing King's Company to form a new United Company.66 As far as we can tell, the United Company did not begin acting as such until the following season, but it certainly looks as though they would have inaugurated the new company in July 1682 with The Duke of Guise had its performance not been prohibited. So much can be gleaned from the opening line of the epilogue that Dryden wrote before the prohibition.67 When the prohibition was lifted, the company had already scheduled a number of revivals,68 and perhaps for one of these, in mid-November, Dryden wrote a prologue and epilogue addressed to the king and queen on the occasion of the new company's commencing performances at the Theatre Royal, once the property of the old King's Company.69 A fortnight later, on 28 November, and also at the Theatre Royal in Drury Lane, The Duke of Guise received its premiere, being, as far as the records show, the first new play acted by the United Company.
Because it probably was, and because we can assume some advance interest as a result of the play's earlier prohibition, we should expect the company to cast it as strongly as possible. Perhaps they did. If so, we can see from the published list how weak the old King's Company had become by the time of the merger. Of the seventeen named players, only three were from the old King's Company, and of these only Edward Kynaston, who played Henry III, had a substantial part. Carey Perin's Archbishop of Lyons and Richard Saunders' Bussy were minor roles with relatively few lines. True, Dryden's new epilogue for the premiere was spoken by Sarah Cooke from the old King's Company, but she had no role in the play. Others from that company may have taken some of the unlisted roles—the Abbot, Bellievre, various servants, Larchant, Revol, citizens—but only the Abbot among these has more than one entry, and his speeches are brief and scattered. With a United Company we might have expected Michael Mohun from the old King's Company to have taken the part of Grillon. Mohun was too accomplished an actor to be a specialist, but, as is shown at least by his Ventidius in All for Love, he had experience with a role like Grillon's of plainspoken old soldier, Mohun, though, had acted little since 1679. He seems to have performed with the United Company before his death in 1684,70 but at the time of the union he was evidently at odds with the new company for not granting him a share, and in November 1682 he successfully petitioned the king for a compensatory pension.71 The important part of Grillon went instead to William Smith, who, while with the Duke's Company, had built a strong career by playing important supporting roles to Betterton's leads.72
Smith could certainly have undertaken the role of Henry III and even pg 486performed it, perhaps, with more definition than he could bring to that of Grillon. But Kynaston was far from miscast as Henry: Cibber remembered his King in Shakespeare's Henry IV, Part I as exhibiting "a grave and rational Majesty."73 The part of Guise inevitably went to Thomas Betterton, who was clearly the greatest actor of the age,74 and there are also no surprises in the casting of the two female roles. By the end of the 1670s Mary Lee (née Aldridge) had become the leading tragic actress of the Duke's Company, with such roles to her credit as Eurydice in Oedipus and Cressida in Troilus and Cressida. Early in 1680, however, Elizabeth Barry achieved her first great success as Monimia in The Orphan and soon supplanted Mary Lee, who married Sir Charles Slingsby later in 1680.75 Mary Lee had played young heroines, but Lady Slingsby played secondary roles, including matrons, although, as far as we can tell, she was still young, having joined the Duke's Company only in 1670. In December 1680, for example, she was allocated the comparatively small part of Sempronia, Brutus' wife, in Lucius Junius Brutus, whereas to Elizabeth Barry went the important and affecting part of Teraminta, the young wife of Titus, son to Brutus and Sempronia. Lady Slingsby remained a popular speaker of prologues and epilogues (as Elizabeth Barry had now also become),76 but the casting for Lucius Junius Brutus anticipates that of The Duke of Guise, in which Lady Slingsby played the Queen Mother and Elizabeth Barry played Marmoutier.
Something can be gleaned from the casting of the minor roles, although it is not always clear whether it represents a case of miscasting or a production emphasis we should bear in mind when reading the play. Thomas Jevon, for instance, seems strangely miscast as Mayenne, for he specialized in low comedy,77 and there is nothing in Mayenne's part to suggest that Jevon's talent was suited to it. On the other hand, Cave Underhill's Curate of St. Eustace must have been comically lugubrious, the style in which Underhill specialized and which the part can sustain in a reading. Anthony Aston remembered Underhill as unable to "enter into any serious Character, much more Tragedy; and … [as] the most confin'd Actor I ever saw."78 Thomas Percival was another comedian, although he could also manage supporting roles in tragedy like that of Fortinbras in Hamlet or of Spinosa, one of the minor plotters in Venice Preserv'd.79 He was not obviously well cast as Malicorne, a part that might rather have gone to Samuel Sandford, who specialized in villains. Malicorne's role has some similarities with Creon's in Oedipus, because both characters trace part of their literary descent to Shakespeare's Richard III,80 and Sandford had earlier played Creon in Oedipus with great success. In The Duke of Guise, though, Sandford pg 487played one of the two sheriffs, who appear only briefly in Lee's Act III, and we may suppose that Sandford, with a talent for comedy as well as villainy,81 made as much as he could out of this cameo role. He was joined by George Bright as the other sheriff. Bright was still early in his career, and no settled style emerges from his few recorded roles before The Duke of Guise, but he went on to specialize in low comedy,82 and there seems no reason to doubt that he acted otherwise in The Duke of Guise.
Although the casting contains a few oddities and surprises, it supports a reading of the play which finds high tragedy in the court, low comedy in the city, a comedy that seems to have been emphasized in production by Grillon's kicking the sheriffs in Lee's Act III.83 The seriousness of the tragedy derives from the sources, except for the important part of Marmoutier, which Dryden and especially Lee invented for Elizabeth Barry from only a passing reference in their principal source. The comedy owes little to their historical sources beyond some names but is instead reflective of a typical Tory response to London Whigs in 1682.
One of the play's sources has already been touched upon, for Lee worked into his share of The Duke of Guise, principally into the first two acts, some speeches he had written for The Massacre of Paris, for which he had used as principal historical source Enrico Caterino Davila's Historia delle Guerre Civili di Francia in the English translation of Sir Charles Cottrell and William Aylesbury.84 The English translation of Davila first appeared in 1647–1648, and Dryden owned a copy, now in the Clark Library, of the first edition. His marginal comments are brief, scattered, and unhelpful, supplying no hint of an author at work, and his occasional markings in the text for the most part offer minor grammatical correction of the English. Dryden no doubt used this copy when writing his share of The Duke of Guise, but his markings in the text may date to 1660, for he claimed in The Vindication that thus early he had used Davila to draft a play about Guise.85 By the time Lee obtained a copy of Davila for his work on The Massacre of Paris, the first edition must have been long unavailable,86 and Lee probably provided himself with a copy of the second edition, which was advertised for sale in the London Gazette for 14–17 January 1678. If so, we may suppose that Lee continued to use the second edition when he came to collaborate with Dryden on The Duke of Guise. There are, however, no significant differences between the first and second editions, at least in the material pertinent to Dryden and Lee's play, and in the annotations we have accordingly cited the first edition for the portions written by Lee as well as for those written by Dryden.
pg 488Dryden remarked that "The Scene of the Duke of Guise's Return to Paris, AGAINST the King's Positive Command" (i.e., IV, i, 1–72) was "taken Verbatim out of Davila: For where the Action is Remarkable, and the very words Related, the Poet is not at liberty to change them much."87 The first thirty-four and the final few lines of that scene are indeed very close to Davila, but Davila exerted a by no means uniform influence on the play. To Davila we presumably owe the principal events represented, although Dryden and Lee could also have found most of them in a number of other historical sources. Dryden turned more frequently to Davila than did Lee. Even so, no more than 18 percent of Dryden's contribution derives directly and obviously from Davila, and in Lee's slightly larger contribution barely 9 percent is so derived. Dryden depended most heavily upon Davila in the scene he cites and again in the scene where Henry asks Grillon to murder Guise (V, i, 257–325). Several of the arguments used by Dryden in the play's opening scene also derive from Davila, although the conception of the scene—the Sixteen in council with Guise—comes from Dryden, not his sources. For his part, Lee depended most upon Davila for the narrative detail incorporated into the last half of the fifth act. Those scenes prepare for and present the catastrophe, and the historical accounts of Guise's murder were various and sometimes contradictory.88 The details in those scenes that have historical basis may be found in Davila, although Lee certainly added things "for Ornament," as Dryden put it.89 Lee's share in the first act and his second and third acts contain only a few lines that derive from Davila, and three of those were adapted from The Massacre of Paris.90 If we include a handful of stage directions, Davila accounts altogether for some 320 of the play's 2,500 lines.
Davila also supplied a hint, no more, for the important role of Marmoutier, whom he mentions only once when reporting a story that, the night before his murder, Guise "had weakened himself too much … with Madam de Marmoutier, whom he extremely loved" (p. 746). Out of that reference Lee, with help from Dryden, fashioned an affair between Guise and Marmoutier and made it chaste by distinguishing between Marmoutier and the woman with whom Guise was rumored to have weakened himself before his murder.91 Dryden and (principally) Lee also invented a rivalry between Guise and. Henry over Marmoutier, even though by 1588 the historical Henry was occupied more with homosexual than heterosexual relations, and they unhistorically designated Marmoutier the niece of Grillon. Each of Marmoutier's nine scenes, six of them written by Lee, involves only two characters, as Marmoutier discourses, for the most part passionately or pleadingly, with Guise, or Grillon, or Henry. In addition to highlighting Elizabeth Barry's role, this contrivance ensures a series of confrontations for the four principal players, Barry, Betterton, Kynaston, and Smith; and there pg 489are, of course, similar confrontations between Henry and Guise, Guise and Grillon, Grillon and Henry. Even though Dryden wrote a few of Marmoutier's scenes, Lee must surely be credited with her invention, and he perhaps came to it by reflecting on his similar invention for The Massacre of Paris. That still suppressed play featured an affair between Guise and Marguerite of Valois for which, once again, Davila supplied only a hint,92 and when revising or borrowing some speeches in The Massacre of Paris for inclusion in The Duke of Guise, Lee may have decided to include in the latter a largely unhistorical love affair comparable to that in the former. As it happens, Lee took almost nothing for The Duke of Guise from the love affair in The Massacre of Paris, perhaps because he had already incorporated some of Marguerite of Valois' speeches into The Princess of Cleve.93
Marmoutier brings passion to the plot, softening the mere politics of the play. The other unhistorical element in The Duke of Guise (aside from the radical revision of Henry III's character) also seems designed to enhance its theatricality, but by introducing spectacle and necromancy rather than romance. Davila supplied the name of Malicorne but none of his activities, which are instead derived, as Langbaine pointed out (p. 163), from the story of "Canope Gentil-homme renommé de Perse," a short roman à clef included by François de Rosset in his Histoires Tragiques de Nostre Temps. This collection of historically based nouvelles was first published in 1614 and received numerous seventeenth-century editions, with the story of Canope first appearing in an edition of 162094 and in some but not all later editions, for Histoires Tragiques was continually augmented, even after Rosset's death,95 and later editions sometimes omit old material in order to make room for new. We cite an edition published at Rouen in 1665.
Rosset supplied the story drawn upon by Lee in the first and fifth acts: Canope's pact with the devil; the devil's coming to claim Canope before Canope realized his term had expired and interrupting Canope at a feast in order to do so; the devil's revelation that he had deceived Canope over the number of years the pact was to last, although Lee, retaining the true number of twelve years, changed the false from thirty-two in Rosset to twenty-one in the play; and Canope's sending a warning message to the lord he served just before the devil carried him off. Malicorne's activities between the first and fifth acts are the invention of Dryden and Lee. Stated thus, Rosset's contribution to The Duke of Guise seems small enough and even commonplace; these or similar details are a staple of legends that feature necromancy. Rosset himself remarked of the devil's substituting a different term of years in the bond that "ce n'est pas la première fois qu'il a usé de cette deception. J'en pourrois produire une infinité d'exemples anciens & modernes" (p. 509). Indeed, the triteness of the Rosset material has pg 490prompted the charge that Langbaine erred in finding a specific source for Malicorne in Canope's story: "there is nothing in the part [of Malicorne] which need have been or was drawn from anything but the general stock of publica materies open to all authors of such work."96
Langbaine was nonetheless correct, for, however commonplace the necromancy handled by Rosset, he set Canope's story in a larger narrative featuring events and personalities drawn from the history of the French League which are only thinly disguised by locating the action in Persia and by employing largely fictitious names.97 Thus, Canope's twelve-year pact with the devil runs from 1576 to 1588 (p. 523), and 1588 was the year handled by Dryden and Lee, a year that ended with the calling of the estates general at Blois and the assassination of Guise. Canope's bargain includes the devil's ensuring that Canope be established as the greatest favorite of Cleandre, a powerful and popular nobleman (p. 508). Cleophon, the Sophy of Persia, has no children, and the succession passes in turn to "le Prince de Perse" and "le grand Alcandre." When the prince dies, Cleandre, who already dislikes Alcandre, forms "un nouveau party" to oppose him, believing that he intends "un jour changer l'ancienne Religion, & introduire la nouvelle, dont il faisoit profession" (p. 510). So too, the French succession in 1576 passed from the childless Henry III to his brother, the Duke of Alençon, and then to Henry of Navarre, who in 1609, near the end of his reign as Henry IV of France, was addressed as Alcandre or le grand Alcandre in five poems by Malherbe.98 When Alençon died in 1584, Guise reinvigorated an already existent League in order to oppose the Protestant Navarre. Cleandre's "nouveau party" is "apres authorisé du grand Pontife de la Perse" (p. 510), and the French League was approved by Pope Gregory XIV in 1591 after the death of Guise. Cleandre's "nouveau party" is also called "l'union" (p. 518), just as the French League had "la Sainte Union" as an alternative title. The civil war that ensues in Rosset includes a battle in which Alcandre's army defeats that of Dafnis and in which Dafnis himself is killed. So too, in 1587 at Coutras (anagrammatized by Rosset into Tracous [p. 517]) Navarre's army routed an army led by the Duke of Joyeuse, one of Henry III's favorites, and Joyeuse himself was killed. After his death, Joyeuse was poetically represented as Daphnis to Henry III's Aristée.99 Finally, Rosset's Cleophon, "desireux d'éteindre les semences, & les racines de tous ces troubles & divisions, fit convoquer … sous pg 491le nom des Estats, le Conseil general de son Royaume. … à la renommée ville d'Elymayde" (p. 522). When the devil comes for Canope, Canope learns from him "une partie du succés de l'assemblée generale d'Elymayde, & la mort que Cleandre y recevroit infailliblement s'il y étoit" (p. 527). Canope leaves behind a letter warning Cleandre, which Cleandre refuses to credit because of its necromantic associations, and so "peu de temps apres Elymayde fut [Cleandre's] tombeau" (p. 531). Similarly, when Guise was at Blois, he disregarded a warning note sent to him by his secretary, Pelicart, and was assassinated on his way to the council.100
Rosset involves Canope far more fully in Persian affairs than Dryden and Lee involve Malicorne in French affairs. Canope fights in the civil wars, distinguishing himself, commands a garrison, becomes a satrap, marries, fights a duel with a suitor to his wife, killing him,101 fights another duel, and finally, when hosting a ball to advance his suit to a young woman, "sur la fin du dessert, un Page … luy dit à l'oreille, qu'un grand homme vestu de noir, desire de parler à luy tout presentement, & sans aucun delay" (p. 525). Omitting all but the final incident, Dryden and Lee also changed other details. Instead of a Melanax to advise him and do his bidding, Canope is supplied by the devil with "une bague, où un esprit étoit enchassé" (p. 509), who protects Canope in battle and ensures his success when gaming. The change to an unconfined Melanax was obviously made for dramatic effect, as it permits scenes between Malicorne and Melanax similar, for instance, to those between Faustus and Mephostophilis in Marlowe's play.102
Other changes introduced by Lee cannot be explained on dramatic grounds alone. At the outset of his story Canope "étoit un Cavalier à qui le Ciel & la Nature n'avoient point esté avares des dons que les mortels pg 492desirent avec passion. Il estoit ieune, vaillant & sage, & son pere en mourant luy avoit laissé de belles terres" (p. 501). He marries in Callipente a "rare beauté … d'une maison illustre & fort riche" (p. 503). Only later does Canope commence necromancer and sell his soul on condition that the devil "le rendoit le plus favorisé de Cleandre, honoré de grandes charges, & de gouvernements en l'Empire, exempt de toutes sortes de blessures … & enfin, en la reputation de l'un des plus vaillans guerriers de la Perse" (p. 508). So far from being favored by heaven and nature, Malicorne was "Blasted … e're born" and curses his stars; so far from achieving the reputation of valiant soldier and from becoming a successful duelist, Malicorne is scorned by Grillon as an unworthy match and admits that his "Enervate Arm" will not permit him to fight (III, i, 115–121). Almost as an afterthought in the play, Malicorne claims to have sold his soul "for Honours, Wealth, and Pleasure" (V, ii, 4), but, aside from his being able to finance a banquet on the day of his death, we never see or hear of him enjoying these felicities. To give Malicorne more of Canope's biography would no doubt have highlighted him unduly and distracted from the major confrontations in the play. As it is, Malicorne seems insufficiently realized as a character, merely illustrating that seditious men collude with the devil. His encounters with Melanax are no doubt meant to supply some necromantic excitement, but the character also makes a political statement. We might find that statement allegorical: seditious men do not really sell themselves to the devil; it is just that the depth of their knavery may be economically represented in that way. But many in the Restoration would probably have taken that statement literally, and if they did, the necromantic excitement would no doubt have been greater for them than it is for us.
In addition to their demonstrable sources—Davila, Rosset, The Massacre of Paris—Dryden and Lee probably gleaned some details from other accounts of the League. Dryden refers in the course of The Vindication to Nicolas de Villeroy's Memoires d'État, to the Count of Cheverny's Memoires, and to the Journal of the reign of Henry III, which was by Pierre de l'Estoile (seventeenth-century editions of the Journal are anonymous).103 Mézeray was available in French, although two years after completing The Duke of Guise, when Dryden referred to Mézeray in the postscript to The History of the League, he cited, it seems, the English translation of John Bulteel,104 which was published in 1683 and advertised in the term catalogue for June of that year. Langbaine (p. 163) lists two other French historians and a memorialist upon whom he thought Dryden and Lee had drawn: Pierre Matthieu, Michel de Castelnau de Mauvissièrre, and Jacques-Auguste de Thou. But there are very few historical details in the play which cannot be found in Davila and those details cannot be assigned an alternative source with any assurance. Indeed, at one point Dryden refers readers of The Vindication to Davila and to I'Estoile for the full story of Guise's claim to be descended from Charlemagne.105 But Davila refers only glancingly to the story, which is omitted from the abbreviated editions of l'Estoile published pg 493in the seventeenth century although included in the full editions of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Dryden, then, draws at this point upon his general reading in the historical background to the play but misremembers his sources.
Had they wished, Dryden and Lee could also have turned to English accounts, for the French wars of religion, their events, personalities, and the political theory they generated, proved continuously relevant to the constitutional debates and conflicts of seventeenth-century England.106 During the Restoration and up to the end of 1681, significant reference to the French religious wars usually served to illustrate either Roman Catholic perfidy, especially in the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day,107 or antiroyalist perfidy during the English Great Rebellion, with French leaguers paralleling Scottish and English covenanters. Sometimes the same text supplied both illustrations, as in Henry Foulis's The History of Romish Treasons and Usurpations, which was published in 1671 and received a second edition (which we cite) in 1681. In his eighth book (pp. 361–453), Foulis offered a "History of the Holy League and Covenant in France," a "short Essay" directed not at historians but at "common Readers" (p. 362). Foulis dwells on plots, conspiracies, documents, bulls, and resolves, but he eschews detailed descriptions of battles or such events as the assassinations of Guise and of Henry III, because these matters, we may suppose, were incidental to his polemical purpose of displaying Roman Catholic iniquity by historical examples. He nonetheless departed from that primary purpose to offer a concluding list of similarities between the outrages of French leaguers and those of covenanters and parliament men during the Great Rebellion and Interregnum (pp. 451–453). "Common Readers" had been to some extent prepared for this small digression by a prefatory attack on "Hot-headed pg 494Puritans" and "Phanatical Presbyterians" as even worse than Romanists because, although both sects endorsed regicide, Romanists were at least learned and civil, whereas Puritans were bellicose, touchy, irritable, and inclined to "take miff, and destroy all for a trifle" (sig. e1v). As we might expect of a book first published in 1671,108 before the nation was once again divided, the second edition could have supplied both Whigs and Tories with arguments in 1681. Whigs could have used it, had they so chosen, to document their case that Roman Catholics were always capable of the greatest iniquity and that the current Popish Plot was therefore actual and no airy invention. Tories could have pointed to the paralleling of French and English civil wars, for by 1681 the precedent of the Great Rebellion was well established in Tory arguments that the Whigs were plotting a new revolution.
Even before the Popish Plot and the naming of Whigs and Tories, attacks on the government could prompt its supporters to recall the Great Rebellion and to argue that a current disaffection portended sedition, as it had in the past. Thus, Andrew Marvell published An Account of the Growth of Popery and Arbitrary Government in England in December 1677,109 and the term catalogue for the following May advertised Roger L'Estrange's reply, An Account of the Growth of Knavery, which announced on the title page that it contained A Parallel betwixt the Reformers of 1677, and those of 1641. When L'Estrange began the Observator in April 1681, he soon reintroduced the matter of the Great Rebellion into the debates of the Exclusion Crisis,110 and on 3 August 1681 he advertised a book very obviously to his taste, Sir William Dugdale's A Short View of the Late Troubles in England … As also, some Parallel thereof with the Barons-Wars in the Time of King Henry III.; But Chiefly with that in France, Called the Holy League, in the Reign of Henry III. and Henry IV. Dugdale noted in his preface that his "Discourse … was long since compiled" (sig. A2v), and he indeed confined himself to "the Late Troubles" of the Great Rebellion without referring to the current troubles of the Exclusion Crisis, although publication of the book in 1681 was no doubt occasioned by the present rather than by the past crisis. Dugdale began his concluding, fifty-page parallel of Great Rebellion and French League with a theatrical trope (p. 600):
The Holy League in France, is so exact a Pattern of ours in England, as we have just reason enough to conceive, that the Contrivers of … [our] Rebellion, did borrow the Plott from thence. All the main parts, and many of the Material Circumstances, being the same in both: Only the Scene is changed and the Actors divers.
A few months later, as 1681 edged into 1682, Dryden and Lee conceived a pg 495dramatic plot drawn from the French League, in order to illustrate the fears and dangers of a later English rebellion,
- Which, though not Actual, yet all Eyes may see
- 'Tis working, in th' immediate Pow'r to be.111
When they did so, "the Material Circumstances" of the Exclusion Crisis had changed to include one more item that was "the same" in it, in the Great Rebellion, and in the French League. At Shaftesbury's trial on 24 November 1681, the crown introduced into evidence a paper supposedly found in his lodgings and containing a draft Association whose subscribers would swear to defend liberty, Protestantism, and parliamentary privilege, and to prevent the succession of the Roman Catholic Duke of York "by force of Arms," if necessary.112 The English Association of 1681 found a precedent in the Solemn League and Covenant of 1643, and both found a precedent in the French League, inaugurated in 1576 and renewed in 1584. The precedents were being urged within a few weeks of Shaftesbury's trial113 and were established in the debate by the beginning of spring 1682, when John Northleigh, preempting a title Dryden and Lee had chosen for their play in progress, published The Parallel: Or, the New Specious Association an Old Rebellious Covenant.114 Although Northleigh principally concerned himself, as his title makes clear, with seventeenth-century England, he took time to introduce the French precedent (p. 26):
now we are in the Vein and Humor of drawing Parallels between Covenants, I shall give them a tast too, of that in France against the poor Hugonots … and let these deluded Zealots see, that they tread not only in the footsteps of the true Protestants of Charles the First in England, but also of the rank Papists of Henry the Third in France. … The head of that League was a young Duke; and our Associators would not long have wanted one for theirs; Their youthful Leader was caress'd and flattered with hopes of a Crown; grown Ambitious, by being Popular, and discontented by Disquiet at Court.
One month later, on 26 April 1682, L'Estrange attacked in the Observator a pamphlet entitled A Modest Account of the Present Posture of Affairs in England, with Particular Reference to the Earl of Shaftsbury's Case, and the term catalogue for May 1682 listed a second attack, John Northleigh's A Gentle Reflection on the Modest Account. The author of A Modest Account, whom Northleigh took to be Shaftesbury himself,115 was respond-pg 496ing to two pamphlets attacking the Association and London's charter, and he charged his opponent with intending to "follow the President of your Bloody Predecessors … the Gueses in France, Cut Our throats and condemn us after" (pp. 4–5). The precedent seems restricted to the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, but "Parallel" Northleigh, now a gentle reflector, was disinclined to let it pass (p. 7):
The President of the Guises was the most unhappiest Parallel your Lordship could have brought upon the Stage. … The Guises were a bloody Faction indeed, and design'd the overthrow of that Monarchy, by the same means and measures your Associators do that of ours. It was they deluded a youthful Prince with the hopes of a Crown, and strengthen'd their Party by the weakness of a young Duke: It was they made the profess'd Religion a pretence for all the Desolations that attended a miserable War: It was they drew up the primitive Association, and were the first Founders of an Holy League.
By this time, in May 1682, Dryden and Lee had completed The Duke of Guise, as Dryden remembered it, but some two months later they learned that, although "gentle" reflections on Monmouth might pass in print, a similar representation of Monmouth would not be licensed for the stage. They had, in any event, respected history far more than did Northleigh and had shown their Guise as neither weak nor deluded by others, so that any parallel would limn a willful, ambitious Monmouth whose errors had no excuse in youthful weakness or malign influence. Absalom was now Guise.
"When the Play it self was almost forgotten" Dryden claimed, "there were Orders given [on 29 October] for the Acting of it."116 It might well have been forgotten by Dryden himself, for he was occupied during the summer of 1682 and perhaps the early fall with The Second Part of Absalom and Achitophel and especially with Religio Laici, a very different work, which was ready for sale by 28 November 1682,117 the day of The Duke of Guise's premiere. But the play had not been forgotten by others, for Dryden admitted that it "stood two Tryals from its Enemies, one before it was Acted, another in the Representation,"118 and one opponent referred to it as "the so long expected, and so much talk'd of Play."119 Those expectations secured for the performance the evidently noisy and divided audience alluded to by Dryden in his dedication,120 and, although in the normal way a printed text would not be available for six to eight weeks, Tonson supplied a sop for eager appetites by issuing the prologue and two epilogues separately pg 497and within days of the premiere.121 Because Dryden wrote the prologue and epilogues, Tonson properly undertook their separate printing, as he had been Dryden's publisher since the fall of 1679, when he issued Troilus and Cressida.122 The play itself, though, was collaborative, and Tonson accordingly joined with Richard Bentley, Lee's publisher, for its printing. They probably had it in press by mid-January 1683 but, at Dryden's request, delayed its publication so that he could write "a Preface … in Vindication of it, against two scurrilous Libels lately printed."123
The first of these "scurrilous Libels" was Thomas Hunt's A Defence of the Charter, and Municipal Rights of the City of London, published without date but referred to by L'Estrange in the Observator for 17 January 1683 as "a Book newly come out of the Press." Hunt's title declared his principal concern with the constitutional issues raised by the quo warranto proceedings against the City of London. He noted, though, that opponents, having "already condemned the Charter and City … have [also] executed the Magistrates in Effigie upon the Stage, in a Play called the Duke of Guise," and Hunt thereupon offered a hostile examen of the play digressive from his main purpose because he dwelt not only on city matters in Paris and London but also on the representation of the English royal family as the French.124 By placing this digression in a pamphlet otherwise devoted to political debate, Hunt treated The Duke of Guise as a contribution to that debate rather than to drama, and the play has never been properly recovered for critical discourse, perhaps because readers find its politics more interesting than its dramaturgy. The first printed response to Hunt concentrated on his principal concern with city politics. After announcing the recent publication of Hunt's Defence of the Charter, L'Estrange devoted the next seven numbers of the Observator, from 18 to 29 January 1683, to combating Hunt's arguments on behalf of municipal rights,125 and by the time January was out those arguments had also fallen under government censure and Hunt had gone into hiding.126 On 24 January L'Estrange took pg 498note of Hunt's attack on The Duke of Guise but offered no more than a few remarks on the subject.127 What L'Estrange merely glanced at, exercised Dryden considerably, and we may guess that during the last two weeks of January he asked Tonson and Bentley to delay publication of The Duke of Guise until he had prepared a prefatory response to Hunt's digression. If he did so, he would soon have found that he had other adversaries, for on 3 February 1683 L'Estrange referred in the Observator to the second of the "two scurrilous Libels," a pamphlet, much longer than Hunt's digression, called Some Reflections upon the Pretended Parallel in the Play Called The Duke of Guise. Dryden's planned preface would now have needed considerable enlargement, and the publishers, aware that they had on their hands a "much talk'd of Play," understandably became impatient and, instead of waiting longer for a preface,128 they "hasten'd their Impression" of The Duke of Guise,129 which was advertised in the Observator for 13 February 1683, by which time Dryden had probably begun writing The Vindication. He opened it by responding to some of the charges in Some Reflections and within a few pages referred, it seems, to L'Estrange's Lawyer Outlaw'd as not then published, although it was advertised as "Newly Publish'd" in the Observator for 5 February, just two days after the first reference to Some Reflections.130
Perhaps profiting from Hunt's indiscretion, the authors of this second attack published their work anonymously and also took care, as Hunt did not, to avoid offending the royal family.131 Dryden assumed, and his assumption has been allowed to stand in subsequent scholarship, that the reflections represented the work of two men rather than one,132 and he made clear that he took one of them to be Shadwell by referring to him as a fat poet and by naming him Og,133 the character Dryden had assigned to Shad-pg 499well in The Second Part of Absalom and Achitophel, 11. 457–509.134 We have found no other contemporary attribution of the work to Shadwell, and Dryden was no doubt as incident to mistake as others in the period. He may have received credible information, or listened to casual gossip, or simply guessed. But we have no contrary evidence for the authorship, and it is more convenient to deal with someone known than with an anonym. The second author whom Dryden detected in the reflections should probably remain anonymous. Dryden identified him only as a Whig lawyer of the Temple who had dressed in the gown of one of the livery companies and cast an illegal vote at the City elections in 1682.135 This second reflector was once thought to be Hunt,136 but "Dryden seems obviously to talk of the author of the Defence and the two Reflectors as three separate persons,137 and, although Hunt was also a lawyer, he was a member of Gray's Inn, not the Temple. "The Templar," we have been told, "may be discovered, when we learn, who hired a livery-gown to give a vote among the electors."138 More precisely, we need to learn which Templar hired a gown (and perhaps there was more than one): no easy task, if we credit L'Estrange, who claimed in the Observator for 28 June 1682 that at the midsummer election "divers Intruders [were] Shuffled-in that had nothing to do there. There was not a Livery-Gown, they say, to be had in Long-Lane, or Barbican, for any money." Again, Dryden may have been guessing or relying on casual gossip; he may even have been applying at random a general charge to a particular opponent. But, if it is convenient to accept his identification of one reflector as Shadwell, it is no less conveninet to accept his identification of the other as a Templar. We cannot name the Templar with any assurance, but it is perhaps pertinent to note that Shaftesbury's associates in 1682 included one Robert West, a barrister of the Middle Temple, who was, according to Burnet, "a witty and active man, full of talk, and believed to be a determined atheist."139 West's name does not appear in published accounts until June 1683, when he was arrested in connection with the Rye House Plot and saved himself by informing against his fellow conspirators.140 Nothing is known of West beyond his complicity in the Rye House Plot, of which he left a manuscript narrative,141 and we have no record that he once hired a livery gown.142
pg 500Dryden was probably still preparing his reply to Hunt and the reflectors when a third attack appeared, an anonymous True History of the Duke of Guise … Publish'd for the Undeceiving Such as May Perhaps Be Imposed upon by Mr. Dryden's Late Tragedy of the Duke of Guise, together with Some Remarks upon the Same.143 The remarks on the play are dispatched in a few prefatory pages and, for whatever reason, Dryden chose to ignore it.144 It was also ignored by the author of An Epode to His Worthy Friend Mr. John Dryden, to Advise Him Not to Answer Two Malicious Pamphlets against His Tragedy Called The Duke of Guise.145 Luttrell acquired his copy of the friendly epode on 10 March 1683,146 and we may use that date as a terminus a quo for the publishing of Dryden's Vindication, which may well have appeared shortly thereafter. But since The Vindication was never advertised for sale, we cannot fix the date of its publication at all precisely. It is certainly long, but it also betrays signs of haste. In his announcement at the end of the printed play, Dryden spoke carelessly of devoting "a day pg 501or two" to Hunt and the reflectors, and The Vindication must certainly have cost him more than that. Tonson entered it in the Stationers' Register on 2 April 1683, but such entry supplies a certain terminus neither ad quern nor a quo. Taking instances only from works at hand, we may note that Hunt's Defence of the Charter, "newly come out of the Press" on 17 January, was not entered in the Stationers' Register until 12 March 1683, and L'Estrange's Lawyer Outlaw'd, "Newly Publish'd" on 5 February, was not entered until 26 May 1683. Topical pamphlets, then, of which The Vindication was one, might well be published in advance of entry. Speedy publication was obviously desirable, and during these months Dryden also had to prepare a lengthy Life of Plutarch for inclusion in Plutarchs Lives, which was ready for sale on 2 May 1683.147 We may guess, and can do no more, that The Vindication appeared before Tonson entered it in the Stationers' Register and perhaps by mid-March 1683 or shortly thereafter.148
Hunt, the reflectors, and Dryden debated a problem still unresolved and perhaps unresolvable. Who must take responsibility for meanings in literary works, their authors or their readers?149 The Restoration saw the problem in terms of contemporary reference: to what extent does a character in poem or play, whether drawn from history or romance or simply invented by the author, represent someone from the author's own time? To discuss the large class of characters drawn from history the Restoration used an inherited vocabulary that it passed unrefined to later generations. Men spoke of parallels and applications or examples and precepts and used other terms as well. Similitude and analogy can sometimes be found, as can allegory, although allegory in the Restoration more usually signified either an extended metaphor or wholly invented characters performing acts equivalent to those of historical contemporaries. In this second sense Dryden called Albion and Albanius an "Allegory" that "plainly represents the double restoration of his Sacred Majesty" and made clear that he took responsibility for meanings he expected readers to find: "the Allegory it self [is] so very obvious, that it will no sooner be read than understood."150 Understood by which readers? Evidently by those equipped with a sufficient knowledge of Restoration events and personalities to be able to identify, for instance, the "one-Ey'd Archer" of Act III as Richard Rumbold, a participant in the Rye pg 502House Plot.151 If an author depends, as he must, upon the prior knowledge of his readers for his meanings to be understood, how can he control their knowledge so that they call upon only what is pertinent to his purposes? For their part, how can readers ascertain an author's purposes when the meanings they find in a work are partly created by the prior knowledge they bring to it?
The Restoration not only left these questions unanswered, it also left them unasked. It did so, we have been told, because it possessed a largely static sense of literature as something that conveyed to passive readers the meanings impressed into it by an author.152 Such, especially, was the Restoration sense of topically referential literature, and that sense has passed unchanged to those modern scholars who, having equipped themselves with a knowledge of the period, bring that knowledge to its literature in order to trace parallels and allegories they then attribute to the authors. Aware that intentionalism is supposed to be fallacious, some modern scholars attribute the meanings they find to the author's readers instead of to the author himself. Scholars like to say, for example, that "no contemporary could have failed to see in this detail of a work an allusion to this event or personality of the times." In fact, modern political parties began in the Restoration precisely because men interpreted their own times variously. We should therefore expect them to interpret literary allusion to the times just as variously The Restoration supplies numerous authorial complaints—of which Dryden's Vindication is merely the most extensive—about readers who have willfully misunderstood the author's intention.153 We can also find, although less frequently, a reader's complaint that another reader has misrepresented an author's meaning.154 When scholars disagree among themselves about the topical reference of Venice Preserv'd, for instance, their critical assumptions differ little from those of the Restoration. They assume, that is, the stability of literary texts, the recoverability of authorial intentions, and the complete coincidence of those intentions with the meanings of works. Other critics have taught us differently, and although such critics almost never concern themselves with topically referential literature, their arguments are nonetheless pertinent. We should accordingly maintain a proper scepticism when seeking to adjudicate between Dryden on the one hand, Hunt and the reflectors on the other, and their contradictory claims about the intended meaning of The Duke of Guise.
The most famous example of topically referential literature in the Res-pg 503toration shows us what The Duke of Guise (or any play) is not, but it also shows how parallels can be drawn so as to ensure that almost every reader understands them in the same way. Absalom and Achitophel alters its biblical source so thoroughly that, far from merely referring to Monmouth, Absalom is little more than another name for Monmouth, and so with Achitophel and Shaftesbury, David and Charles. Using biblical instead of Restoration particulars ensures that, for the most part, the parallel in Ab- will always want to explore the ingredients of that success, although, if possible, they should avoid basing it upon ingredients just as easily found in manifestly unsuccessful parallel poems Like Azaria and Hushai.155 Revision of a familiar source to make characters and their actions accord with Restoration particulars ensures that, for the most part, the parallel in Absalom and Achitophel is "so very obvious, that it will no sooner be read than understood." Some details certainly challenge a reader's understanding. Minor characters are at times equipped with insufficient distinguishing attributes for readers to identify their Restoration equivalents with assurance, thereby prompting both a small industry for modern scholarship and some contemporary conjectures recorded either in the margins of early copies or in published keys to the poem. We occasionally find material like David's harp or Absalom's murder of Amnon which seems closer to its biblical source than to its Restoration equivalent, and such material puzzles us precisely because the poem elsewhere adapts its source so thoroughly to the Restoration.
We come closer in time and method to Dryden, Hunt, and the reflectors if we turn to Thomas Hoy's Agathocles the Sicilian Usurper, which was advertised in the Observator for 17 January 1683. Hoy elected to write a poem about Cromwell and thereby to warn against a recrudescence of the Cromwellian spirit. He began with prefatory praise for Absalom and Achitophel but showed he had learned no lesson from it by adding, "for the Person Characteriz'd under my Usurper, it is sufficient for my purpose, if he contradict not the Sicilian Story, tho, it may be the Parallel is not exactly drawn" (sig. A2). Indeed (sig. Azv),
To have made my Usurper [Cromwell] die in his Bed had bin too notorious a Trespass upon the Sicilian History, which tells us that He [Agathocles] was Poisoned by Mænon a Malecontent. And some have bin of the Opinion that our Late Agathocles [Cromwell] made his last Exit the same way. What ground they might have for that Opinion is not my Bus'ness here to enquire; but for the former Reason, and to avoid a Solecism in Poetry, I have taken it for granted. And tho my Mænon [a disaffected supporter of Cromwell] might, pg 504possibly, not be the Man, who did this Nation that Good Office [the supposed poisoning of Cromwell], yet He was One, who with the greatest probability might be presum'd to have don it, or procur'd it to be don.
Using the Restoration's vocabulary and tidying it a little, we can say that, having drawn a partial or imperfect parallel and being aware that readers might apply it further than the poem licensed, Hoy here invites an application by no means evident in the historical material he has handled and as he has handled it. There is, however, no contemporary record of anyone's making such an application or, indeed, of reading the poem.
Hoy supplies an example, which can be multiplied many times from Restoration records, of referring to sources when writing or reading historical parallels. An author could claim that his fidelity to the source precluded an intentional parallel, as Dryden did when he handed a copy of Davila to Lord Chamberlain Arlington and asked him to compare it with the play, or, as Dryden later did when he provided readers with Plutarch's life of Cleomenes in order to satisfy them that there was "no Parallel to be found" in his play.156 A reader could claim that an author's adaptation of the source demonstrated historical ineptitude or an inability to fashion a true parallel, as did Christopher Nesse in his doggerel poem, A Key (with the Whip) to Open the Mystery & Iniquity of the Poem Called Absalom & Achitophel (1682). A reader could further claim that details drawn from the source and without obvious contemporary equivalent betrayed the covert intent of an author elsewhere zealous to fashion a parallel. Thus, Hoy, acting as reader of his own poem, instructed other readers to think Cromwell's poisoning actual rather than merely suppositious. So too, Dryden's opponents charged him with advocating Monmouth's murder because history recorded Guise's murder and because, they argued, Dryden had used that history to parallel Guise and Monmouth. After all, "if the same Causes must Certainly Produce the same Effects; And if that Parallel be Fairly drawn, how can we fail of Succeeding in our Enterprize?"157
We can easily see the lack of sophistication in such criticism, its failure to distinguish between meanings that may fairly be attributed to authors and meanings at least partly created out of the prior knowledge that readers necessarily bring to works in order to understand them. Nonetheless, we can also see that, preoccupied with history and what it can teach us, the Restoration argued on both sides of a parallel, both past and present, to a degree uncommon in modern scholarship. The Restoration supplies us at once with a method and with examples of how the method may be abused. We ought to assume that an author's notable departures from source create significances, not necessarily topical, for which he should take responsibility. When an author is faithful to his source, we should be circumspect, not leaping to topical conclusions just because our ancestors did, not making readers' applications and calling them authors' parallels. Crucial to our inquiry into The Duke of Guise are the character of Henry III in the play, pg 505the character of Guise, and, although it did not enter into the contemporary debate, the character of Malicorne.
We may take the last first. Adding the unhistorical matter of Canope to the historical matter of Guise obviously constitutes an authorial attempt to create significances not found in the historical matter alone. We can certainly refer some of these significances to a sense of tragedy as first foreboding then showing the fall of great men. For this reason, we may suppose, Dryden and Lee took the single warning of Cleandre's fall and multiplied it for Guise,158 just as Lee multiplied the omens received by Guise before his death.159 But in Dryden's Act IV the significances created through Malicorne and Melanax are nearly all political and only initially tragic in the sense we have been using. Although Dryden's contemporaries passed over the political significance in their recorded comments, it has not escaped the attention of later readers. We have been told that "the introduction of the necromancer, Malicorne, seems to refer to some artifices, by which the party of Monmouth endeavoured to call to their assistance the sanction of supernatural powers."160 Indeed, we learn from The Parallel, Or a Comparison betwixt the Prince of Darkness, and the Children of Light (1682) that "A Whig is old Lucifer in Masquerade." Such charges were commonplace during the Exclusion Crisis, and since they have already been surveyed for modern scholarship,161 we need do no more than touch upon them here. We ought especially to note the occasional application of these charges not just to Whigs in general but in particular to Shaftesbury, "Hells dire Agent," as Dryden called him in Absalom and Achitophel (1. 373).162 Dryden and Lee, we have seen, not only departed from history in order to introduce material from Rosset, they also departed from Rosset in order to change a well-favored Canope into the crippled Malicorne, making him "a wither'd Saplin" with "Enervate Arm."163 Tories made much of Shaftesbury's ill health and especially of the tube (which they called a tap) implanted in his side to drain an internal abscess.164 Tap and necromancy come together in a Tory broadside called The Recovery, which was published without imprint but probably dates to the early summer of 1681:165
- In a Dark Cell the Wayward Brothers met,
- I'th'midst a Chair there was for Satan set;
- Which in his Absence———
- A little Wither'd Conjurer Supply'd,
- And all his Imps drank Venom from his Side:
- His Word was (then He out his Tap did pluck,)
- Come my young Pugs of Treason, come and Suck:
- This Hellish Rite perform'd, to work they go
- To raise up Darkness from the Shades below;
- Thick Mists of Popular Fears and Jealousies
- Did at their Necromantick Call arise,
- And in Black Clouds hid the British Skies.
Some may object that Malicorne's relationship with Guise scarcely parallels Shaftesbury's with Monmouth, and Malicorne is certainly no Achitophel to Guise's Absalom. Several explanations suggest themselves. Shaftesbury had no equivalent in the France of 1588 and to have invented one would have unduly shaken the play's historicity. Moreover, Dryden and Lee wrote their play while Shaftesbury was sick and secluded in the City, his power and influence diminished by the dissolution of parliament and his own trial. Finally, Malicorne may represent not so much Shaftesbury himself as Shaftesbury's political and poetic "son." For no obvious dramatic reason Malicorne informs Grillon, us rather, that he was "Blasted … e're born" and "Got by some dotard in his pithless Years."166 Shaftesbury was only thirty-one when his heir was born, but that heir was sickly,167 and Dryden had already described him as "Got, while his [father's] Soul did hudled Notions try; / And born a shapeless Lump, like Anarchy."168
Dryden and Lee ran considerable risks by introducing Malicorne into their play. To be sure, they ran no risk of censure. Not only was Shaftesbury in decline when they wrote their play, dead when they published it, but an attack upon Shaftesbury, direct or oblique, would scarcely have displeased the court. Their opponents were concerned not merely to register Whig disapproval but to bring Dryden at least into official disfavor and would have found no support for their case by instancing Malicorne, who is understandably not mentioned in the debate over the play's topical reference.169 Dryden and Lee instead ran the risk of weakening their play by introducing an unhistorical character into an action based upon history. pg 507Malicorne certainly serves as the vehicle of tragic foreboding and enhances spectacle by his necromancy. Together with Melanax he also contributes to a dramatically effective rendering of the Day of the Barricades in Dryden's Act IV. But he is only sketchily motivated and stands in no interesting relationship to Guise. He contributes to the play's polemic but scarcely testifies to its authors' dramaturgy.
Dryden and Lee also ran risks with the character of Henry III, some of which they might not have foreseen. The author of The True History of the Duke of Guise dwelt with relish (sig. A3v) upon what Thomas Hoy would no doubt have called "a Solecism in Poetry":
'twas a cursed mistake to bring the King in, so passionately Courting a Woman, whom all the Histories report to be another way inclin'd. He had his Quelus's, his D'O's, his Villequiers, and his Valete's, and a peculiar way of hampering the Refractory by letting down the Lid of a great Chest upon their reins, while they were stooping and searching by Command for what was known to be never there. Certainly the Poet might have found out some far more stainless Pattern of Heaven's lending to the World, in honour of his Royal Parallel, if it may not be thought his Play was rather intended for a Libel than a Tragedy.
"'Tis pitty," the reflectors exclaimed, that "the Law should not reach him, for offering to make the best of Kings parallel with one of the worst."170 Here are readers who bring their prior knowledge to bear with a vengeance. We can certainly acquit Dryden and Lee of intending to parallel Charles II with the historical Henry III. But Dryden at least ought to have anticipated the charge. While he was collaborating on The Duke of Guise, Settle published Absalom Senior,171 which revisits Dryden's source to represent Absalom as York, Achitophel as Halifax: such was the Restoration's way with sources and parallels.
Dismissing, as we should, a parallel between Charles II and the historical Henry III, we ought to ask whether Charles finds a parallel with Henry's character as represented in the play. The answer seems to be that Dryden and Lee intended some such parallel but Dryden was disinclined to admit it. Thus, the reflectors charged that Dryden made the "King in his Play … a Parallel to our most Excellent and Gracious King, (for besides that the whole course of the Play would seem to insinuate his Intentions, he says, a Royal Star shone at his Birth [IV, ii, 41], which did at Noon at the Birth of Ours)."172 "A very concluding Syllogism," Dryden conceded, but only "if I shou'd answer it no farther."173 In fact, he could only shake the premises by showing that history recorded a similar star at the birth of Henry III. Since history did not, Dryden proceeded to obscure the "Syllogism" by spinning an astrological web around it. He had in any case pg 508already admitted that altering Henry's character effected a parallel between him and Charles: "if we were more favorable to that Character [of Henry III] than the exactness of History would allow, we have been far from diminishing a Greater, by drawing it into comparison."174 But as he did with the natal star, Dryden proceeded to obscure the parallel he had virtually conceded by arguing that, were it present, the king or the Lord Chamberlain would have prohibited the play on those grounds, and since they did not, it could not be present. "A very concluding Syllogism, if [we] shou'd answer it no farther."
Dryden could have conceded that the play offered a partial parallel between Henry and Charles, one sufficient to show similarities between their situations and perhaps, too, between the dramatic character of Henry and the character of Charles as made over for public presentation. Such a parallel need not be complete, need not effect a complete correspondence between all actions and impulses of the two men. Like Hoy, Dryden could then have noted that "the Parallel is not exactly drawn," or he could have echoed Northleigh's "hope [that] Parallels in Discourse need not be so Mathematical as those in Geometry."175 Instead, Dryden insisted that the play did not offer "a Parallel of the Men, but of the Times." The authors had restricted their "intention" to "a Parallel, betwixt the Holy League plotted by the House of Guise and its Adhærents, with the Covenant plotted by the Rebels in the time of King Charles the First, and those of the new Association, which was the Spawn of the old Covenant."176 But general and particular parallels are not as mutually exclusive as Dryden implies; each has advantages and disadvantages, and Dryden and Lee seem to have combined the two kinds of parallel, perhaps to secure the advantages and avoid the disadvantages. The attacks on the play show that they did not succeed in the second endeavor, but we should also inquire into the advantages they might have sought.
General parallels offer analogies between past and present. They respect the difference of the past while still making use of its similarity. Thus, Dryden could reasonably say that "the Tumults in the City [of London], in the choice of their Officers have had no small resemblance with a Parisian Rabble,"177 because popular disorders will always resemble each other in their challenge to authority. There are obvious differences between an open rebellion in Paris and a riotous election in London, but for the purpose of a general parallel similarity suffices. An author who wishes to control his parallels, not leaving everything to readers' applications, will sometimes enhance the similarity by giving to the past a detail from the present, thereby particularizing the general parallel at the chosen moment. Thus, Dryden gave Henry a natal star in order to enhance his similarity with Charles. So too, Dryden's Bussy in the opening scene has the principal attributes of his historical original, an arrogant and zealous member of the pg 509Paris Sixteen. He is also, as his original was not, a sheriff of Paris,178 and he is made so, surely, to stress his similarity to the Whig sheriffs of London. Bussy, of course, represents no one identifiable sheriff of London, for we are dealing with a parallel between kinds of people. Since such kinds will recur not only at certain moments but always, general parallels have the advantage of adopting, or at least implying, a philosophical view of history, seeing it as the record of human nature, not just of human actions. Partly for this reason Dryden claimed for the play an additional parallel with the English civil war of the 1640s and opened The Vindication by claiming that as early as 1660 he had drafted a play about the French League which paralleled it with the Great Rebellion.179
Wholly general parallels, however, have disadvantages at times of crisis, when urgency attaches to the advice or warning they ought to supply. At such times particular parallels are more obviously appropriate because, so far from respecting, they eliminate the difference between past and present. They accept from the past only such details as have been repeated in the present and draw additional details from the present in order to attribute them to the past. Analogy yields to homology, and the past provides a way of talking about the present rather than of understanding it as a product of human nature. We have here the method of Absalom and Achitophel or of Absalom Senior, although it discloses neither the secret of Dryden's success nor the reason for Settle's failure. But we do not have the method of The Duke of Guise, only fragments of that method, as we can see by examining the character of Guise himself.
Dryden offered three reasons for dismissing an authorially intended parallel between Guise and Monmouth,180 and ordered them to begin with the weakest and end with the strongest. In the first place, the authors selected from history a rebellious subject who was not also the king's son. True; but such distinctions were of small importance to readers (or authors) intent upon particularizing a general parallel. Settle made clear that by Absalom he meant York even though it involved him in "the freedom of clapping but about a score of years extraordinary on the back" of his Absalom and in suppressing the fact that Absalom was David's son by referring to him simply as David's "Heir."181 Second, Guise and Monmouth differed in the degree to which each controlled his party. True again, but of moment only if we look for sameness rather than similarity. The third reason is the most telling:
our Picture of the Duke of Guise is exactly according to the Original in the History; his Actions, his Manners; nay, sometimes his very Words, are so justly copied, that whoever has read him in Davila, sees him the same here. There is no going out of the way, no dash of a Pen to make any By-feature resemble him to any other Man.
Dryden understood better than many modern critics the proper grounds pg 510upon which an author may be held responsible for parallels. Guise in the play resembles Guise in history far more than he resembles Monmouth. True, historical Guise also resembled historical Monmouth, and we can certainly hold Dryden and Lee responsible for choosing a subject they could expect to be applied to their own times, but the responsibility for particular applications then lies with readers and auditors, not the authors. We have no means to discriminate between such applications because, whether they proceed from the authors' contemporaries or our own, they all reflect associations brought to the play rather than analysis of what it contains.182 If we wish to detect authorial intent in more than the finding of the subject, we must accept Dryden's challenge and show that Guise is changed from history to effect a stronger resemblance to Monmouth.
Davila, we should remember, supplies a direct source for little more than one-eighth of the material handled in the whole play and for less than one-fifth of the material handled in Dryden's contribution. No doubt some other material derives more generally from Davila or from other historical sources. Nonetheless, the unhistorical material has, as Dryden says, small bearing upon the character and actions of Guise as they resemble Monmouth's. Historically, Guise resembled Monmouth in that both favored the exclusion of an heir to the throne on religious grounds and in that both hoped thereby to further their own ambitions. Historically, though, Guise had no claim to the throne, whereas Monmouth thought he had. Monmouth sought to be established as Charles II's heir; Guise sought to be declared lieutenant governor of France so that he could more effectively prosecute the suppression of Huguenots. It was rumored that Guise hoped the lieutenant governorship would bring him the effective power in France, the king being derelict and self-indulgent, and even that, when the childless Henry died, Guise would claim the title as his by an intricate descent. But these were merely rumors, duly reported by Davila; things said about Guise. In Dryden's Act IV Guise says these things of himself,183 and because he does so, the analogy between Guise and Monmouth immanent in history gives way, if briefly, to an authorially created homology.
Dryden and Lee treated the character of Guise much more circumspectly than they did other material in the play. That character nonetheless reveals the play's method. To the extent, and it is of course considerable, that The Duke of Guise refers to the Exclusion Crisis, it does so by effecting, as Dryden says, a general parallel of the times. It also introduces details from the present into the nominal past, thereby particularizing the parallel at pg 511those points. Such particularizing, along with the general parallel, belongs to the authors, and much of it in fact occurs in Dryden's contribution: sheriff Bussy, Henry's natal star, Guise's claim to the throne, an incidental conflation of the estates at Blois with the Oxford Parliament. The general parallel can of course be particularized at many points, not just those selected by the authors. But readers who press analogy into homology should take responsibility for the meanings they have created, as Dryden insisted to Hunt and the reflectors.
The reflectors on The Duke of Guise added a postscript to their "Letter to a Friend." "Sir," they wrote, "I Shall shortly send you some Observations upon the Faults of the Play, considering it as a Play."184 Of course they never did, and their omission has never been repaired. If we wished, we could object of the play that, having created such an important character as Marmoutier, the authors could think of nothing for her to do at the end; or that Malicorne shuffles uneasily around the circumference of the plot; or that the handful of prose scenes by Dryden have far more vitality than the verse scenes of either author; or that the characters have little autonomy and small capacity to surprise us. But to expand upon such points would be a dreary business, and to praise the play would be to build upon sand.
Contemporaries judged correctly. The importance and interest of The Duke of Guise lie not in the play "as a Play" but as a politically referential drama that prompted a significant contemporary debate about the nature of its reference. When William Smith first prologuized to the audience on 28 November 1682, he announced that "Our Play's a Parallel," and thereby supplied modern readers with the term and notion of parallel plays.185 The term seems harmless enough and even useful, provided we remember that parallel plays often differ widely in their methods from parallel poems and that we should not allow some similarities between the two kinds to seduce us into reading the plays as if they were poems. As a "relatively pure" example of parallel play,186 The Duke of Guise may seem also to provide critics of other plays with a stable point of reference. The three best plays of the Restoration, considered as plays, which have been found topically referential by more than one reader, are certainly Lee's Lucius Junius Brutus, Otway's Venice Preserv'd, and Dryden's Don Sebastian. Perhaps because they succeed as plays, their topical reference can be decocted only with difficulty. The Duke of Guise then stands as a "relatively pure" example of the sort of play critics take these other plays to be.187 In fact, we have pg 512seen how elusive even The Duke of Guise becomes when subjected to an inquiry at all rigorous. We should therefore adopt so much the greater caution when approaching less pure examples. But no doubt that lesson will pass unregarded, just as it already has.
Epigraph. Plutarch, Agesilaus, VIII, 4 (Loeb trans.: "Thus ambitious natures in a commonwealth, if they do not observe due bounds, work greater harm than good").
P. 207 Lawrence, Earl of Rochester. Dryden had earlier praised Laurence Hyde (1641–1711) as Hushai in Absalom and Achitophel, ll. 888–897 (Works, II, 32); see Works, II, 280, for details of his early career. As first lord of the treasury and a strong opponent of exclusion, Hyde remained in Charles II's favor for the rest of the reign. He was created Viscount Hyde of Kenilworth on 23 April 1681 and Earl of Rochester on 29 November 1682, one day after the premiere of The Duke of Guise. Although James began his reign by appointing Rochester Lord Treasurer and creating him Knight of the Garter, he soon came to differ with Rochester over religious policy, and Rochester was dismissed from office early in 1687. During the Convention Parliament Rochester opposed the offer of the crown to William and Mary and as a consequence remained out of favor in the early years of their reign. He was restored to the Privy Council in March 1692 in time to intercede on Dryden's behalf and secure the acting of Cleomenes after the play had been briefly interdicted. Dryden thanked Rochester for this office when dedicating the play to him (1692, sig. A3r–v; S-S, VIII, 216–217).
14 Judge. The Lord Chamberlain, Henry Bennett, Earl of Arlington, who held the office from 1674 to 1685. During the Exclusion Crisis Arlington ordered the prohibition of several plays in addition to The Duke of Guise. Crowne's City Politiques and Lee's The Massacre of Paris were also banned before performance, as were three plays by Banks (according to his own account): Cyrus the Great, The Innocent Usurper, and The Island Queens. Lee's Lucius Junius Brutus, Tate's Richard II, and Crowne's Henry the Sixth, The First Part, were all banned after a few performances. See White, pp. 30–43.
31–208:1 they cou'd … represented. Scott (S-S, VII, 14) notes that Dryden probably refers to Shadwell's preface to The Lancashire Witches (1682; Complete Works, IV, 99–100):
I heard that great opposition was design'd against the Play (a month before it was acted) by a Party, who … pretended that I had written a Satyr upon the Church of England, and several profest Papists railed at it violently, before they had seen it. … And … they came with the greatest malice in the World to hiss it, and many that call'd themselves Protestants, joyn'd with them in that pg 513noble enterprise. … But to my great satisfaction they came off as meanly as I could wish. I had so numerous an assembly of the best sort of men, who stood so generously in my defence, for the first three days, that they quash'd all the vain attempts of my Enemies, the inconsiderable Party of Hissers yielded, and the Play lived in spight of them.
32 True Protestant. A nonconformist (also called a true-blue Protestant, as on the title page of the pirated first edition of Mac Flecknoe [Works, II, 53]); cf. L'Estrange in the Observator for 6 October 1683: "The Puritan-Party [of 1641] … was the same with our Modern-True-Protestants."
32 insulting. Swaggering, acting insolently.
28–30 The Pilot's … Rudder. Summers (V, 456–457) notes a source in Montaigne: "The ancient Sailer said thus to Neptune in a greate storme, 'Oh God, thou shalt save me if thou please, if not, thou shalt lose me; yet I will keepe my helme still fast'" (Essayes, II, xvi ["Of Glory"], trans. John Florio , II, 348). Summers also supplies classical analogues, especially in Seneca, Epistulae, LXXXV, 33, and Consolatio ad Marciam, VI, 3.
3 pasquin'd. Lampooned, pasquinaded (OED, citing only this instance).
16 they assault … the dark. Dryden had good reason to associate physical and verbal abuse. Winn, p. 328, connects this simile with the cudgeling of Dryden in Rose Alley on 18 December 1679. Christopher Nesse had already claimed that Dryden perhaps added to Absalom and Achitophel the lines that offer some praise of Shaftesbury (ll. 180–191 [Works, II, 11]) out of fear that the poem would cost him another Rose Alley beating (A Key [With the Whip] to Open the Mystery & Iniquity of the Poem Called Absalom if Achitophel , p. 26). Moreover, just three weeks before Tonson and Bentley published The Duke of Guise Crowne was cudgeled in St. Martin's Lane (on 24 January 1683) for his authorship of the recently performed City Politiques, a play that satirizes the Whigs (London Stage, Part I, p. 318).
2 Cov'nant. Scottish Presbyterians agreed upon a National Covenant in 1638 which committed them to reject all religious changes not approved by the general assembly of their church, and they armed to defend their rights. To secure Scottish military support during the Great Rebellion the English parliament signed in 1643 the Solemn League and Covenant with the Scots which sought to establish virtual uniformity of religious doctrine, worship, and government within the kingdoms of England, Ireland, and Scotland, to pg 514establish it according to the model of Scottish Presbyterianism, and to extirpate popery and prelacy.
2 Whigg. Evidently in the sense of one who supported the exclusion of James rather than in the earlier sense of a strict Scottish Covenanter.
3 hot-brain'd Sheriffs. Echoing the characterization of Sheriff Slingsby Bethel as Shimei in Absalom and Achitophel, l. 621 (Works, II, 23): "Cool was his Kitchen, tho his Brains were hot." Together with another Whig, Henry Cornish, Bethel served as sheriff of London and Middlesex in 1680–81 (see the notes on him in Works, II, 262–264). For the term of 1681–82 Bethel and Cornish were succeeded by two more Whigs, Thomas Pilkington and Samuel (sometimes referred to as Benjamin) Shute. Dryden evidently has in mind these four sheriffs in particular. For the term of 1682–83 the Whig candidates were two Huguenot merchants, Thomas Papillon and John Dubois. After a drawn out, at times riotous, and corrupt electoral process two Tories, Dudley North and Peter Rich, were declared sheriffs for 1682–83, even though Papillon and Dubois received more votes than they. See Haley, pp. 699–703; The Second Part, of Absalom and Achitophel, ll. 1131–1138, and note to l. 1131 (Works, II, 96, 340).
6 Sent … here. See Luttrell's report (I, 112) in July 1681:
The poor protestants in France groan under most intolerable pressures by the late severe edicts against them, which have … forced many of them to forsake that kingdom, leaveing all their substance behind them; and many of them are come into England. And his majestie, out of his wonted goodnesse, hath ordered the bishop of London to take some speedy care of them, and that there be a breif published throughout all his majesties dominions to collect the charitable benevolence of his majesties subjects, to relieve them that are or shall for the future come over.
7–14 Cou'd the … Association. For the paralleling of French League, Solemn League and Covenant, and Association see headnote (pp. 493–496 above); the "Epistle to the Whigs" prefixed to The Medall and note in Works, II, 40:5–24, 291–292.
18–19 True Protestant … Flail. A weapon invented by Stephen College (l635?–1681), who was known as the Protestant joiner. It was said to be meant for defense against street attacks by Papists. It consisted of "a short staff, loaded with lead, attached to the wrist by a strap" (OED), or, as illustrated in POAS, II, facing p. 12, of two staffs about a foot long joined by a link or two of chain.
24–29 Pray … France. For the dispute between Charles and parliament over parliament's refusal to grant supplies see His Majesties Declaration Defended in Works, XVII, 199:20–202:24, 219:4–29. The possibility of war with France was at issue (and was sometimes urged in parliament by Shaftesbury's supporters) from March to August 1678 (see Haley, pp. 442–450).
26 To show … more. Cf. Heb. 12:6: "Whom the Lord loveth, he chasteneth."
32–38 Lop all … forsake. Cf. The Medall, ll. 228–234 (Works, II, 50).
34 A noise … Sway. Especially by Andrew Marvell in An Account of the Growth of Popery and Arbitrary Government in England (1677).
39–40 let some … betray. John 13:21–27. The contemporary reference may be to one of the courtiers who voted for exclusion on 15 November 1680. Of one of them Charles loudly exclaimed during the debate "The kiss of Judas!" but whether of Monmouth (Haley, p. 602) or Sunderland (Kenyon, p. 66) remains unclear.
41–42 Make London … Town. By insisting on its municipal charter of self-government as an inalienable right. Dryden charges the corporation with the treasonable act of establishing imperium in imperio and perhaps alludes to Virgil's much quoted line [Eclogues, I, 66): penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos (Loeb trans.: "the Britons, wholly sundered from all the world").
43 Ignoramus … Traytors. Grand juries charged with hearing a bill of indictment could either pass the case to an appropriate court by finding it billa vera, a true bill, or could declare for ignoramus—"we do not know" and therefore take no notice of it (OED)—thereby quashing the indictment for lack of prima facie evidence. In 1681, as the court moved against Shaftesbury and the Whigs, the Whig sheriffs of London appointed grand juries sympathetic to their cause which found ignoramus in the cases of Stephen College (July 1681), of John Rouse (October 1681), and, most famously, of Shaftesbury (November 1681). For some of the numerous references to ignoramus juries in the aftermath of these events see POAS, III, index sub "London: Whig ('Ignoramus') Grand Juries." The original and exclusively legal sense of ignoramus led early in the seventeenth century to the common and now only current sense of the word to mean an ignorant person (OED). Dryden plays on the two senses in this line and the next. See also The Vindication, p. 320:6 above.
44 Ignoramus … Satyrs. Dryden no doubt has Shadwell especially in view, as well as Settle, but there were, of course, many versifiers on the Whig side, just as there were on the Tory.
46 what … began. See Ogg, I, 101–102, for the government's taking official notice of the coffeehouses as "nurseries of sedition." As Summers notes (V, 461), Richard's Coffee House near Temple Bar was especially favored by the Whigs (e.g., CSPD, 1680–1681, p. 479; July–September 1683, p. 7); the Amsterdam, Oates's favorite, is also mentioned frequently (CSPD, 1679–1680, p. 528; January–June 1683, pp. 184, 185; July–September 1683, p. 433); others included Elford's and Osmon's (CSPD, 1680–1681, pp. 527, 551). For loose "Coffee-house Discourses" see Shaftesbury Proceedings, p. 38.
47 Pull … Man. I.e., replace the monarchy with a republic, as Shaftesbury was charged with planning (Shaftesbury Proceedings, p. 11).
Written. Since Dryden wrote an epilogue for the play's intended performance in the summer of 1682 and then replaced it with this epilogue, he pg 516presumably wrote the second epilogue in the weeks between the lifting of the prohibition on 29 October and the play's eventual premiere on 28 November. See note to ll. 23, 33–44, for details that Dryden drew from November numbers of L'Estrange's Observator, which include one detail from the number for 22 November.
Spoken by Mrs. Cooke. See Highfill, III, 473–475, for Sarah Cooke (d. 1688), who began acting probably in the late 1660s and whose first recorded role came with the King's Company in March 1677. She took mainly supporting parts but was also credited with a number of prologues and epilogues, among them Dryden's epilogue to Southerne's The Loyal Brother, which received its premiere early in 1682 (Works, II, 192, 396).
3 no one … Small. Qualifying the prologue's statement (ll. 1–4) of the play's intent and evidently, as in the preceding line, alluding to the grounds for the play's prohibition. The "Great" were reported to be Monmouth (London Stage, Part I, p. 310) and, Dryden later claimed, the king (Vindication, p. 310:16–17). The "Small" perhaps included the Whig sheriffs of London, whom Shadwell later charged were represented by the sheriffs of Paris (App. B, p. 613:16–17 below).
4 frank Gamesters. I.e., lavish or uninhibited. As Summers notes (V, 461), the phrase also occurs in The Conquest of Granada, Part II, V, iii, 50 (Works, XI, 189). It occurs also in The Man of Mode, ed. W. B. Carnochan, V, i, 145.
8 Duels are Crimes. Declared so by a series of proclamations and ordinances both before and during the Restoration, the first being issued by James I in 1613/14 (see F. A. Inderwick, The Interregnum , pp. 28–31; Sir George Clark, The Later Stuarts, 1660–1714 , p. 420). Participating in or provoking a duel was punishable by fine, imprisonment, or banishment; killing a man in a duel was murder and a capital offense. Often, charges were not brought or the charge was reduced to manslaughter, especially if the rules of honor had been maintained (see J. M. Beattie, Crime and the Courts in England 1660–1800 , p. 98); sometimes defendants were pardoned. Dueling continued.
12 Se … Sin. Kinsley (IV, 1941) compares Absalom and Achitophel, l. 458—"Self-defence is Natures Eldest Law" (Works, II, 19)—a line that Kinsley (IV, 1889) pertinently glosses with Hobbes, Leviathan, I, xiv: "The Right of Nature … is the liberty each man hath, to use his own power … for the preservation … of his own life" (ed. Michael Oakeshott , p. 84). But in the epilogue to The Duke of Guise Dryden refers neither to natural law nor, despite his use of "Sin" to make a rhyme, to divine law. Se defendendo is the common-law term for self-defense, an acceptable excuse in cases of homicide (see Sir Edward Coke, The Third Part of the Institutes of the Laws of England , pp. 55–56).
13 a fine … Masters. Proverbial; see Tilley W880.
21 Nan or Mally. Summers (V, 462) remarks that "probably these names are used generally for playhouse whores without any individual strumpets being intended." There may, however, be particular reference to Mall Howard ("Dirty Mall," for whom see Wilson, pp. 104, 126, 130, 252–254) and to "Tall strapping Nan in Drury Lane," who was "perhaps Anne, fifth daughter of Arthur [Annesley], Earl of Anglesey, whose mansion in Drury pg 517Lane was well known" (ibid., pp. 104, 109). There was also a Nan Capell, an orange woman (see POAS, II, 235).
22 Tipt … Wink. Perhaps a recent expression; OED's first citation is Etherege, The Man of Mode (1676), I, i, 292 (ed. W. B. Carnochan ), p. 20.
22 stand shall I, shall I. Vacillate; later, "shilly-shally" (OED).
23, 33–44 A Trimmer / We Trimmers … Claws. As Donald R. Benson has shown ("Halifax and the Trimmers," HLQ, XXVII , 115–134), these lines are immediately indebted to L'Estrange, who, in the Observator for 13 November 1682, replaced Whig with Trimmer and in the ten numbers issued between 13 and 29 November offered a series of defamatory characters of Trimmer as "a kind of State-Otter, neither Fish, nor Flesh, and yet he Smells of Both" (15 November), as a "Hermaphrodite" (18 November), and as someone who "plays the very Batt; He flutters with the Bird; and he Creeps with the Mouse" (22 November). For his part, Trimmer is allowed to explain his name as "Originally … an Allusion to the Language of the River. When a Vessell does not Row Even, they'l cry, Trimm the Boat: And so when One side is Lower then t'other, 'tis our way to Lean to the Upper side: And still to make the Best of Things" (13 November). Plainly enough, L'Estrange's attack inspired Dryden's attack on Trimmers in the new epilogue written during November 1682 for the delayed performance of The Duke of Guise. When L'Estrange introduced Trimmer on 13 November 1682, he conceded that he had already heard the name used, but his is the earliest precisely datable use of the word in English political discourse, and he gave it currency even if he did not invent it. Until Benson published his researches, Restoration Trimmers were assumed by later commentators to be Halifax and the group of moderate Tories he headed from 1679, chiefly because of his famous Character of a Trimmer, written late in 1684 and published in 1688 without his name (see Mark N. Brown, ed., The Works of George Savile, Marquis of Halifax , I, 33, 35). But there is no evidence that Halifax was associated with Trimmers in the printed debate during his lifetime. Indeed, when Dryden resumed the attack on Trimmers in The Vindication, he spoke in terms that make his characteristic Trimmer sound more like Sunderland than Halifax (see p. 330:24–35 and note pp. 552–553). The lines in the epilogue, like L'Estrange's remarks in the Observator, should be taken as describing a political type rather than particular politicians. For additional discussion see David Wykes and B. D. Greenslade, "'The Trimmers Character': A Further Reply to Halifax," HLQ XXXV (1972), 205–219; Mark N. Brown, "Trimmers and Moderates in the Reign of Charles II," HLQ, XXXVII (1974), 311–336.
27 a Jew. "Any over-reaching Dealer, or hard, sharp Fellow. 'He treated me like a Jew'; He used me very barbarously" (A New Canting Dictionary ).
28 give … due. Proverbial; see Tilley D273. Dryden uses the phrase again in The Vindication (p. 357:21–22 above).
30 Jack … Physician. John Ketch was the public executioner from early in the Restoration (probably 1663) until his death at the end of 1686, although he was replaced for a few months in his last year. DNB notes a broadside of December 1678 entitled The Plotters Ballad, Being Jack Ketch's pg 518Incomparable Receipt for the Cure of Traytorous Recusants, or Wholesome Physick for a Popish Contagion. See also the Discourse of Satire and note in Works, IV, 71:11–13, 573. Dryden refers to Ketch again in The Vindication (P. 350:23 above).
34 like … Heaven. Cf. John Aubrey: "They were wont to say that Erasmus was Interpendent between Heaven and Hell [presumably because he favored neither Catholicism nor Protestantism], till, about the year 1655, the Conclave at Rome damned him for a Heretique" (Aubrey's Brief Lives, ed. Oliver Lawson Dick , p. 103). The condition was sometimes called "Erasmus' Paradise," and Summers (V, 462–463) cites Cleveland, The Rebell Scot, ll. 117–120, and Otway, The Souldiers Fortune, IV, 536–537 (ed. J. C. Ghosh , II, 167). Since Dryden borrowed details for his portrait of a Trimmer from the November numbers of L'Estrange's Observator, it is just that in return L'Estrange adopted this Erasmian detail for a later number of the Observator. On 22 January 1683 L'Estrange remarked of Thomas Hunt that he "Divides himself betwixt Heaven, and Hell; like an Upright True-Protestant-Trimmer."
40 Are neither … Red-Herring. Another gibe adopted by L'Estrange, who used it against Trimmer in the Observator for 24 February 1683. For the proverb see Tilley F319.
1 Spoken. By a woman (see l. 28) and perhaps intended for Sarah Cooke, who spoke the epilogue that was eventually performed, although the two actresses assigned parts in the play, Elizabeth Barry and Lady Slingsby, also spoke prologues and epilogues (see headnote, p. 486 above).
1 forbidden, last Summer. For details see headnote, pp. 480–484 above.
3 two … way. Perhaps alluding to the disputed shrieval election of 1682. In May the Tory Lord Mayor, Sir John Moore, revived a lapsed custom by drinking to Dudley North, a Tory, thereby nominating him as one of the two sheriffs for the succeeding year. His nomination was to be confirmed on 24 June by the Common Hall at the same time as it elected a second sheriff. But the Whig liverymen and the incumbent sheriffs questioned the legality of the custom and insisted upon holding an election for both shrievalties, with two Whig candidates opposing North and another Tory, Ralph Box. The Whigs thereby hoped to continue their dominance in the City by once more electing two Whig sheriffs. See Haley, pp. 697, 699–700; see also prologue, l. 3, and note (pp. 210, 514 above).
6 Make here no Tilts. See note to prologue to The Spanish Fryar, l. 40 (pp. 448–449 above).
7–8 if … Marybone. In the late seventeenth century Marylebone was still isolated from London. It featured a pleasure ground with bowling green known as Marylebone Gardens (Pepys, Diary, ed. Robert Latham and William Matthews [1970–1983], X, 241). It is plain from Dryden's lines that Marylebone was also known for violent encounters, and Summers (V, 488) lists several duels fought there in the late eighteenth century. Earlier, Mrs. Peachum advised Filch to "go to Hockley in the Hole, and to Marybone … pg 519to learn Valour. These are the Schools that have bred so many brave Men" (Gay, The Beggar's Opera, I, vi, 23–25, in Dramatic Works, ed. John Fuller , II, 11).
9–12 I swear … Mark. See London Stage, Part I, pp. clxx–clxxii, for noisy and sometimes violent audiences, especially in the pit, where the "Benches" were and where the gallants and wits usually congregated.
13–14 This makes … defence. The usual price of a box was 4s.; admission to the pit usually cost 2s. 6d. (ibid., p. lxx).
17–22 other … love. Scabrous satires against women, circulating in manuscript, were especially common during the Exclusion Crisis. Wilson, pp. 23–116, prints fifteen such pieces dating to 1679–1682 and cites, p. 81, Lady Campden's report of 20 April 1682: "There are sad lampoons made of all the ladies." See also Felicity A. Nussbaum, The Brink of All We Hate: English Satires on Women, 1660–1750 (1984), pp. 24–30, for a discussion of two additional poems of 1682: Misogynus: Or, A Satyr upon Women and Robert Gould's Love Given O're: Or, A Satyr against … Women.
23–26 I fear … another. Cf. The Man of Mode, I, 65–67 (ed. W. B. Carnochan , p. 10), where Medley embraces Dorimant, hailing him as "my life, my joy, my darling sin," and the Orange-Woman exclaims: "Lord, what a filthy trick these men have got of kissing one another!" Later in the play, Sir Fopling associates similar behavior with the French (III, ii, 140–144; pp. 63–64).
30 they club for Satyrs. See Wilson, p. 49, for a possibly collaborative satire against women.
32 Stings in their Tayls. Applying Rev. 9:10, which describes death-dealing locusts.
33–34 some Shot … Wit. Perhaps Oldham's A Satyr upon a Woman (1681) and various pieces by Rochester (see the discussion by Nussbaum, Brink of All We Hate, pp. 21–24, 55–76).
38 Ignoramus Jury. See note to prologue, l. 43 (p. 515 above).
39 Towzing. To touse is "to pull (a woman) about rudely, indelicately" (OED).
40 Fumbling. See The Kind Keeper, I, i, 242–247 (p. 16 above).
1 Polin. Nicholas Poulain, Lieutenant to the Provost of the Isle de France, "one of the Confederates," and informer to Henry III (Davila, p. 551).
1 Bussy. Jean Leclerc, called Bussy-Leclerc, was first an attorney at the court of the Paris parlement, then captain of his quartier in Paris and a member of the Paris Sixteen. He was not a sheriff, although Dryden's Bussy so styles himself (I, i, 86). After the Day of the Barricades, Guise appointed Bussy, "le plus arrogant d'entr'eux," commander of the Bastille (Mézeray, III, 503). Davila omits the detail.
1 Curate of St. Eustace. In 1588 the curate of St. Eustache was René Benoist, later bishop of Troyes. Benoist was a popular preacher and a royalist who associated with the League only when the king was at its head. When the pg 520king was at odds with the League, as he is in Dryden and Lee's play, Benoist also distanced himself from it, at times incurring its anger. He was not a member of the Paris Sixteen, as Dryden presents the curate to be. See Emile Pasquier, Un Curé de Paris pendant les Guerres de Religion: René Benoist, le Pape des Halles (1521–1608) (1913; repr. 1970), pp. 189–204. The curate appears in the first scene and is thereafter referred to only in the fourth act, both written by Dryden, who may have confused René Benoist, a curate, with the curate of St. Benoît, Jean Boucher, a founder of the Paris Sixteen (Davila, p. 506) and an inflammatory preacher.
1 Malicorne. The name, but not the character, is from ibid., p. 616, where we find a "Sieur de Malicorne," a cavalry officer in the entourage of Catherine de Medici at St. Brix, 18 October 1586.
S.d. The Council of Sixteen. Properly, "the Sixteen," because named rather for the sixteen quarters of Paris, which the council represented, than for the number of representatives on the council. But Davila, p. 606, conflates the two explanations (and misdates the formation of les Seize to 1586): "The chief of the people [in Paris] … framed a Councell of such as were most interessed [in preventing the succession of Navarre], consisting of sixteen persons (because the chief Wards, or as they call them, the Quarters of the City were so many)." Cf. Mézeray, III, 332–333 (correctly dating the formation to 1584): "ils establirent seize des plus factieux pour veiller sur les seize quartiers de la Ville, adviser à ce qui se passerait, & faire rapport de tout à leur Conseil"; Works, XVIII, 75.
2–3 Moses … Nation. By 1588 the Guise was "celebrated in Verse and Prose by a thousand Writers, with the title of the new David, the second Moses … [the] new Gideon, come into the world for the desired safety of the Kingdom" (Davila, p. 670).
18–22 A Calvinist … death. In 1566, during the reign of Charles IX, a Huguenot "Minister, who was born at Orleans … printed a book in which he maintained, That the people of France were no longer obliged to be obedient to the King, because he was turned Idolater; and for this reason affirmed, that it was lawfull to kill him… . And perhaps by this Doctrine … the Admirall [Coligny] and the rest of his party were perswaded to plot … against the person of the King himself" (ibid., pp. 216–217).
28–29 But one … Person. The second article of the League in 1576 bound covenanters to preserve "King Henry, the Third of that name, and his Successours the most Christian Kings, in the State, Honour, Authority, Duty, Service, and Obedience due unto them from their Subjects" (ibid., p. 449). A similar statement occurs in the League's declaration of 1585 (ibid., p. 533). Cf. the form of oath to be used by the Protestant Association (Shaftesbury Proceedings, p. 17): "I will also … Maintain and Defend His Majesties Royal Person and Estate."
32–34 But did … not Pow'r. John Harrington Smith, "Some Sources of Dryden's Toryism, 1682–1684," HLQ, XX (1956–1957), 233–243, argues (pp. 238–241) for a direct allusion to Samuel Johnson's Julian the Apostate (1682), p. 94: since "Julian had gotten all the Strength of the Empire into pg 521his hands…. What [could] … a few defenceless Christians do, when they had lost all their Strength, and so many of their numbers?" It seems from an ambiguous reference by Anthony a Wood that Julian the Apostate may have been published in May 1682 (Life and Times, ed. Andrew Clark [1891–1900], III, 18), although the only certain terminus ad quern we have is L'Estrange's first reference to the book in the Observator for 19 June 1682. Dryden, of course, claimed that "the Play was wholly written" by early May (see headnote, p. 479 above).
36–45 Well … disturb us. See Davila, p. 450, for conditions attached to the third article of the League in 1576: "In case there be any impediment, opposition, or rebellion against that which is aforesaid, be it from whom it will, or proceed it from whence soever it may," the covenanters are bound "to punish" it. A briefer statement of the resolve appears in the League's declaration of 1585 (ibid., p. 535). Cf. Shaftesbury Proceedings, p. 18: "we will oppose and pursue unto Destruction all such as upon any Title whatsoever shall oppose the Just and Righteous Ends of this Association."
46–53 'Tis … in the King. Smith, "Dryden's Toryism," p. 238, notes a correspondence with the English translation (1648) of Vindiciae contra Tyrannos by "Junius Brutus" (i.e., Hubert Languet), to wit: "the whole people considered in one body, is above and greater than the King…. It therefore necessarily followes, that a tyrant is … guilty of rebellion against the Majesty of the people" (p. 119). Languet, of course, is concerned with sovereignty, whereas Dryden's curate is concerned with de facto power.
105–106 The Spanish … Week. See Davila, p. 747 sidenote: "It was reported that the Duke of Guise had received from Spain the sum of two millions of crowns."
110 good … deed. Proverbial; see