Main Text

pg 155EXPLANATORY NOTES

References are to the chapter and section numbers of the text. Recurring technical terms may be found in the Glossary. A basic identification of names can be found at the first occurrence in the text.

CATILINE's CONSPIRACY

1.4 All human beingsbrilliant and eternal: in the opening paragraph Sallust uses well-known Greek philosophical ideas to address both moral questions (What should we as men do?) and political questions (How do we win glory?). However, the exposition is not entirely clear: do we use every available resource or mainly our mind? Inner resources or physical strength? And the final sentence is ambiguous: 'virtue is held … eternal' can mean 'virtue is thought to be eternal' or 'virtue is held as an eternal possession'. Some critics believe that a straightforward and familiar argument is obscured by Sallust's presentation. Others believe that there is a more fundamental difficulty, namely: history (fame, glory) does not reward nor is it a record of virtue (what one should do). Those who take the second position can point to the history of Catiline himself as an example of the failure of the preface's relatively straightforward argument about action, virtue, and glory.

2.2 Cyrus: known as Cyrus the Great, king of Persia 559–530 bc and founder of the Persian empire. It is noteworthy that the early kings, who are not named and so do not have historical 'glory', lived in a kind of 'golden age'; but, when we come to famous kings and cities, that is kings and cities with names, we also find 'desire for domination' supplanting contentment. The story of Cyrus is, in part, the subject of the history of Herodotus. History and fame arrive at the same time as 'desire for domination'.

Lacedaemonians and Athenians: Lacedaemonia is the ancient kingdom of Sparta in southern Greece. In the fifth century, Sparta and Athens became involved in the Peloponnesian Wars, which were written about by the historian, Thucydides. By referring here to Thucydides and above to Herodotus, Sallust brings the writing of history into the course of history: historians, after all, give glory for great deeds. Sallust addresses the inequity of history (not everyone or every state gets a Thucydides to record their deeds!) in ch 8; Caesar uses the Lacedaemonians as a bad example in his speech, C 51.

2.8 virtue: the Latin word virtus, which becomes our word 'virtue', is difficult to translate consistently: it refers to the manly virtues (like courage, skill, agility) as well as intellectual and ethical virtues. It may be qualified, as in pg 156'mental excellence' or, as here, it can be posited as an absolute category. The problem that the word presents is not one of finding the best English word to translate it in all contexts. The fact is that it entails a view of the world which is not the modern Anglo-American view, one in which ability, performance, and merit; vigour, morality, and manliness; skill and virtue, are imagined under a single rubric, virtus. Other words in Latin can and do separate out this complex, but virtus names it. Sallust uses the term seventy-seven times in Catiline's Conspiracy, The Jugurthine War, and the surviving fragments of the Histories.

2.8 soul: Sallust switches from animus, meaning 'mind', 'soul', to anima, usually meaning 'soul', 'life spirit'. Some try to make animus a human capacity and anima the life force we share with animals (hence, anima-l). The problem, of course, is that here, if anima is the 'animal life force', it is hard to understand how the unvirtuous find nothing but a burden in their 'animal life force'; it would seem that by using their bodies for pleasure they are enjoying nothing more than what animals enjoy. See next note.

2.9 breath of life: again, Sallust uses anima, but here it can easily mean 'life principle'. For men, the true enjoyment of the life principle is found in the exercise of virtue (the mind controls, the body obeys). However, by using anima above for 'soul', it is now possible for this sentence in Latin to mean that an active moral life is the true life and the true enjoyment of both the life principle and the soul's function as governor of life.

3.1 to speak well: the Latin phrase is sometimes taken to mean 'to praise', as in 'to speak well of someone'. Praise is important in oratory as in a republic, but so is blame, and so is clarity and persuasive power. All of these things are part of what it means for 'to speak well'. In the conservative Roman tradition, an orator (which is to say, a lawyer and politician) was defined as 'a good man speaking well'. See Quintilian, Inst. passim, esp. 2.17.

3.2 deeds must find an equivalence in words: the Latin could be literally translated as 'deeds must be equated with words' or 'deeds must be equated to words': the first is a problem of rhetoric (how do you find the most expressive or accurate words?), the second is the problem of representation (how can words ever be equal to deeds?).

4.1 a multitude of miseries and dangers: see Introduction on the life of Sallust, his expulsion from the Senate and his career with Julius Caesar.

4.2 slavish occupations: Sallust is criticizing the choices of others, not claiming that Romans thought that agriculture was a 'servile occupation'. In fact, Cato the Elder wrote a book on agriculture, Virgil composed a poem on farming, and many aristocrats retired to their country villas.

5.1 L. Catiline was born in an aristocratic family: Catiline's full name was Lucius Sergius Catilina. Virgil traces Catiline's family back to Sergestus, who came with Aeneas to Italy from Troy. The last Sergius to be consul was Sergius Fidenus Coxo in 380 bc. Catiline served in the military during pg 157the Social Wars and was a supporter of Sulla in the civil war of 84–82. In 73 he was tried for adultery with one of the Vestal Virgins, but was acquitted. He was praetor in 68 and the propraetorian governor for Africa during 67 and 66. In 65 he was tried and acquitted of extortion charges. He then stood for the consulship in 64 and 63.

The patricians and plebs formed two 'classes' in Rome but their history and composition is not entirely clear. The 'patricians' were those 'fathers' who composed the Senate and controlled access to political office; the plebs consisted of the mass of citizens who had their own political institutions, some for protection from the power of the patricians. By the late Republic, plebeians were allowed to stand for the consulship; in fact, at least one consul each year had to be a plebeian. The class distinction that used to mean power and wealth no longer did so, and by the time of Catiline many old patrician families were poor (as his was) and many plebeians were among the wealthiest Romans. The aristocracy prided itself on military successes, oratorical ability, and religious knowledge. The nobilitas, translated as 'the aristocracy' or 'the nobility', may refer either to families of patrician ancestry or it may refer to the ruling elite within the aristocracy. This inner elite, which by the late Republic included plebeian and patrician families, believed itself entitled to political power and magistracies, especially the consulship. Catiline's family, the gens Sergia or 'family of the Sergii', was an ancient patrician family, but Catiline himself was not a member of the aristocratic elite, although he believed that he should be.

5.6 Domination of Sulla: L. Cornelius Sulla, 138–78; as quaestor to Marius, he was responsible for the capture of Jugurtha. His brilliance as a general during the Social Wars led to his election to the consulship for 88. His command against Mithridates was taken from him through the collusion of Marius and the tribune Sulpicius. This led to his first march on Rome. He consolidated his position and proceeded with his plans to fight Mithridates. During his absence, Marius and Cinna regained control of Rome. Sulla returned to Italy and marched on Rome again. After his second victory, in 82, he was appointed 'dictator' and held power until he voluntarily gave it up in 79. This period, called the 'Domination of Sulla', was a time of great political violence and governmental reorganization.

5.7 a 'realm': regnum, like the English word 'realm', implies not just a coercive sphere of imperial influence, but a king. There are three things to keep in mind: (1) Sulla's cruel and deadly tyranny in which thousands of Romans died was called the Sullanum Regnum ('Sulla's rule'); (2) for Romans of the Republic, political kingship was anathema, the antithesis of the freedom that they prized and a form of government that they had not known for almost 500 years; (3) the Roman empire could be thought of as the 'sovereign realm of the Roman people', exercising its rights of absolute authority over its subjects. Catiline's desires are for the best and the worst of what Rome has accomplished.

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6.1 as I understand it: the phrase suggests some disagreement in the sources and in fact there were two mutually exclusive foundation myths: Rome was founded by the Trojans whom Aeneas led from Troy; Rome was founded by Romulus. Cato the Elder attempted to reconcile the stories: Aeneas founded Lavinium and some 400 years later Rome was founded by Romulus, a descendant of Aeneas and his son Ascanius. This later version is followed by Virgil and Livy; Sallust does not follow the conflated version.

Aborigines: as their name implies ('from the beginning'), these are native peoples. In the elder Cato's version of the foundation of Rome, Aborigines inhabited Italy before the Trojans arrived, but joined with the Trojans.

6.3 a state: the Latin civitas designates a grouping of 'citizens' entailing legal responsibilities and rights. The sentence is not found in most manuscripts, but it is Sallustian in content and manner, and the relationship between 'harmony' and 'polity' is thematic in all of Sallust's work; note the prominence later of the Temple of Harmony (Concordia).

6.4 neighbouring kings and peoples: for example, the Sabines, the Albans, the Latins, the Aequi, and the Volscii. The details, which are recounted by Livy, are not important to Sallust's story of Roman political virtue.

6.6 'Fathers': these 'fathers' or patres originally constituted the 'patricians'. The advisory body is the Senate, whose name is derived from senex, 'old man'. The senators were addressed as 'conscript fathers'; see 51.1.

6.7 arrogance: superbia. The last king of Rome was Tarquinius Superbus, or 'Tarquin the Arrogant'.

domination: dominatio, the same word that is used for the 'Domination of Sulla'. Here and above, Sallust's language of abstract political forces recalls and refers to actual people and events in the course of Roman history.

annual offices: according to Cicero, military and civilian powers were distributed to praetores (praetors) and iudices (judges) respectively.

two executive officers: the consuls, according to tradition first elected in 509 bc, were the highest civil and military magistrates; they were expected to restrain each other's power and in this way to avoid or limit abuses of power.

8.3 writers of great talent flourished there: one thinks especially of Herodotus, 'the father of history', Thucydides, and Xenophon.

9.4 disciplinary action: T. Manlius Torquatus ordered his own son to be killed because he attacked the Gauls without orders; the story is referred to by the younger Cato, see 52.30. In 324 bc A. Postumius Tubertus is said to have executed his son for successfully attacking the Volscians without orders.

10.1 Carthage: founded according to legend by Dido, it was the centre of Punic culture and the chief military and economic rival of Rome during pg 159the second century bc. It was finally destroyed by Rome in 146 after the Third Punic War. Sallust thought that 'fear of an external enemy' kept Roman culture focused and controlled. He returns to this theme at J 41 and H. 1.12.

11.4 L. Sulla took control of the Republic: i.e. after Sulla's second march on Rome following the defeat of Mithridates in 86.

11.5 luxury and excessive licence: Sallust connects the decline of the Republic with moral failures, the luxury that became possible at Rome with the fall of Carthage in 146 and the luxury and licence that damaged discipline in the army and brought luxury and avarice back from Asia to Rome. Between the defeat of Mithridates and Sulla's return to Rome in 83, it is said that Sulla allowed his soldiers a dangerous and destructive degree of freedom and luxury. There is, however, evidence in other historians that the Roman army had enjoyed such luxuries and such lax discipline at other times.

12.2 innocence was taken for malevolence: this condensed phrase presumably means that the refusal to join others in vicious action (innocence) was thought to be a sign of some malevolent and ulterior motive. Thus, when self-interest is the only paradigm, deviation is construed as another, even more twisted, form of self-interest. An alternative explanation is that abstinence (innocence) was taken as a (malevolent) accusation against the avarice of others.

13.2 mountains dug up by private men, seas paved over: there are two issues here: one involves the distribution of wealth, an increasing gap between the rich and the poor, the ostentation of the wealthy, and the connection of wealth and power; the other involves the desire for luxury regardless of economic status. Catiline appealed mainly to the young whose taste for luxury far outran their resources. In the background is the story of Xerxes, the Persian king defeated by the Greeks, who was taken as an allegory of hubris and Asian excess. His defeat, at Salamis (480 bc) and Plataea (479), was seen as retribution for digging a channel through the peninsula at Mount Athos and building bridges across the Hellespont. In Rome, Lucullus (consul in 74) called Pompey the Great 'Xerxes in a toga'; both men channelled sea water into their fishponds. Statius (Silv. 2.2) has a description of a friend's seaside villa: colonnade upon the cliffs like a city, countless rooftops, a different view of the sea from every window.

14.7 other reasons: Sallust is not forthcoming about what the other reasons were, although it is not hard to imagine, given what he has said above.

15.1 a virgin from a good family: identity unknown; this charge is made by others but may derive more from the norms of political invective than from truth.

Vestal priestess: Cicero (Cat. 3.9) also notes an affair with a Vestal Virgin in 73 bc; she was Fabia, the half-sister of Cicero's wife, Terentia. The accusation against Fabia was brought by Clodius; she was defended pg 160by Cicero, the younger Cato, and Catulus (35.1). The Vestal Virgins were priestesses of the Roman goddess of the hearth, Vesta. They were committed to service before puberty and sworn to celibacy for thirty years. It would follow, of course, that stories of unchaste Vestal virgins were common. In fact, Romulus and Remus were born to Rhea Silvia while she was a Vestal Virgin; she said that the god Mars was their father.

15.2 Aurelia Orestilla: the daughter of Cn. Aufidius Orestis (consul in 71), she is mentioned here and in Appian, B. Civ. 2. The only other information we have is that the younger Cornificius was engaged to her daughter.

15.3 criminal nuptials: Cicero speaks of a former wife at Cat. 1.14; Val. Max. 9.1.9 says that the son was poisoned.

16.3 the innocent as well as the guilty: an odd expression in the Latin as well. If, as seems likely, Sallust means that Catiline had men killed for no justification, then 'innocent' must mean 'innocent in Catiline's eyes' (i.e. men who were no obstruction to his plans) and 'guilty' must mean 'guilty of opposing Catiline's objectives'. Focalizations like this blur moral categories, but they also reveal the fact that moral categories are often, if not always, positioned: that is, guilt is usually positioned with respect to someone else's interests.

16.5 Cn. Pompey: Cn. Pompeius Magnus, 106–48, was a distinguished general and important political figure in the late Republic. In 83 he sided with Sulla, who gave him the cognomen Magnus. He was consul with Crassus in 70, was a member of the first triumvirate with Caesar and Crassus in 59, but eventually came into conflict with Caesar and was Caesar's adversary in the civil war of 49–48. At this time he was in Pontus and Armenia where he was bringing the third war against King Mithridates to an end.

seeking the consulship: the year is 64; Cicero and Antonius, the winners, were the other two candidates for the consulship this year. Modern historians find it hard to believe that Catiline would simultaneously plot to overthrow the government and run for the consulship at the same time. However, if Sallust were to date the origins of the conspiracy to Catiline's failure to be elected in 63, he could not argue as effectively that Catiline was created by and exemplary of the general moral decline of Rome. Furthermore, the 'unprecedented nature of the crime and the danger' (4.4) represented by Catiline may refer to his efforts to treat the consulship, not as the reward for civic and military service, but solely as a means to political and military power.

17.1 1 June: 64 bc. This meeting takes place, according to Sallust, before the elections for 63; in other sources it takes place in 63 before the elections for 62; see Cicero, Mur. 50.

L. Caesar and C. Figulus were consuls: L. Julius Caesar was a distant relative of C. Julius Caesar and uncle of Mark Antony; his sister was pg 161at this time married to P. Lentulus Sura, one of the conspirators; see below. C. Marcius Figulus was called Minucius Thermus before being adopted by the Marcii. Another C. Marcius Figulus was consul in 162 and 156.

17.3 senators: the presence of senators in Catiline's conspiracy suggests that Catiline's appeal was surprisingly broad. Cicero (Cat. 1 passim) also alludes to this problem in the First Catilinarian, when justifying his own hesitation in acting immediately in October 63.

P. Lentulus Sura: perhaps the most important conspirator; he was a member of the gens Cornelia (as was Sulla); praetor 74, consul in 71, praetor for the second time in 63, he had been expelled from the Senate by censors in 70. He will be the leader of the conspirators in Rome after Catiline leaves. He was executed for his part in the conspiracy.

P. Autronius: P. Autronnius Paetus was a friend of Cicero and his colleague in the quaestorship for 75. He was elected consul in 66 but convicted of electoral bribery. He was convicted of violence and banished.

L. Cassius Longinus: a member of a noble plebeian family; he was praetor with Cicero in 66, and a candidate for the consulship, again with Cicero, in 64 but lost the election. According to Cicero, he joined Catiline's conspiracy and persuaded the Allobroges to join it. He was not captured on 3 December.

C. Cethegus: a patrician from the gens Cornelia and a relatively young man. In the arson and slaughter Catiline planned for December, he was to attack and kill Cicero. He was executed.

P. and Ser. Sulla, sons of Servius: the father, Servius, may have been the brother of Sulla, the dictator. Both sons were tried and banished in 62. This P. Sulla is not the consul-designate of 66 whom Cicero defended.

L. Vargunteius: he may have been involved in the so-called 'first conspiracy' of 66 and in 63 he volunteered to help murder Cicero. He was charged with electoral corruption in 66 and convicted. He was tried for violence in 62 and banished.

Q. Annius: Cicero says that a Q. Annius Chilo was instrumental in soliciting the Allobroges. If 'Q. Annius' is the same man, he was not arrested in December, but was condemned to death in absentia by the Senate on 5 December.

M. Porcius Laeca: a member of Cato's family, the gens Porcia, and is chiefly known for the fact that the crucial meeting of the conspirators just before Cicero's First Catilinarian Speech, when they planned to murder Cicero, took place at his house on the scythe-makers' street. He was condemned for violence and banished.

L. Bestia: L. Calpurnius Bestia, as tribune of the plebs in 62, would have taken office on 10 December 63. He was supposed to give the signal for arson and slaughter in Rome by giving a speech attacking Cicero (43.1). pg 162He may have been one of the tribunes who harassed Cicero in the final days of his consulship for killing Roman citizens.

17.4 Q. Curius: Cicero's chief informant (see ch. 23); he was a member of the gens Curia, whose most famous ancestor was Manius Curius Dentatus, consul in 290. He had lost his seat in the Senate in 70 (see 23.1).

from the equestrian order: M. Fulvius Nobilior is not identified with any other known person of this name. The gens Fulvia was a noble plebeian family, but they had not produced a consul since 125 bc. L. Statilius was one of the five conspirators executed while Cicero was consul. He was in charge of arson at Rome (see 43.2). P. Gabinius Capito is named by Cicero as 'the most wicked deviser of all sorts of crimes'; he is involved with the Allobroges at 40.6 and is mentioned as one of those executed at 55.5. C. Cornelius was another member of the gens Cornelia but from the plebeian branch of the family. He and Vargunteius volunteered to murder Cicero (28.1). He was convicted of violence.

17.5 aristocrats at home: local aristocrats would have influence in Rome by virtue of personal ties with Roman aristocrats.

17.7 M. Licinius Crassus: thought to be the richest man in Rome; he plays a shadowy role throughout Sallust. He was consul with Pompey in 70 and, together with Caesar and Pompey, would form the first triumvirate in 59 bc; he was consul again in 55 and died in 54 fighting the Parthians. Both he and Pompey had served with Sulla. When Crassus defeated Spartacus, Pompey claimed credit. Relations between the two men were always uneasy.

a great army: in 66 Pompey had been given an extraordinary command over Asia, Cilicia, and Bithynia in order to prosecute the Third Mithridatic War.

18.1 a few men likewise conspired: most modern scholars do not accept this story of a first conspiracy: 'a tissue of improbabilities' (Syme). It appears that something happened in 66: it involved Autronius and Sulla (elected to the consulship of 65 but then convicted of bribery); it may also have involved the tribune C. Manilius, whose trial for extortion was broken up by mob violence on 29 December 66. This violence may also explain the fact that the Senate voted a bodyguard for the consuls of 65. Catiline may have been involved in the violence, but it is unlikely that there was a conspiracy or, if there was, that Catiline had been involved. Nevertheless, the story fits Sallust's narrative and ancient psychological assumptions: Catiline had been a revolutionary at heart since Sulla's domination; therefore, he was always planning to take over the government.

18.2 as accurately as I can: Sallust's introductory language suggests that even for him the evidence was not complete or detailed.

L. Tullus: L. Volcacius Tullus, consul in 66, was the magistrate who refused to allow Catiline to stand for the consulship in 66 on the grounds that he was accused of abusing his power while governor in Africa.

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M'. Lepidus: M'. Aemilius Lepidus, a patrician of little importance. During Caesar's civil war, he refused to leave Italy with Pompey and retired to his villa to await the outcome.

P. Sulla: not the same Sulla as that mentioned above at 17.3. This P. Sulla was indicted in 62 for taking part in the Catilinarian conspiracy and defended by Cicero. He married Pompey's sister and fought with Caesar during the civil war. He died in 46.

18.3 arraigned under bribery laws and fined: the penalties for a conviction under the bribery laws included forfeiture of the consulship and loss of one's seat in the Senate.

18.4 the legal deadline: Catiline had been propraetor in Africa and was tried for extortion, that is, for illegally taking money from the subjects and allies of Rome. It is most likely that he was barred from the supplementary election of 66, the election that was necessary after Autronius and Sulla had been convicted. It is unclear whether Catiline actually stood trial in 66 or in 65. It seems that at the time he was barred from candidacy he was only under threat of prosecution. If so, the consul may have disqualified Catiline without any clear legal precedent. The legal deadline, however, may refer to the original election, one that Catiline may have missed because he did not return from Africa in time. If so, the consul used a technicality to prevent Catiline's name from appearing.

Cn. Piso: Cn. Calpurnius Piso, quaestor in 65, enemy of Pompey; he was sent as quaestor pro praetore to govern Nearer Spain.

18.5 around 5 December: the dates are suspect and recorded differently in other authors; Sallust does not usually pay close attention to precise chronology.

kill the consuls: one wonders why Catiline would kill the consuls elect. His complaint was against Volcacius Tullus, who had disqualified his candidacy. Furthermore, at his trial in 65 he was supported by a number of consulars, including the consul L. Torquatus, whom (according to Sallust) he had planned to kill. Even Cicero thought of defending Catiline. These details make the conspiracy, as related, quite unlikely.

on 1 January: Cicero (Cat. 1.15) says that Catiline appeared armed in the Forum on 29 December 66. There were riots, but they seem to have been connected with Manilius' bill to give Pompey extraordinary powers. The new consuls entered office on 1 January.

18.6 the two Spanish provinces: these provinces, Nearer Spain and Further Spain, were created in 197 bc.

18.7 5 February: no other source speaks of a continuation of the original plot.

18.8 the signal too soon: in other versions of a single plot, the coup fails because Crassus failed to appear and Caesar did not give the signal.

19.2 quaestor with praetorian powers: at this time a province was normally administered by an ex-consul or an ex-praetor; he would be aided by a pg 164quaestor. If the governor died or left before his term was over, his quaestor took over as a propraetor. Piso would have been sent to Spain as 'acting governor' because the province was without a governor.

19.2 a bitter enemy of Pompey: again, Crassus appears in conflict with Pompey. In the period 66–62 the absence of Pompey, his extraordinary commands, and his inevitable homecoming with a victorious army was on everyone's mind; there were references to the similar homecoming of Sulla. Crassus might easily have supported Piso without supporting the so-called conspiracy.

19.5 oldclients of Pompey: these would be supporters who had become loyal to Pompey during his command in their province against Sertorius, 76–72.

never before perpetrated any such crime: in fact, L. Piso Frugi had been killed as propraetor in Spain in 112 bc.

20.1 just mentioned: Sallust returns to the narrative that he left after ch. 17. The time according to Sallust's narrative is early in June 64, just before the consular elections for 63.

20.9 How much longer are we still going to put up with this: some hear in this phrase an echo of the opening to Cicero's First Catilinarian Speech ('How much longer still, Catiline, will you abuse our patience?') and find a tendentious imitation of Cicero in Catiline's words. It has been argued, however, that this kind of impatient redundancy ('how much longer still') was characteristic of Catiline. In this case, Sallust would imitate Catiline for verisimilitude, not Cicero to mock him.

20.11 levelling the mountains: Sallust has Catiline repeat some of his own criticisms of contemporary Rome; see above, ch. 13, and note. While this does not justify Catiline's conspiracy, it does complicate our understanding of the context.

21.2 clean slates: the tablets on which debts were recorded would be wiped clean. Catiline is the first to propose cancellation of debts by armed revolt rather than by legislation. It is not, however, easy to separate his legislative programme as consul from his military programme, since the consulship entailed both civil and military authority.

proscription of the wealthy: Sulla's proscriptions were notorious and inform both Catiline's programme and fears of it. Sulla eliminated his enemies by offering a bounty for their murder: their names were published on lists put in public places, a reward was offered for information leading to their death, and the murderer was allowed to keep part of the property. New names would be added as suggested by Sulla's followers.

21.3 Piso: see above, ch. 19. We do not know when Piso was killed, but we do know that he was dead by the time of Catiline's speech.

P. Sittius Nucerinus: a banker who had lent a large sum of money to the king of Mauretania and so may have been visiting Mauretania. He did not have an army until several years later, after he had gone into exile pg 165in Africa to avoid prosecution. It was a private mercenary army, which supported Caesar in the civil war.

C. Antonius: C. Antonius Hybrida, praetor with Cicero in 66, became Cicero's co-consul in 63. He had attempted to form a coalition with Catiline against Cicero, and Cicero purchased his support by exchanging proconsular provinces (26.4). He led the Roman army against Catiline although he did not himself participate in the final battle (see 59.4). In 59 he was prosecuted for oppression in Macedonia, convicted, and exiled. In 42 he became censor.

22.3 the hatred that later rose up against him: it was illegal for a Roman magistrate to enforce a capital penalty on a Roman citizen without allowing an appeal to the people. In 58 Cicero went into exile when Clodius (tribune of the plebs that year) passed a law threatening exile for anyone who executed a Roman citizen without a trial. At the centre of this legal and constitutional issue is the Senate's 'final decree': did it merely advise the consul to take all steps necessary to protect the Republic, or did it give him constitutional authority to inflict capital punishment?

23.1 censors had removed from the Senate: in 70 bc the censors, probably Cn. Lentulus and L. Gellius, purged the Senate, removing, among others, Cicero's colleague in 63, C. Antonius, P. Cornelius Lentulus, and Q. Curius.

23.3 Fulvia: otherwise unknown.

23.5 entrust the consulship to Cicero: this is unlikely as the sole reason for Cicero's success: he led the poll with the support of all citizen voting blocks. His opponents were: two members of old aristocratic families (Catiline and P. Sulpicius Galba), two plebeian nobles (C. Antonius and L. Cassius Longinus), and two other candidates from senatorial families (Q. Cornificius and C. Licinius Sacerdos). It is more likely that his success depended upon his skill as an advocate, his connections with leading members of the towns and Senate, and his contacts among the mercantile class.

23.6 'new man': in the previous 150 years only ten consuls had been elected from non-senatorial families, and Cicero was the first since C. Coelius Caldus (consul in 94).

24.1 M. Tullius: M. Tullius Cicero, known to English-speakers as Cicero. A Roman was typically known by his praenomen and his nomen; the two together were used in the formal address of the Senate to a senator or magistrate.

24.2 more agitated daily: Sallust leaves out of his account the fact that after the elections of 64 Catiline was indicted for his part in the Sullan proscriptions. He was tried before Caesar, supported by many ex-consuls, and acquitted. It would seem that his revolutionary plans were not well known at that time.

Manlius: C. Manlius, a veteran from Sulla's army. He had profited from Sulla's proscriptions but had lost his wealth. He was the leader of other pg 166Sullan colonists from Arretium and Faesulae. He took up arms on 27 October 63, before the Catilinarian conspirators meet at Laeca's house on 6 November to receive their orders (see 30.1). This suggests that he was acting independently of Catiline, although from many of the same motives.

24.4 the urban slaves: compare Catiline's response to Lentulus' suggestion that he enlist slaves (44), and his refusal to allow slaves to join his army (56.5). The memory of Spartacus' revolt was still fresh and terrifying.

25.1 Sempronia: from the family of the Sempronii, a family that included among their ancestors the Gracchi. Her husband was D. Junius Brutus, consul in 77 (see below, 40.5), and one of her sons was the Decimus Brutus who assassinated Caesar.

26.1 the following year: Catiline stood in 63 for the consulship of 62. Sallust leaves out the events following the election of 64.

Antonius: Cicero's co-consul; on his character, see 21.3.

26.4 an agreement about provinces: the consular provinces for the year were Gaul and Macedonia. Cicero agreed to take the inferior province, Gaul, although Macedonia had fallen to him by lot. We do not know when he reached this agreement with Antonius or when Antonius ceased to be an ally of Catiline. Cicero tells us that Catiline claimed the support of Antonius while canvassing for the consulship in 64 (tog. cand.) and Cassius Dio says that Antonius met with the conspirators as late as November 63 (37.30.3). Cicero, on the other hand, did not seem eager to take a province as early as January 63 (Leg. Agr. 1.26).

26.5 election day came: normally the elections would be held in July. Cicero had the elections postponed, either because Catiline had uttered threats against the state or, more likely, against Cicero himself. We do not know how long the delay was. On the election day Cicero appeared in the Campus Martius wearing armour to dramatize the danger that Catiline presented to the state and to himself, the consul. Later he claimed that Catiline was defeated as a response to this putative threat. D. Junius Silanus (see 50.4) and L. Licinius Murena were elected consuls for 63.

27.1 to Faesulae: at 24.2 Manlius is already at Faesulae and appears to be acting independently. Sallust seems uncertain about when Manlius became Catiline's subordinate.

Septimius of Camerinum: nothing further is known about Septimius; Camerinum is a town of Umbria near Picenum.

C. Julius: otherwise unknown.

27.3 M. Porcius Laeca: introduced in 17.3. Sallust puts this meeting before the Senate passes its 'final decree'. The narrative is different in Cicero. On 21 October he warned of danger to the state and predicted Manlius' uprising on 27 October; the Senate then gave him the authority of their 'final decree'. The conspirators met at Laeca's house on the night of 5/6 November; two men tried to murder Cicero on the morning of pg 1677 November and that day or the next Cicero convened the Senate at the Temple of Jupiter and delivered the First Catilinarian.

27.4 in the dead of night: we know from Cicero's speech for P. Sulla that the night was that of 6/7 November.

28.1 L. Vargunteius: Cicero in the First Catilinarian speaks of two equites (1.9). He names Cornelius as one (Sull. 18.9). No other source mentions the senator Vargunteius, although Cicero does connect him with Catiline (Sull. 6.67). Plutarch says that the second assassin was named Marcius (Cic. 16.2); Appian says it was a Lentulus (B. Civ. 2.3)

ceremonial visit: early in the morning clients and others would visit important men to greet them and accompany them to the Forum.

28.4 they had lost all their fields and property: land was taken from peasants in Etruria and Campania to settle Sulla's veterans upon his return from the east.

Meanwhile in Etruriaappetite and extravagance: this brief paragraph can be seen as summarizing the economic and political difficulties that played into Catiline's hands. Sulla had punished Etruria for its allegiance to Marius by land confiscations for more than 100,000 veterans. At his death, Lepidus led an uprising of the disaffected, who themselves represented a problem going back to the land redistribution programmes of the Gracchi. In the years between Sulla and Catiline many of Sulla's veterans lost or wasted their resources and so added to the problem of the urban poor and the disaffected. Attempts to address problems like this through reforms failed, from the Gracchi down to the land laws of Augustus.

29.2 before the Senate: we know from the First Catilinarian that Cicero reported to the Senate on 21 October.

29.3 Let the consuls prevent any damage to the Republic: this decree, often cited as 'the final decree of the Senate', was used at various times in the late Republic to ward off what the Senate considered deadly threats to the state. It appears that this is the exact wording of the decree.

Otherwiseno right to any of these actions: it is generally thought that the Senate's decree was only advisory. One should note, however, that Caesar, in his speech at ch. 51, does not object that capital punishment for the conspirators is illegal, only that it sets a bad precedent. Nevertheless, actions taken under this decree's authority still required a legal defence. Since Roman law did not allow a magistrate to kill or exile a Roman citizen without a trial, Cicero argued that when the law was impotent, extra-legal action was necessary, that the debate about the conspirators in the Senate constituted a trial, and that his action was taken at the behest of the Senate; he also argued that by taking action against the state the conspirators became enemies of the state (hostes) and relinquished their rights as citizens.

30.1 L. Saenius: otherwise unknown.

pg 168

30.3 Capua and Apulia: we hear at 46.3 that Lentulus had been sent to Apulia to stir up the slaves. Slave revolts and rumours of slave revolts were a frequent cause of alarm in the late Republic.

Q. Marcius Rex: consul in 68, proconsul in Cilicia in 67. In 63 he was still waiting for a triumph he had earned in 67. He died before celebrating a triumph.

Q. Metellus Creticus: consul in 69, proconsul in Crete and Achaea 68–65. The family of the Metelli were very important in the late Republic: they held six consulships in fifteen years at the end of the second century and five consulships in the 60s and 50s. As proconsul (68), Q. Metellus brought Crete under Roman control; hence, the cognomen Creticus. He waited four years for his triumph, which he finally celebrated in 62.

30.5 The praetorsCeler: Q. Pompeius Rufus was praetor in 63, proconsul in Africa in 61; Cicero praises his moderation and integrity. Q. Metellus Celer was Praetor in 63. He had been legate under Pompey. In Picenum he raised an army and blocked Catiline's way north with three legions. He became the proconsular governor of Cisalpine Gaul when Cicero relinquished the province in 62. He became consul in 60.

30.7 sestertia: a sestertius, or sesterce, was a small silver coin; 1,000 sesterces made up one sestertia, HS. The Senate here offers 100,000 sesterces = 100 sestertia. It is difficult to compare the value of coins across different cultures divided by centuries; however, some figures may be useful: the poor paid 2 sestertia a year in rent in the city of Rome; Caesar gave his soldiers a military bonus of 24 sestertia; 400 sestertia was the minimum requirement for membership in the equestrian order. By any standard, the Senate's reward was substantial.

gladiatorial troops: gladiators were maintained in 'schools', where they were trained and supervised. Each trainer had a 'troop' (or 'family'). An individual might use them for purposes of protection or to threaten violence. It is odd to send gladiators to Capua at a time of unrest.

minor magistrates: aediles, tribunes, quaestors, and all others below the higher magistrates, the consuls, censors, and praetors.

31.4 He was arraigned by L. Paulus under the lex Plautia: L. Aemilius Paulus, consul in 50, was the brother of Lepidus the triumvir; later he was proscribed by the triumvirs and allowed to go into exile. For the Plautian law, the lex Plautia de vi, see Glossary. This is its first mention in the ancient sources. The date of this arraignment is not known. Catiline offered to hand himself over to the custody first of Lepidus, then Cicero and Metellus Celer; all turned him down. Finally he turned himself over to a certain M. Metellus. One may surmise that the evidence against him was not strong; he had not, after all, done anything yet.

31.7 published: Sallust refers to the First Catilinarian, one of four speeches Cicero delivered during this crisis. It was delivered before the Senate in the Temple of Jupiter on either 7 or 8 November, just after the attempt on his life. It is often said that Sallust denigrates Cicero's importance pg 169during these events. If that were so, it would be a great insult to the man who largely defined his practical political contributions to Rome in terms of his success in putting down this conspiracy. It is hard to decide whether Sallust's recognition of Cicero's brilliance and importance here is sufficient to countervail the fact that he does ignore Cicero's contributions elsewhere.

a rental resident citizen of the city of Rome: an insulting reference to the fact that Cicero was the first in his family to attain the consulship. Such an achievement was relatively rare, and men who succeeded were called 'new men'. By referring to Cicero as a 'tenant' or 'rental resident' Catiline implies that he has no deep roots in or commitment to Rome.

31.9 I'll extinguish my inferno with a general demolition: the language is metaphoric and ominous. Literally, he refers to the practice of containing a fire (the inferno) by destroying the buildings around it (the general demolition). However, the term for fire (incendium) may be used metaphorically for bankruptcy and financial ruin ('he got burned'), while the term for the destruction of buildings (ruina) may refer to the destruction of the entire city. According to Cicero, this remark was made in July of 63 to the younger Cato when Catiline was threatened with prosecution.

33.1 according to ancestral custom: a law of 326 bc stated that a Roman citizen could not be imprisoned for debt; presumably Catiline's reference to 'personal freedom' refers to violations of this law. At this time interest rates were also regulated and limited to 12 per cent, although there are references in Cicero's letters to a loan at 48 per cent and in Horace's Satires to those who charge five times the legal rate.

33.2 the urban praetor: Q. Caecilius Metellus Celer (see first note on 30.5) may have been the urban praetor in 63. His edict at the beginning of the year would have determined the regulations governing jurisprudence in his courts. Cicero refers to the problems caused by the urban praetor in 63: men were threatening his tribunal (Cat. 1.32) and Cicero even goes so far as to mock those who will fall not only if he shows them the Roman army's battle line but even if he shows them the praetor's edict (Cat. 2.5). Some modified form of imprisonment for debt seems to have remained a legal option to insure payment according to Cicero and the lex Rubria; see A. H. J. Greenidge, Legal Procedure of Cicero's Time (Oxford, 1901), 279.

ancestors pitiedthe resourceless: a law in 367 allowed interest paid to be deducted from the principal; in 342 interest was temporarily prohibited; and in 217 the value of the denarius was inflated to make it easier to pay off loans.

within our own lifetime: the lex Valeria of 86 allowed loans to be paid off for one-quarter of the principal; since a silver sestertius was worth four bronze asses, it amounted to allowing debtors to pay off silver with bronze.

33.4 seceded from the senatorial fathers: the language opposes the plebeians to the patricians. There were three secessions that we know about: in 494 bc pg 170the plebs seceded to the Mons Sacer because of the severity of creditors; in the second in 449 they seceded to the Aventine Hill in response to abuses of power by Appius Claudius; and the last in 287 to the Janiculum was to protest debt. The last resulted in the lex Hortensia, which gave the plebs the right to pass laws (plebiscites) in the plebeian assembly.

34.1 no one had ever sought their help in vain: a rhetorical claim that is patently untrue; see the opening chapters of The Jugurthine War for the Senate's failure to help Adherbal.

34.2 Marseilles: Massilia, a colony that was at this time technically a sovereign state; as a result, it could become the refuge for men exiled from Rome, for instance, Milo in 52 when he was convicted for the murder of Clodius, and Verres in 70 when convicted by Cicero for extortion.

34.3 Q. Catulus: Q. Lutatius Catulus, consul in 78, a conservative leader of the opposition to Pompey during the years of his extraordinary commands. Earlier in 63 Caesar had defeated him for the office of pontifex maximus; this may explain his efforts to implicate Caesar in Catiline's conspiracy (see 49.1–2).

35.1 experience: perhaps an allusion to Catulus' support when the Vestal Virgin Fabia was accused of adultery with Catiline. See note on 15.1.

35.2 new course of action: in the Latin, Catiline refers to a novum consilium, 'a new plan', which could refer to his apparent change of plans and decision to go into exile or to his revolutionary plans (in Latin, novum, 'new', often refers to revolutionary change).

35.3 the dignified status I deserve: literally, 'the status that accords with my dignity'. 'Dignity' (dignitas) was an important concept in the Republic: it referred to the worth and prestige that attached to a man either because of his own deeds or because of his family's importance; it was, in this sense, like 'nobility', an inheritance and an achievement. Catiline's ancestors, the Sergii, were an old aristocratic family and, as such, would confer 'dignity' upon their members; Catiline, however, had failed to live up to that family 'dignity', though it was on his mind, even as he died; see 60.7. Another important instance of 'dignity' in the late Republic is Caesar's claim that he started the civil war to defend his 'dignity'—a reference both to what he had achieved as a general and what he was owed in return.

I have publicly taken up the cause of the poor: after his failure to win the consulship in 64 he promoted a political programme that would relieve debt; at a public gathering in 63 he declared himself 'the leader and standard bearer of the impoverished' (Cicero, Mur. 50).

men of no worth: that is, men without (inherited) dignity, men, like Cicero, who did not come from the nobility.

36.1 C. Flaminius: not otherwise known.

Arretium: a town in northern Etruria through which Catiline would pass on his way to Faesulae.

pg 171

36.2 signs of military authority: twelve lictors with fasces, a curule chair, the military cloak and a sword. Catiline was therefore looking and acting like a magistrate sent out with an army by the Senate.

enemies of the state: such a declaration was implicit in the Senate's emergency decree, but it becomes explicit and precise by this decree. The decree meant that a state of war existed between the state and its enemies. There were legal implications: if the conspirators were 'enemies of the state', arguably they could not be 'citizens'.

36.5 two decrees that were passed by the Senate: at 30.6, Sallust records that the Senate offered a reward for information about the conspiracy; and, just above, at 36.2, the Senate offers a pardon to any who lay down their arms.

37.4 the urban plebs: the plebs were separated into the 'urban plebs' and the 'county or agrarian plebs'; each group had different needs and suffered from different circumstances.

37.6 common soldiers had become senators: we know of only one, a centurion named L. Fufidius. Sulla replenished the Senate, which he had helped to deplete, and increased its membership from 300 to 600, but he probably appointed new senators from the equestrian class.

37.9 their freedom diminished: one of Sulla's laws prohibited the sons of the proscribed from holding public office. The law was finally abrogated by Caesar in 49.

37.11 Thisevil: the preference of public turmoil to senatorial ascendancy (or the diminished power of those who opposed the Senate) hinges upon the power of the tribunes: they acted as a check on the abuses (and uses) of senatorial power.

38.1 tribunician powerduring the consulship of Pompey and Crassus: Sulla had diminished tribunicial power by his reforms in the late 80s: he limited the tribunes' right of veto, prevented their initiating legislation, and barred them from holding further offices. By 75, the bar on holding other offices was lifted. Pompey and Crassus, consuls in 70, restored their unrestrained right of veto and their ability to initiate legislation.

39.1 Mithridates: this was the Third Mithridatic War; see 16.5 and note. Pompey was away from Rome from 67 to 62. During this period the Senate attempted to secure its position partly out of fear of Pompey's return.

39.5 someone more powerful: some believe that Sallust has in mind the danger presented by Pompey, Crassus, and Caesar. Sallust, however, is speaking more generally: he says 'those who attained the victory', and it is not clear that he thinks that a first victory by Catiline would have led to a final victory. He imagines a hypothetical future of two events: first, brutal war that would have been the outcome of Catiline's initial success, caused in part by others who would have joined the conspiracy; second, a brutal exchange of power regardless of who won that first war.

pg 172

39.5 Fulvius: neither the son nor the father is otherwise attested.

40.1 P. Umbrenus: Cicero (Cat. 3.14) tells us he was a freedman and that he introduced the Allobrogian ambassadors to Gabinius. He is not mentioned among the conspirators at ch. 17, at least in part because he was not a senator or an eques.

Allobrogian ambassadors: the Allobroges were a Celtic tribe that lived in Transalpine Gaul in the foothills of the Alps. They were conquered in 121 bc by Q. Fabius Maximus. In 64 L. Murena (consul in 62) was governor and apparently made their financial situation worse by helping Roman creditors collect debts. The ambassadors were in Rome to seek relief.

40.5 D. Brutus: D. Junius Brutus (consul in 77), husband of Sempronia (see 25.1) and father of the D. Brutus who helped assassinate Julius Caesar.

40.6 Gabinius: see 17.4 and note. As a freedman, Umbrenus would not have much influence; Gabinius was an eques and so would lend more weight to the plan.

they promised to help: Cicero tells us that they were asked to start a revolt and to provide Catiline with horses.

41.2 certain rewards: the Senate voted the ambassadors special rewards on 4 December; see 50.1.

41.4 Q. Fabius Sanga: his name suggests that he is a descendant of Q. Fabius Maximus Allobrogicus, the man who conquered the Allobroges. It would be typical for the Fabii to become patrons and representatives of the tribes their ancestor had conquered.

42.3 C. Murena: brother of L. Licinius Murena, who had left Transalpine Gaul to stand for the consulship in 63. Sallust is in error when he says that C. Murena was in Cisalpine Gaul.

43.1 Aefula: the manuscripts, which read Faesulanum, are corrupt or Sallust is in error. In 36.2 Catiline goes to Manlius' camp in Faesulae; his plan was to march to Rome from Faesulae, 32.2. The emendation attempts to designate an area near to Rome, which seems required by the sense.

their individual tasks: Cicero says that the massacre and arson were planned for the Saturnalia, 17 December, when everyone would be relaxed and no one vigilant. However, since it was illegal to conduct public business on the day of a public festival, Bestia's speech would have been planned for 16 December, a day on which we know it was legal to address the people.

44.3 T. Volturcius: all that we know about this man comes from Sallust, here and at 45.4.

44.4 a copy of which: Cicero also quotes this letter (Cat. 3.12). The content is the same; the wording slightly different.

45.1 the praetorsC. Pomptinus: L. Valerius Flaccus was son of the consul suffectus in 86 who replaced Marius when he died in office and the author of law referred to at 33.2 which allowed debts to be paid off with pg 173one-quarter of the principal. The son was the urban praetor, later governor of Asia, defended by Cicero against charges of extortion. C. Pomptinus replaced C. Murena in Transalpine Gaul in 62 and repressed a rebellion by the Allobroges in 61. We know of a Pomptinus who served as legate with Crassus in the war against Spartacus; this may be the same man.

Mulvian Bridge: about 3 miles north of the Forum, where the Via Flaminia crosses the Tiber.

46.1 When it was over: according to Cicero's report in the Third Catilinarian, this would have been about three or four in the morning of 3 December.

46.3 stiffened his resolve: Sallust does not tell us that he consulted with his brother and with P. Nigidius Figulus (Plutarch, Cic. 20.2).

Caeparius of Terracina: Cicero confirms his role in the conspiracy. He and P. Gabinius recruited T. Volturcius (47.1). He was arrested on the Mulvian Bridge and put to death on 5 December.

46.6 Temple of Harmony: the familiar name, the Temple of Concord, seems to me to obscure the irony and the thematic importance of this reference. At the foot of the Capitoline Hill, the temple overlooked the Forum. It was built in 367 to celebrate the reconciliation after the first secession of the plebs; it was rebuilt in 121 by L. Opimius (consul in 121) after the murder of C. Gracchus. The reader may recall that according to Sallust it was harmony (6.2, 9.1) that initially created a great state from a diverse population.

summoned the Senate: Cicero appointed four senators to keep a written record of the proceedings at this meeting and also at the meeting on 4 and 5 December. This did not become regular practice until 59 bc. On this occasion, Cicero had the record published throughout Italy.

47.2 Sibylline books: a collection of oracles kept in the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus. They appear to have prescribed the proper response to crises and were consulted only in times of emergency. In 83 bc they were destroyed in a fire in the temple. The Senate commissioned a new collection based on sources in Asia and Italy. There were many forgeries current and Lentulus presumably had found this prophecy in one of them.

three Cornelii: the first was L. Cornelius Cinna, who opposed Sulla and held the consulship from 78 to 84; the second was L. Cornelius Sulla, the dictator (see ch. 5.6). P. Cornelius Lentulus Sura hoped to be the third member of the Cornelii to rule in Rome.

burning of the Capitol: on 6 July 83, as Sulla invaded Italy, the Temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline was burned; Sulla began the rebuilding which was completed after his death by Q. Lutatius Catulus (consul in 78) in 69 bc.

47.4 'free custody': a literal translation of the Latin, referring to the tradition of placing prominent citizens who were awaiting trial in the custody of another prominent citizen in order to guarantee their appearance in court.

pg 174

47.4 Q. Cornificius: one of the six men who ran for the consulship in 64, which means that he would have been praetor in 66 or before.

C. Caesar: i.e. C. Julius Caesar. He may have supported Catiline for the consulship in 64. As praetor designate, he will give the first of the two speeches that Sallust reports in the Senate on 5 December to decide the fate of the conspirators.

Cn. Terentius: otherwise unknown.

48.3 L. Tarquinius: otherwise unknown.

48.7 such an important matter: in this extraordinary passage, Sallust refuses to arrive at a precise judgement about Crassus. Instead, he gives us the reasons why we will never know if Crassus was involved. The investigation itself examines the cause of something that may not have happened.

49.1 C. Piso: C. Calpurnius Piso (consul in 67) opposed Pompey's extraordinary powers and laws to check bribery. As candidate for the consulship he avoided a prosecution with a huge bribe. After his consulship, he was governor of Cisalpine Gaul.

49.2 a certain Transpadane: a person from beyond the river Po. Most inhabitants of Cisalpine Gaul had received citizenship in 89, which protected them from summary execution. The Transpadanes had only a limited form of citizenship. Caesar and Crassus supported efforts to make them full citizens. When Piso returned from his governorship in Cisalpine Gaul, he was prosecuted for extortion and murder by Caesar and defended by Cicero. Caesar's position in this trial would have gained support for him in northern Italy.

49.3 just a young man: Caesar was 37 or 39 at the time, relatively young to be pontifex maximus; Catulus was about 57 (he died in 61). See 34.3.

50.3 convened the Senate: Sallust is not specific about the date or place. The meeting took place in the Temple of Harmony on the Capitoline Hill on 5 December. This was the occasion of Cicero's Fourth Catilinarian.

50.4 D. Junius Silanus: he was married to the half-sister of Cato, Servilia, the mother of M. Brutus, the assassin of Caesar.

first asked his opinion: it was the custom at this time to ask the consuls designate to open discussion of an issue before the Senate, no doubt because the immediate consequences of any decision would fall upon them. Next, the discussion would fall to ex-consuls, praetors elect, ex-praetors, and so on. The presiding consul, however, could determine the order of debate. At this time, after Silanus and Murena, the consuls designate, spoke, fourteen ex-consuls agreed with Silanus' motion. Cassius Dio reports that all who spoke between Caesar and Cato supported Caesar, although Cicero recalls that the motion in favour of punishment had been unanimously supported by all except Caesar.

P. Furius: not previously mentioned. Cicero identifies him as a Sullan colonist from Faesulae who was involved in the Allobrogian affair.

pg 175

they must pay the penalty: the penalty is 'capital punishment', but that could mean either banishment or death. The expression is itself tendentious: the discussion is about exactly what 'the penalty' is or should be.

Ti. Nero: he served on Pompey's staff in 67 and had served as praetor before 63 (hence, he spoke after Caesar). We do not know how much later than Caesar Nero spoke. Appian (B. Civ. 2.5) has Nero speaking before Caesar (probably a misunderstanding of this very passage). In Appian, Nero proposes that the Senate wait until Catiline is defeated and an investigation can uncover more facts. This is interesting because Plutarch (Cic. 21) also reports that Caesar made the same proposal. It is unclear whether Caesar suggested life imprisonment (Cicero's 'eternal chains') or whether Sallust misunderstood Cicero's (exaggerated?) report.

51.1 All human beings who debate …: in form, the opening words of Caesar's speech recall Sallust's preface; the content (recommending dispassionate reason over a hasty emotional reaction) recalls the speech by Cato's great-grandfather, Cato the Censor, on how to respond to the Rhodians who had supported King Perses in his war against Rome.

conscript fathers: the term of formal address to the Senate. The epithet 'conscript' is not fully understood. Livy refers it to the fact that some senators were enrolled from among the plebeians after the expulsion of the kings: the name would be a conflation of patres et conscripti, 'fathers and the enrolled'. Others refer the name to a change in admission to the Senate from being automatic for any head of a patrician family to depending upon other criteria, such as electoral office.

51.5 the Macedonian War: the Third Macedonian War against Perses of Macedonia was brought to an end at the battle of Pydna by L. Aemilius Paulus (168 bc). The Rhodians had asked to mediate the conflict, but the war was concluded before they could reach Rome. The Senate interpreted this as a hostile act and debated declaring war on Rhodes. The elder Cato successfully opposed this proposal, arguing that the Romans should not react under the influence of emotions that made them arrogant and fierce; they should be patient, deliberate calmly, understand the Rhodian position, etc. That Caesar uses this example to argue a similar position against Cato the Younger, who modelled his own conservative severity upon his great-grandfather's reputation, is rich and can be unpacked as ironic on the part of Sallust, as rhetorical on the part of Caesar (either because he knew Cato would speak with his usual severity or because Sallust presents him in this context as pre-empting Cato), and as a reflection on how traditional Roman virtues (of severity and compassion) have become segregated and are at war with each other.

unpunished: not quite true; Rhodes was stripped of many of her holdings and a rival mercantile centre was created at Delos.

51.6 more for money than from injury: Caesar similarly says that he does not want to seem 'more restrained in matters of life and death than in matters of money' (B. Civ. 1.23).

pg 176

51.6 Punic Wars: Rome fought Carthage three times: 264–241, 218–201, and 149–146. These wars ended in the destruction of Carthage and Roman ascendancy throughout the Mediterranean.

many horrible crimes: there is not much evidence of this, although it is common in the rhetoric of war and self-justification.

never reciprocated: again, not quite true. Especially during the Third Punic War, the Romans got their way (which meant the destruction of Carthage) by guile and treachery, even forcing the Carthaginians into an impossible situation from which the war began. One might think that, just as the case of the Rhodians works against Cato's position, the case of Carthage might actually support Catonian severity: Cato the Elder was said to have ended every speech at this time with the phrase, 'Carthage must be destroyed!'

51.8 unprecedented course: in a conservative society, the unprecedented (the 'new') was potentially revolutionary, destabilizing, undesirable. There may be a veiled allusion here to repercussions.

exceeds our ingenuity: in a sense, the moral fabric of Sallust's view of civitas (a community of citizens) is at stake in this assertion. Sallust, in the preface, asserted that men should use their intellectual ability (ingenium); it is exactly this 'intellectual ability' (ingenia) that is translated here as 'ingenuity'.

established by law: the 'final decree' advised that the consuls take extralegal action. Caesar is asking that they refrain from such an extreme and, abiding by the lex Porcia and lex Sempronia laws (which allowed an appeal to the people and alternatives to extreme punishment), apply the legal penalties for treason and violence (normally interdiction from water and fire, i.e. exile). Caesar's objection, therefore, is not to the provisions of or the interpretation of the 'final decree' of the Senate, but to the potential abuses of the power conferred by that decree.

51.20 death is not a torture but a release from misery: Caesar introduces here an Epicurean argument that many have found unconvincing. It is, however, logical: if punishment is not merely a personal and passionate act of vengeance, then it should serve some purpose; if death is an end of suffering in this vale of tears, then death serves no larger punitive purpose. It may get rid of the malefactors, but does not punish them. If this is unconvincing, it is because we are still caught up in the emotions of fear and anger. It is because either intelligence does not find the right solution to the problem or we really do want to satisfy our emotions (vengeance), not our mind. Cato will respond by recalling the mythical punishments of the afterlife. The alignment of conservative politics, religious tradition, and capital punishment is one with a long history in the West.

51.22 lex Porcia: between 198 and 195 bc, three laws, leges Porciae, were introduced (see Glossary). We do not have precise information about them nor do we know which one Caesar has in mind. The name of these laws indicates that they were passed by a member of the gens Porcia, Cato's family.

pg 177

other laws: probably a reference to the lex Sempronia that forbade a capital verdict without the people's judgement.

51.29 after they conquered the Athenians: when Sparta defeated Athens in the Peloponnesian War (404 bc), they imposed an oligarchy of thirty known as the Thirty Tyrants to govern the city.

51.32 Damasippus: L. Junius Brutus Damasippus, praetor in 82, executed supporters of Sulla under orders from Marius (consul in 82), son of the older Marius (consul in 107, 104–100, and 87). In November 82 he was captured by Sulla and executed.

51.38 the Samnites: a Sabine tribe from whom the Romans adopted their javelin.

symbols of civil authority from the Etruscans: including lictors, fasces, the curule chair, and the purple-bordered toga.

51.39 the Greek custom: there is no reason to assume that the Romans adopted flogging and capital punishment from the Greeks.

51.42 virtue and wisdom: these are the same as the virtues that Sallust praises and recommends in his preface: virtue and wisdom act together giving virtue a prudent and intellectual dimension and lending to wisdom an ethical orientation and practical efficacy. See also 53.19.

51.43 there should be no consultationthe people: this implies life imprisonment, which was not a Roman penalty. Prisons were used to hold the accused before trial. Cicero refers to Caesar's proposal as 'eternal chains', which may be an exaggeration.

52.1 the other senators: at this point, Cicero as presiding magistrate would have given his speech, which we have today as the Fourth Catilinarian.

M. Porcius Cato: the younger Cato, the great-grandson of Cato the Censor (consul in 195, censor in 184). He was 32 at the time of the Catilinarian conspiracy and had yet to hold any curule magistracy. He spoke as tribune elect for 62, and so spoke late in the debate. Although a junior senator, his speech rallied the Senate by criticizing Silanus, praising Cicero, and attacking Caesar (who, he insinuated, had a personal interest in clemency for the conspirators). He became Caesar's intractable enemy and committed suicide at Utica in Africa in 46 bc rather than accept life under Caesar.

52.4 nothing left for the defeated: Sallust uses the same phrase at 11.7 to describe the action of Sulla's army when he took Rome.

52.7 often spoken: as mentioned above, Cato was a junior member of the Senate and had probably not participated much in senatorial debates. Either he exaggerates, or Sallust put in his mouth an anachronistic version of his role in the Senate.

extravagance and greed: Cato's great-grandfather similarly complained about 'extravagance and greed' while opposing the repeal of a sumptuary law in 195 bc.

pg 178

52.11 true names for things: Sallust takes up a topos familiar from Thucydides 3.82. There, Thucydides recounts that civil discord at Corcyra resulted in abuses of language. The topos is illustrated at 12.1 and 38.3 above.

52.22 other thingsby guilt nor craving: Cato's list of the causes of Roman success should be compared with Caesar's ('virtue and wisdom' at 51.42).

52.24 the Gauls, Rome's most bitter enemy: the Senones, a Gallic tribe, sacked Rome in 390 bc. Here, however, Cato refers to the Allobroges.

52.30 A. Manlius Torquatus: other sources give the name as Titus and record that the incident happened in the Latin War (340), not the Gallic War (361). The story is that as consul Manlius Torquatus wanted to restore traditional discipline in the army and ordered the death penalty for any man who left his post without permission. Manlius' son, seeing the enemy in a vulnerable position, forgot the regulation and engaged the enemy, won a victory, and brought the spoils to his father. Manlius summoned the legion, criticized his son for leaving his post, and handed him over for execution. The story is significant for Cato's position: not only does it demonstrate values that are the opposite of 'compassion and mercy' but it shows that ultimately Cato's position depends upon an objectification of the other in terms of the past ('what did they do?' 'who are they?') and the future ('what will they do?'), not upon the internal morality of the subject ('what should we do?' 'who are we?' 'what precedent do we set?').

52.36 those caught red-handed: a technical legal distinction. The right of appeal to the Roman people was not available to those who were caught 'in the act'; they could be summarily executed.

53.1 with his recommendation: Sallust's narrative speeds to the conclusion. He does not tell us that another motion was made calling for the confiscation of the conspirators' property. Cicero tells us that he put Cato's motion to a vote because it was the best statement of the position (Cicero, Att. 12.21). This would be the reason Sallust does not record Cicero's speech: Cato's motion was both the clearest and the one voted on.

54.3 not bribing: Suetonius (Iul. 19) tells us that Cato approved of bribery to support the election of Bibulus, Caesar's enemy and co-consul in 59.

55.1 three men: the tresviri were magistrates elected to help the aediles by maintaining the prison and carrying out executions.

55.3 Tullianum: the prison was between the Temple of Concord and the Senate house at the foot of the Capitoline. It had two chambers: the lower one, the Tullianum, was subterranean, although not originally (middle of the third century) built underground; the ground level had risen over the years. This was the death chamber. A second chamber was built at the end of the second century to serve as a detention room for those waiting for their sentences.

56.1 two legions: a consul commanded two legions, each one of which comprised 4,200–6,000 men. Catiline seems to be maintaining the appearance of a legitimate Roman consul.

pg 179

56.4 Antonius began to approach: Antonius would be coming from the south. Catiline moved around the area near Faesulae where Manlius' camp was. A senatorial army under Marcius Rex (see 30.3) was also in the area of Faesulae.

57.1 difficult mountains: it is likely that Antonius kept him from moving more easily across the plains.

Transalpine Gaul: presumably he was heading towards the Allobroges, who had yet to receive satisfaction from Rome with regard to their complaints.

57.2 in the Picene field: Metellus' headquarters were probably at Ariminum, north of Picenum; he could have moved north along the Via Aemilia in anticipation of Catiline's movements.

58.4 Lentulus': this portrayal of Lentulus agrees with Cicero (Cat. 3.16), who refers to him as 'the sleep of Lentulus'.

59.3 man from Faesulae: unknown.

colonists: if the manuscript reading is accurate, these may be Sullan colonists; an emendation of calonibus for colonis also seems reasonable and would mean 'attendants'.

C. Marius: Marius introduced a silver eagle as the standard for the Roman legion. In 102 bc the Cimbri and the Teutones invaded the Roman provinces. Marius defeated the Teutones in Gaul; Catulus defeated the Cimbri. We do not know why Catiline would have this eagle, but it is mentioned by Cicero as well and was apparently for him both a cherished souvenir and a sign of legitimacy.

59.4 M. Petreius: Petreius is praised by Cicero for his role in the fight; Antonius' seems to be treated with some mockery by Sallust. Afterwards, Petreius became Pompey's legate and fought against Caesar at Thapsus in 46. After defeat in that battle, he and King Juba arranged to have a duel, so that both would appear to have died a valiant death. Juba killed Petreius, and asked his slave to kill him.

59.5 insurgency: in Latin, tumultus, that is, a war in Italy or in Gaul which required a troop levy.

60.2 with hostile standards: the military standard was the sign of the Roman army in the field. Hostile standards, then, are an emblem of civil war. The sign of the Roman legion appears on both sides in this battle.

60.5 praetorian cohort: a special guard unit whose primary purpose was to guard the general's tent (praetorium).

THE JUGURTHINE WAR

1.2 merit: see note on virtue, C 2.7.

3.2 subjects: the Latin parentes could mean 'parents' or 'subjects'. 'Parents' would, of course, be absurd: how could one either correct abuses or be slaughtered by using force to rule one's parents? Nevertheless, parentes pg 180has within it an echo of the other meaning, 'parents'; and here the suggestion of using force against one's parent may be felt to add to the 'literal meaning' (it is dangerous to force subjects) another dimension: it is immoral and unnatural.

3.4 powerful interests of the few: elsewhere, especially in Catiline's Conspiracy, the paucorum potentia ('the power of the few') refers to the power and abuses of the ruling oligarchy. Here, it is not clear whether Sallust has in mind these abuses, which mainly postdate The Jugurthine War but which may be presaged in the work by references to pauci potentes ('the powerful few'), or the history of post-Sullan factionalism. If the latter, it is important to note that at the time Sallust was writing the J, the traditional oligarchy was being superseded. For this reason some feel that he must be referring to the second triumvirate and those who merely did their bidding. Given the general nature of Sallust's discussion, it is probably best not to connect this reference to any particular manifestation of 'the powerful interests of the few'.

4.3 idleness: the Latin term for 'business' is negotium, as in the English word 'negotiate' (to work things out). The opposite of negotium is otium, a word that can mean 'peace' or 'leisure' or 'freedom from business'. In its pejorative usages it refers to a moral flaw, laziness, indifference to the business of life or state.

4.4 to court and greet the people anddinner parties: a general reference to social activities that are part of a political campaign.

4.5 Q. Maximus: Q. Fabius Maximus Cunctator. Consul five times (233, 228, 215, 214, and 209), dictator twice (221, 217), and censor (230), he gained his epithet Cunctator ('The Delayer') because of his successful strategy in Italy against Hannibal in the Second Punic War. He became legendary for being tough, courageous, and stubborn.

P. Scipio: P. Cornelius Scipio. This could be either of two famous Scipios: (1) Africanus Maior (236–183), who received his cognomen Africanus because his strategy forced Hannibal's return to Africa, which resulted in Hannibal's defeat at Zama (202); or (2) P. Scipio Aemilianus (185–129), adopted by Africanus' oldest son, was consul in 146 and commanded the army that finally defeated and destroyed Carthage.

4.6 images of their ancestors: the Romans kept wax masks of their ancestors in the atrium of their houses. At funerals these masks were worn by actors who impersonated the ancestors.

5.4 the Second Punic War: see note on C 51.6 above. The Second Punic War was the great conflict with Hannibal, 218–201, during which Hannibal crossed the Alps with his elephants then spent several years plundering the Italian peninsula until eventually thwarted by Q. Fabius Maximus. The war was brought to an end at Zama.

Syphax: A Numidian chief who sided with the Carthaginians against the Romans. He was defeated in 203, pursued by Masinissa and handed over to Scipio at Cirta. Masinissa was rewarded with Syphax' kingdom.

pg 181

5.6 Micipsa: Masinissa had three sons who shared in ruling Numidia for a short time after his death (in 148). Micipsa was the oldest and was placed in charge of Cirta and the royal treasury. Gulassa was next in age and was put in charge of 'war and peace'; Mastanabal, who was interested in Greek culture and kept alive his father's contacts in the Greek world, was put in charge of justice. After the defeat of Carthage (146), the Numidian kings were rewarded for their help by Scipio: they received lands within the Roman province of Africa and what remained of the library of Carthage.

Mastanabal and Gulussa: they died shortly after their father between 146 and 139.

7.2 Numantia: a town in northern Spain on the river Douro. The Numantine War (154–133) ended when this town was taken by P. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, after a long and brutal siege, in 133 bc. The Roman victory put most of the Iberian peninsula under Roman control. The events Sallust refers to took place in 134.

9.3 immediately adopted him: if Micipsa 'immediately adopted' Jugurtha upon his return from Numantia, that would have taken place in 132. At 11.6, however, Hiempsal, shortly after Micipsa's death in 118, says that Jugurtha had come to power by adoption in the past three years. There is a discrepancy here of about eleven years. The chronological problem has not been solved.

9.4 after a few years: in fact, approximately fourteen years passed between Jugurtha's return in 132 and Micipsa's death in 118.

10.2 has new life: in 141 three hundred Numidian cavalry helped Fabius Servilianus; he was ambushed and forced into a treaty that Livy considered a stain on his record. It is not clear why Micipsa says that his family's name has been restored. His concern with family glory recalls Roman aristocratic concerns.

12.1 to divideamong themselves individually: Micipsa's plan was that they rule together (see the contrast between concord and discord in 10.6), not that they divide the kingdom. Partition of the country was difficult because of the uneven distribution of resources and population. Compare Masinissa's arrangements for Micipsa and his brothers in the note to 5.6.

12.3 Thirmida: no such town is attested in other ancient sources.

lictor: in Roman practice, the consul was attended by lictors, an official retinue that preceded him. They carried the fasces and stood beside him when he addressed the people; they cleared his path and had the power to arrest and punish. The 'closest lictor', the man who immediately preceded the consul, was a position of prestige.

13.4 the province: the Roman province of Africa, a territory created from Carthaginian territory in 146 bc.

13.7 former hosts: since Jugurtha had not been to Rome before, these must have been men who knew him at Numantia or who had met him in Numidia.

pg 182

13.7 power in the Senate at that time: the censorship of the following year, 116, suggests that there were some strong political disagreements at work in Roman politics at the time.

14.5 friendship: in international politics 'friendship' meant the reciprocal understanding that the two parties would maintain peaceful commerce and diplomatic relationships.

14.6 Masinissa: Masinissa established Numidia's connection with Rome during the Second Punic War. He was, however, Jugurtha's grandfather as well, and Jugurtha had himself served Rome at Numantia.

15.4 Aemilius Scaurus: M. Aemilius Scaurus, consul in 115; censor in 109. A patrician, whose family had not held office in three generations, he was born in 162 to a father who dealt in charcoal. He studied oratory and succeeded politically and financially. He appears to have supported L. Opimius (see note on 16.2) and to have been friends with the Metelli, which would have aligned him with the Senate and patrician interests.

15.5 polluted licence: that is, the pollution of their otherwise legal licence to act by bribery. Scaurus prevents the pollution of his aristocratic licence by refusing bribes.

typical self-indulgence: avarice.

16.2 ten legates: these would be relatively young men, indicating that the Senate did not consider the task a matter of great seriousness; compare the later embassy at 25.4 where Sallust specifies that the embassy was composed of 'older aristocrats'.

L. Opimius: as consul in 121, Opimius had been responsible for acting on the Senate's 'final decree', the first instance of this being passed (see Glossary). He had C. Gracchus, Fulvius Flaccus, and about 3,000 of their followers killed. He was tried the following year for these pre-emptive actions and acquitted. The commission referred to here took place in 116. It was suspected at the time that Opimius had been bribed by Jugurtha and in 110 or 109, when the lex Mamilia called for an investigation of those who had abetted Jugurtha, he was forced into exile.

C. Gracchus: he was tribune of the plebs in 123. His reforms, which included grain at low prices, new colonies in Italy and abroad, and changes in tax collection, were opposed by the aristocracy. He and about 3,000 of his followers were killed in 121 when Opimius acted under the Senate's 'final decree'.

M. Fulvius Flaccus: consul in 125 and supporter of C. Gracchus in 123–121. He had tried to solve the problem of the Italian allies who were demanding citizenship. He was killed along with C. Gracchus in 121.

16.5 given to Jugurtha: Sallust seems to believe that the settlement was in Jugurtha's favour; this is not the opinion of contemporary scholars. The western part of the province was not, at this time, richer in agricultural resources. It was populated by nomads, who may have been more useful in guerrilla war tactics, but the more important ports (Hippo Regius, pg 183Rusicade, Chullu, Tucca) were in the eastern territory. This does not mean that Sallust is wrong to believe that Jugurtha benefited from the aid of supporters he had bribed. Having acted both illegally and with violence, he was fortunate to avoid reprisals and to receive any portion of the empire.

17.3 most people: Strabo (17.3) accepts three continents; Varro (LL 5.31) two. Herodotus (2.16) criticizes the threefold division.

17.4 our sea and the Ocean: the strait is the Straits of Gibraltar, 'our sea' is the Mediterranean, and the 'Ocean' is the Atlantic.

17.5 Catabathmos: the name, meaning 'the descent', refers to an inclined plateau which stretches from the border of Libya into Egypt. It often refers to the boundary between Cyrenaica and Egypt or between Africa and Asia.

17.7 Hiempsal: not the brother of Adherbal who was murdered by Jugurtha, but Hiempsal II, the grandson of Masinissa and son of Gulussa who succeeded Jugurtha.

18.1 Gaetuli: the Gaetuli were unknown to Herodotus, but lived south of Numidia and Mauretania (Strabo 17.3) just north of the Sahara. The name refers loosely to indigenous inhabitants of the area who were not under the control of Numidian or Mauretanian kings.

Libyans: the term applies either to Africans in general or the inhabitants of the north coast of Africa.

18.8 Nomads: the etymology is fanciful. The Persians would not use a Greek name to 'call themselves' by, but a Persian name. The logic of the derivation comes from the apparent echo of nomadas, the Greek term that does mean 'nomads', in the name Numidas, which does not mean 'nomads'. According to Festus (179L) 'nomads' received their name from the Greek term for 'pasture' (nomadas) either because they pastured animals or because they ate fodder like their animals.

18.10 Mauri: a fanciful derivation.

18.11 the Persian state: that is, the Persians who intermarried with the Gaetuli.

18.12 both populations: the Persian Numidians near the Mediterranean and their colonists, the Numidians, near Carthage.

19.1 Hippo: either Hippo Regius or Hippo Diarrhytus near Utica.

Hadrumetum: on the east coast of modern Tunisia, south of Carthage.

Leptis: Leptis Minor, between Syrtis minor (the Lesser Syrtis) and Carthage.

19.3 as you follow the sea-coast: the current along the coast flows west to east. Sallust, however, is moving from east to west. The confused geography can be unconfused by reference to a minority view that the current along the coast flowed out to the Ocean. In that case, 'along the coast' could mean 'from east to west'.

pg 184

19.3 Cyrene: Thera (modern Santorini) founded the city of Cyrene around 650.

two SyrtesLeptisAltars of the Philaeni: from east to west: the Greater Syrtis (modern Gulf of Sidra), Altars of the Philaeni, Leptis Magna (Lebda), the Lesser Syrtis (Gulf of Gabes, Tunisia). The geography is confused. The Altars of the Philaeni are the first important place after the Greater Syrtis.

19.5 the Spains: there were two Spanish provinces.

19.7 territory that the Carthaginians had recently possessed: that is, land controlled by the Carthaginians between the Second and the Third Punic wars.

river Muluccha: the boundary between Algeria and Morocco.

20.3 he invaded: the invasion took place in 113 bc, three years after the division of the kingdom.

20.6 already tried: see 13.3–4.

21.2 Cirta: modern Constantine; it was important for the grain trade.

crowd of togas: these would be Italian and Roman businessmen (see ch. 26). The toga was the national dress of Romans and Latins and in the provinces distinguished Roman citizens and Italians from provincials.

21.3 to pre-empt the legates: variously taken to mean that Jugurtha wanted to take the town before the legates got to Rome or before they returned with the reply of the Senate.

21.4 three young men: three is a common number for an embassy. They would normally be senators, and the reference to their age suggests both that they are early in their political career and still prone to the faults of youth.

23.1 Cirta's position: Constantine is surrounded by deep ravines.

25.2 the same men: see 13.8, 15.2, 16.1, 27.1.

25.4 older aristocrats: compare the embassy of three junior senators, 16.2.

above: see 15.4.

25.5 leader of the Senate: Livy tells us that the 'leader of the Senate' was the man whose name was entered first in the censor's books. Originally this honour was reserved for the oldest living censor; later (after 544) it was only a mark of honour (Livy, 27.13). The honour was usually retained for life, and the term, princeps Senatus, was adopted by the Roman emperors. See also Livy, 34.44; 39.52.

Utica: the capital of the Roman province of Africa.

27.2 C. Memmius: tribune of the plebs in 111. In addition to his opposition to the aristocrats who were aligned with Jugurtha, he ran for the consulship in 100. He was killed in a riot designed to support the re-election of the tribune, Saturninus.

tribune elect: at this time tribunician elections seem to have been held during the summer.

pg 185

27.3 lex Sempronia: passed in 123 by C. Gracchus, the law required that two consular provinces be selected before the consular elections. After the election, the provinces would be assigned to the individual consuls by lot or agreement. In this way the consuls could not select their own provinces to serve their self-interest.

27.4 P. Scipio Nasicaelected: consular elections were held in October or November. Scipio Nasica was the son of the senator who was responsible for the death of C. Gracchus; he died in office. L. Bestia Calpurnius was tribune in 121; he sided with the Senate against C. Gracchus. He was later accused and condemned for receiving bribes from Jugurtha (see Cicero, Brut. 34).

27.5 An army was then enlisted: Sallust fails to tell us when war was formally declared.

28.1 a son: Jugurtha had more than one son. At least two appeared in Marius' triumph.

after killing Hiempsal: see 13.6.

28.4 his staff: these would be the commander's legates, his military staff.

28.5 I mentioned above: see 15.4. Legates were typically of lower rank than their commander and so the appointment of Scaurus, an ex-consul, was unusual.

28.6 personal assaults: another reading, insidias, would mean 'in face of … treachery'.

The legions: for 'legions', see Glossary. Typically a consular army was composed of two legions. We do not know how many legions were enrolled for the Jugurthine War.

28.7 men: Sallust writes mortalis, the Latin word for humans when distinguished by their mortality, a mortal (as opposed to a god). The term is also used in a reduced sense for 'human being' without particular emphasis on mortality; thus, Cicero says of his prosecution of Verres: 'I am defending many men, many states, the entire province of Sicily' (Div. in Caec. 5). In instances like this, 'mortals' for the Latin mortales is as much of an over-translation as 'men' is an under-translation. I have not found a satisfactory solution.

29.4 Sextius: uncertain; perhaps P. Sextius, convicted of bribery as praetor designate, c.90.

Vaga: a town that had in earlier days been part of the Carthaginian territory; it was an important market town and will appear again in Sallust's narrative at 47 and 66 ff.

29.5 Council: an army commander had a war council, composed of legates, the quaestor, the tribunes, the prefects, and the chief centurions; they would advise the commander, not on terms of surrender, but on whether to accept surrender (which would normally be unconditional).

omnibus bill: that is, the Council was not asked to vote on individual items but only on the entire deal.

pg 186

29.7 a small amount of silver: surrender to the Romans was not normally a conditional affair. Livy gives the formula: 'Do you surrender yourself and the people of your town, the city, its fields and water, its boundaries, temples, and utensils, all things human and divine into my power and the power of the Roman people?' (Livy 1.38).

the elections: probably sometime in October; the elections were held close to or in November.

Peace: not a formal peace, which would have to be ratified by the Senate, but a cessation of hostilities.

30.3 we mentioned above: see 27.2.

31.1 If my concernaddressing you: the speech begins in imitation of Cato the Elder speaking against S. Sulpicius Galba on the occasion of another surrender: 'Many things discourage me from coming forth here …' Sallust's language and moral posture seems to imitate Cato elsewhere, which would indicate, among other things, that this is not a literal transcript of the speech given by Memmius.

31.2 these past fifteen years: Memmius is speaking in 111. Fifteen years would take us back to 126 or 125, which would be about the time that C. Gracchus began advocating for the Latin allies. Important as this action was, it could not be fairly considered the beginning of a period of aristocratic abuse of the plebs. The events that most affected the plebs were the death of Ti. Gracchus in 133 (twenty-two years earlier) and the death of C. Gracchus in 122 (eleven years earlier). Sallust may have made a mistake, the time may have been rhetorically exaggerated (if Memmius means the murder of C. Gracchus) or have become proverbial (if Sallust refers to the murder of Ti. Gracchus), or there may be an error in the manuscripts: XV written for XX.

31.6 your ancestors often did: see note on the secession of the plebs at C. 33.3.

31.7 prosecuted the Roman plebs: Ti. Gracchus was killed in 133; a tribunal was formed to prosecute his supporters. The tribunal was conducted by the consuls of 132, P. Popillius Laenas and P. Rupilius.

M. Fulvius: M. Fulvius Flaccus; see note on 16.2.

31.11 empireservitude: the contrast of imperium and servitium, empire and slavery, control and servitude, is a prominent feature of Sallust's preface to C and of Catiline's speeches. In fact, Memmius' speech should be compared with Catiline's speech at C 20.

31.15 friendship: see note on J 14.5.

31.16 favours: it is part of the rhetoric of electoral politics at Rome to call the election to political office a 'favour' granted by the people.

31.17 the Aventine: of three secessions of the plebs (see note to C 32.3) only one was to the Aventine.

31.21 in your own destruction: compare Cato in C 52.11–12, 52.27.

pg 187

32.1 L. Cassius: L. Cassius Longinus, Marius' colleague in the consulship, in 107. He had a reputation for severity and, according to Cicero, was 'the most accurate and wisest of judges' (Rosc. Am. 30).

33.2 C. Baebius: tribune in 111, otherwise unknown; the name is a common one.

33.3 in the ancestral manner: a euphemism for capital punishment, usually preceded by scourging.

35.1 Massiva: Jugurtha's cousin.

35.2 Sp. Albinus: consul in 110.

Q. Minucius Rufus: Sallust has the name wrong. Quintus was the brother of the consul with Sp. Albinus in 110; the consul's first name was Marcus, who may have been the tribune of 121. Both brothers were associated with settling border disputes in Italy in 117 and Quintus was his brother's legate in Macedonia and Thrace.

35.4 Bomilcar: Jugurtha's lieutenant. He fights Rutilius at 49.1 ff. (esp. 52.5–53.3), but is not very effective; his loyalty to Jugurtha is compromised by Metellus, 61.4.

35.9 as sureties: perhaps a reference to Bomilcar's first appearance in court at 35.7. Typically a 'surety' guaranteed someone's appearance in court by pledging a sum of money to be forfeited if the defendant did not appear. The number 'fifty' is very high.

35.10 a city for sale and soon to fall, if it could only find a buyer: in some manuscripts, and in Livy and others, this famous quote is recorded as an exclamation: 'Oh, city for sale and soon to die, if only she can find a buyer!'

36.4 Aulus: the career of Aulus Albinus is not certain. He may have already been praetor; the disgrace in Numidia may have ended his career; he may have been consul in 99.

set out for Rome: October or November 110.

37.1 P. Lucullus and L. Annius: both otherwise unknown.

37.3 January: this is January 109, the month in which new consuls would take office. In ch. 43, however, Metellus and Silanus are still 'consuls designate'. If Sallust's chronology (the only precise date in the entire work) is correct, we must assume that the failure of elections referred to just above meant that the consuls were not elected until 109 and therefore did not take office until later in the year.

winter camps: the Roman army did not normally campaign in the winter, but Africa seems to be a different case. Metellus leaves his winter camp (68.2) and Marius goes on an expedition during the winter of 106–5 (103.1). Other winter campaigns in Africa are known from Caesar and Tacitus.

pg 188

37.3 severe winter weather: in northern Africa the severe weather would be caused by rain during October and November and during April and May. Presumably Aulus was misled by a dry spell.

37.4 Suthul: a fortified town on the river Ubus, between Cirta and Hippo and nearly 40 miles south of Hippo Regius.

where the king's treasury was kept: another ancient source, Orosius, says (5.15.6) that the treasury was at Calama, which was also the site of conflict. Neither place can be identified with certainty.

38.1 the legat's: here referring to Aulus, a junior officer serving a consul in the province.

legates: here, the members of Jugurtha's embassy.

38.2 [Thusmore hidden.]: this is thought to be a scribe's comment, not part of Sallust's text.

38.6 those whom we said above: see 38.3.

Ligurians: at least four cohorts served under Metellus, and Ligurian forces had served in both the Carthaginian and Roman armies. According to Virgil they were hardy people, accustomed to hardship (Georg. 2.168).

Thracian cavalry: at this time the Romans were at war with several Thracian tribes.

centurion of the first rank: the commander of the first century of the first file of a legion. See Glossary.

38.10 in exchange for their fear of death: the expression is trenchant and harsh.

39.2 the Latins: the ratio of allies to Romans has been variously calculated, but all agree that the brunt of the war was borne by the Italian allies and the Latins, from just south of Rome, who enjoyed a limited kind of citizenship.

40.1 C. Mamilius Limetanus: tribune in 109, author of a law regulating boundaries (hence, his cognomen, which means 'the boundary man').

those who had advised Jugurtha: this would include all those mentioned since 13.8, new men and old aristocracy, who had encouraged Jugurtha. Cicero (Brut. 128) records the names of the condemned: C. Galba, L. Bestia, C. Cato, Sp. Albinus, and L. Opimius. The condemnation of Opimius was the first conviction of a legate while part of an embassy. This appears to have established the precedent for holding ambassadors responsible for their conduct in the same way that governors and magistrates were responsible.

those who had returned his elephants and deserters: presumably relatively obscure men.

40.2 those who had reached agreementsor war: Bestia and A. Albinus.

friends: here in the political sense, political allies and clients.

the Latins: literally, 'men of Latin name'. The form of Sallust's expression 'men of Latin name and the Italian allies' is unparalleled although the pg 189expression has several other variants. The phrase 'men of Latin name' means 'men of whatever is considered Latin'; cf. 'hateful to the Roman name', which means 'hateful to whatever is Roman'. The aristocracy would exert its influence through 'clients' (see 8.1: 'powerful among the allies'), but it is not clear how the Italians and Latins would benefit from opposing the lex Mamilia. Most would not receive the right to vote for another twenty years and so, whatever they were urged to do, it was probably illegal and violent.

40.4 who we said above: see 15.4.

40.5 one of the three commissioners: this is so surprising that scholars have suggested that Sallust mistook M. Scaurus for M. Aurelius Scaurus, suffect consul in 108. The 'commissioner' (quaestor) oversaw the tribunal; the jury was composed of 'equites' (the mercantile class), whose interests in Africa were harmed by senatorial misconduct of the war. While there seems to have been no active hostility between the Senate and the 'equites' between 121 and 109, that is, before Marius' campaign for the consulship, this tribunal appears to have played a role in worsening relationships.

41.1 a few years earlier: as becomes clear, Sallust ascribes the beginning of Roman decline to the destruction of Carthage in 146. It was a commonplace in ancient thought to value 'the fear of an enemy' (metus hostilis) as a restraint on moral degeneration. In fact, the preservation of Carthage as a salutary source of danger to Rome was advocated as early as 201. Sallust's relatively idealistic picture of the period before the fall of Carthage is, of course, belied by the abundant evidence of strife and conflict between 202 and 146. Nevertheless, after 133 major changes were introduced by the Gracchi and by the opposition to them, and their political programme cannot be divorced from the defeat of Rome's most significant external enemy.

41.5 'dignity''liberty': these are political catchwords, the slogans of partisan conflict. 'Dignity' refers to the prestige, rank, privilege, and reputation of the nobility; 'liberty', of course, is the term used to resist any restraints that come from another party or interest. Reference to them here is also a reference to the debasement of political vocabulary, a common theme in Sallust (see C 38.3 and 52.12).

41.6 had more power: the ruling oligarchy was generally willing to close ranks to protect its privileges.

41.7 among the multitude: one should add that many of the plebs were clients of the aristocracy; this too would dissipate any opposition to oligarchic power.

A few mentriumphs: compare Catiline, C 20.7.

41.8 poverty: Sallust's interpretation is supported by historical evidence for resistance to military service and a growing gap between the rich and the poor.

pg 190

41.10 men were found: the reference is to men like the Gracchi and M. Fulvius Flaccus.

42.1 Ti. and C. Gracchus: see Introduction. pp. viii–x.

42.1 ancestors: these ancestors would include the consuls of 238, 215, 213, 177, and 163, and Scipio Africanus, who defeated Hannibal at Zama in 202 and was their maternal grandfather.

coalition: the Senate and the equites opposed Ti. Gracchus in 133–132. C. Gracchus proposed legislation regarding the provinces and public farmlands that gained equestrian support, but Opimius could still count on the equestrians in his prosecution of C. Gracchus in 121. What was the 'coalition'? Perhaps it was senatorial support for equestrian juries or the promise to include some equestrians in the Senate.

42.3 but it is betterin a vicious manner: the Latin has a typical Sallustian obscurity and subject to many interpretations.

42.5 I am returning to my initial topic: this ends the first phase of the war and the first major division of Sallust's monograph. Phase II may be divided as follows: 43–5, Metellus and the army; 46–62, the first campaign; 63–5, Marius and Metellus; 66–82, the second (and third) campaign.

43.1 egregious flight: the Latin for 'treaty' is the noun foedus; the Latin for 'foul, shameful' is the adjective foedus. Sallust puns by referring to Auli foedus ('Aulus' treaty') and the foedam fugam ('foul flight') of the army.

Metellus and Silanus: Q. Caecilius Metellus, consul in 109, was later named Numidicus for his successes in Numidia against Jugurtha. He will be the general whose presence organizes chs. 43–83. The Metelli were dominant in Roman politics of the time, holding six consulships in the period 123–109. M. Junius Silanus was consul in 109, and was the first member of his family to reach the consulship; he was defeated in the battle against the Cimbri in 109 or 108. The Cimbri defeated the Romans at Arausio in 105, a disaster which resulted in Marius' election to his second consulship (104). These events will mark the ending of Sallust's monograph.

the consuls designate: if the January date above (37.3) is correct, then 'consuls designate' is difficult to understand.

43.2 entered his term of office: normally, the consul would enter office on 1 January.

43.3 a common interest in everything else: meaning that he believed he had no special responsibility for anything but the war; he thought his colleagues could take care of all other matters in accordance with their common interests.

44.2 delay in the elections: elections typically took place in October or November; in 110 they may have taken place between 10 December and 1 January (see 37.2–3). Further delays would have been caused by the preparations pg 191and Mamilius' tribunal. Metellus left Rome in April and took over command in early June.

45.2 transverse marches: the Latin is as obscure as the English. Presumably, Metellus is getting his army in shape by marching back and forth across the direct path to his destination, a task whose purpose would be to enforce physical exercise and discipline.

46.2 asking only for the life of Jugurtha: a precondition for surrender was the surrender of the enemy leader, typically without terms. One might have some moral expectation of leniency and the Roman commander might promise leniency, but complete and unconditional surrender was the only legal condition of those offering surrender. See above, 29.5.

46.3 through prior experiences: either Metellus had served in Numidia before or Sallust is referring to the experiences of others, for instance, Bestia's unfortunate dealings with Jugurtha (see ch. 29).

46.5 mapalia: see 18.8: nomad huts that look like boat hulls.

46.7 C. Marius: this is the first mention of Marius, the general who will play a central role in both the Jugurthine War and Roman domestic politics. See further, Introduction, pp. xi–xiii.

auxiliary cavalry: cavalry raised from the provinces and from among foreigners. The regular cavalry came from the Italian allies and from citizens.

47.1 Vaga: it was at Vaga that the Bestia accepted Jugurtha's sham surrender (29.4).

48.1 with his own methods: both the adoption of enemy methods (Roman battle formation was adopted from the Greeks, the Roman navy was modelled after the Carthaginian navy) and the use of treachery (e.g. Tullus Hostilius' war against Alba or Scipio at Zama) were traditional features of how the Romans understood their military success. Here, it is an effect of this war that in defeating Jugurtha, the Romans became (and perhaps needed to become) like him.

48.3 Muthul: usually identified with the Oued Mellègue, although not without problems. Sallust does not tell us what Metellus' strategic aims were or what direction he was travelling in, or give us enough information to discover the precise site of the battle. His topography is often cited as a weakness of his 'military history' and, judged by modern desires for 'the objective facts', this is true. It is also a clear indication that Sallust is not really interested in topographical accuracy in the same way a modern historian is. In fact, one might suppose that our two-dimensional, linear cartographic notions of territorial space would be foreign to a culture that thought of the world (orbis terrarum = 'the circle of lands') in terms of a Roman centre surrounded by lands that were either domesticated (Romanized, civilized) or hostile (barbarian).

twenty†: the distance seems much too great and editors suspect an error in the manuscripts.

pg 192

in the middle: it is not clear whether Sallust means in the middle of the mountain range or in the middle of the plain.

49.1 which we described as extended on a transverse course: see the description in 48.3: the hill extended from the middle of the mountain range, which was parallel to the river. The Latin is not clear and is taken to mean either that the hill lay between Metellus and the river Muthul at right angles to Metellus' route, or that the hill lay at right angles to the river and flanked Metellus' route.

49.6 in its new formation: the marching formation appears to have been a triple column of hastati (spearmen), principes (experienced fighters), and triarii (the best veterans), grouped as companies (maniples) each with its own baggage in front. They marched behind their baggage with the hastati on the side from which they expected danger. Metellus appears to have expected Jugurtha to attack from the river side in an effort to cut him off from the river. If attacked, each maniple (of hastati, principes, and triarii) moved to the right or left of its baggage (the side from which danger arose) to form a fighting line of hastati (H), backed by principes (P), with triarii (T) in the rear. In this instance, when Metellus turned left to descend the mountain toward the river, Jugurtha was now in the hills on his right. Metellus then changed order of his marching line from H, P, T to T, P, H or P, T, H, placing the hastati in position to be the front line against Jugurtha. They, then, moved to protect their baggage with slingers and archers between each maniple. Metellus then moved the cavalry to the wings. Now, with Metellus marching toward the river with Jugurtha in the right, the scene was as follows (where * indicates baggage, 'sl' = slingers; 'ar' = archers):

  

  

Each maniple, consisting of two centuries, was generally formed in a quincunx, so that each line protected the spaces between the centuries of the prior line:

  

  

pg 193Reconstruction of troop movements like this is always open to reinterpretation. Sallust's Latin is not always precise or clear about military movements.

50.1 Rutilius: praetor in 118, consul in 105; an enemy of Marius. Historians speculate that Sallust may have relied upon his biography as a source for this battle, since Marius is present but plays a very small part in Sallust's narrative.

50.2 behind the front line: the 'front line' refers to the fighting order, not the marching order. Marius would have been in the centre of the marching line, just behind the 'front lines' if they had to turn and face an enemy on the right.

52.5 we noted above: see 49.1. It is not clear what Bomilcar's strategy was in allowing Rutilius to pass his position. On the one hand, he did not trust his troops, as Sallust will say shortly; on the other, once Rutilius has passed Bomilcar and pitched camp, Bomilcar can keep him from bringing aid to Metellus.

52.6 battle growing louder: if the battle takes place close to the mountains, and the mountains are 20 miles away from the river, it would be impossible for Rutilius, who is now at the river, to hear the battle, as Bomilcar fears. For this reason, some suggest that the correct reading should be 'II' not 'XX' miles.

54.3 an army larger in numbers: one of Jugurtha's signal advantages was the ability to raise troops.

55.1 Metellus' accomplishments: it had been a difficult year for Rome. In 109 the Cimbri had defeated two Roman armies and there had been losses in Macedonia. Given the management of the war against Jugurtha before Metellus' arrival, relief is understandable; joy is perhaps an over-reaction.

55.2 a thanksgiving to the immortal gods: a 'thanksgiving' consisted of three to five days of public prayers decreed by the Senate and proclaimed by a magistrate. All the temples in the city were opened; wine and incense might be provided at public expense.

55.4 out of formation: both a strategically smart move and an indication that the number of his troops was dangerously low.

55.5 Marius led the rest: Rutilius had seniority, since he had held the praetorship before Marius, but he is not mentioned again, except at 86.5. There, when Metellus hands over his army to Marius, who succeeds him as commander, Rutilius is described as 'second in command'. The prominence of Marius here is particularly striking, especially when one considers that many scholars believe that Sallust's source is Rutilius' account pg 194of the war. Sallust has a thematic interest in opposing Metellus and Marius.

56.1 Zama: this is probably Zama Regia, the capital of Juba's kingdom. The site is disputed. Of the most commonly suggested possibilities, two do not fit Sallust's description (and yet Sallust must have known the place, if it was the capital of the province) and the third does not have any late-Roman remains at the modern site (although Zama was an important city in imperial times and a colony under Hadrian).

56.3 Sicca: see Map 3. A town between fertile plains and on the road from Carthage to Cirta, it had economic and strategic importance. It was the market for cereals grown in the area.

57.6 by machine: sophisticated war machinery, like catapults, may have been adopted from the Carthaginians.

58.1 with a great force: Metellus' strategy in attacking Zama had been to provoke Jugurtha into a battle (see 56.1). It is surprising, then, that Jugurtha's arrival is unexpected, especially after Jugurtha had attacked Marius at Sicca (56.4). Perhaps Sallust is more interested in drama than in details; perhaps there was some negligence.

58.5 begged Marius in the name of their friendship and the Republic: Marius, who will be the central figure in the third phase of the war, when military power is transferred from the patrician general, Metellus, to the 'new man', appears unemphatically throughout the second phase. The relationship between Metellus and Marius is difficult to gauge, either in fact or in Sallust's narrative. Metellus was contemptuous and haughty (64.1); Marius was a 'new man'. In 119 Marius as tribune passed a law to limit the influence of money in elections; this was opposed by Metellus. Then, in 116 Marius was prosecuted for electoral corruption by a member of the Metellus family. He was, however, chosen as Metellus' legate in 109. There must have been some reconciliation and they both had reasons to work together under the present circumstances. Still, it is our knowledge of what will come that adds depth to these scenes. For instance, one may wonder if Sallust is here suggesting that Metellus (the fierce but wise aristocrat) and Marius (the talented popularis) should and could have been able to work together at other times 'in the name of friendship and the Republic'.

59.3 In this way …: the interpretation of the text is open to much discussion. The most important matter concerns the determination of who is winning and to what degree. Either the Numidians resist and nearly win—but then it is unclear how they were finally beaten off—or the Romans resist 'the Numidian' (that is, Jugurtha) and the Roman infantry and cavalry join forces; either the Roman light-armed infantry conquer a nearly defeated foe or they nearly conquer them. I have adopted an interpretation that makes the most sense to me; there are other ways to read the Latin.

pg 195

60.3 You would have seen them: Sallust's description here is written in imitation of Thucydides' description of the siege of Syracuse, 7.71.1–4.

61.2 in winter quarters: this is the winter camp after Metellus' first year of campaign, 109/8. His winter quarters for the second year, 108/7, are not mentioned.

61.4 to avoid trial for the murder of Massiva: see 35.5–9.

61.5 opportunity for duplicity: the scene recapitulates Metellus' first efforts to turn Jugurtha's legates against him; see 46.3 and 47.3. For Bomilcar's friendship with Jugurtha, see 35.4.

62.1 bemoaning his fate: Metellus had ravaged the countryside, but Jugurtha had held Zama. Metellus' victory at the Muthul was costly and he had not secured any territory in Numidia. Jugurtha's anxiety must reflect either real economic losses, loss of prestige, and foreboding about the future or Sallust's sense of drama and foreshadowing.

in every battle: an exaggeration; Jugurtha had just held on to Zama.

62.5 in the manner of our ancestors: compare Jugurtha's surrender to Bestia, especially 29.5.

62.7 King Bocchus: except for the mention of Bocchus at the end of the African ethnographic digression (ch. 19), this is the first mention of a man who will play an important role in the final phase of the Jugurthine War.

Mauretania: see above, 19.7. Bocchus was ruler of the Moors who, according to Sallust, knew nothing of the Romans before the Jugurthine War.

62.8 Tisidium: not otherwise known.

62.10 assigned Numidia to Metellus: a general's command would typically last until he was replaced. Since the Senate assigned provinces before the elections, according to a lex Sempronia, in this case, all the Senate needed to do was to leave Numidia out of the consular provinces for 108 and Metellus would keep his command. By assigning Numidia to Metellus, they indicated their confidence in him. This was the first time during the Jugurthine War that the general in command was prorogued. In Sallust's narrative, it is a particularly important moment: it follows a failure to capture Jugurtha by treachery and precedes Marius' aspirations. Marius will eventually replace Metellus and his legate, Sulla, will capture Jugurtha by treachery.

63.1 During this period: Sallust's expression, even in the Latin, is vague; this allows him to connect Metellus' success with Marius' growing ambition. Plutarch (Mar. 45) dates the oracle to the evening of Marius' departure for Rome to stand for the consular elections in 108. It is unclear why Marius is in Utica or how he got there.

Utica: see Map 3. Utica was a port with large numbers of Roman citizens; it is generally regarded as the capital of the province of Africa.

pg 196

63.2 test his fortune: the role of fortune is important and thematic in Sallust's preface. It is striking that Marius' career from this point on is frequently marked by references to some form of good fortune (65.5; 85.48; 90.1; 92.2, 6; 93.1; 94.7). It is also noteworthy that Plutarch (Mar. 45) recounts that Marius said that wise men do not trust in luck.

for the consulship: having been elected tribune in 115, he would have been eligible to stand for the consulship in 112.

his lineage: Marius was a 'new man', meaning that no member of his family had ever been elected to the consulship or the Senate.

not a victim of lust or wealth: Marius' virtues should be compared with Jugurtha's virtues; see 6.1.

63.3 Arpinum: A small town about 60 miles south-east of Rome, the birthplace of the famous orator Cicero. See Map 2.

Greek eloquence or urban polish: such claims are common for a 'new man' who wishes to succeed in a system that privileged the conservative aristocracy; the elder Cato made them, though he studied Greek rhetoric and had his sons taught Greek. Marius, too, shows evidence of sophistication: his speech at ch. 85 is modelled on the elder Cato and, despite his claim to know no Greek, it contains reminiscences of Greek authors: Demosthenes at 85.12, Plato at 85.21 and 49, and perhaps Lysias at 85.4.

63.4 military tribune: we do not know the date when Marius first held this office. Scholars offer dates from 134 to 119.

63.6 worthy of a higher office than the one he held: the evidence does not confirm this: he was tribune in 119, failed to be elected to either the curule or the plebeian aedileship, was barely elected praetor in 115, and was tried for electoral corruption in 112.

destroyed by ambition: compare Sallust's view of ambition in C 10.5 and 11.1–2.

the aristocracyamong themselves: Sallust was himself of a non-consular family, and, perhaps more important, of a non-senatorial family. He exaggerates, however, the difficulties of a 'new man'. In the second century a 'new man' reached the consulship every three or four years (see E. Badian, Gnomon, 36 (1964), 384). A non-senatorial 'new man', however, found the odds much more difficult: it had been twenty years since Rupilius was elected consul in 132, the last consul from a non-senatorial family.

63.7 unclean: compare Catiline's attitude toward Cicero, C 31.7.

64.1 he asked Metellus for a furlough: Cicero (Off. 3.79) says that Metellus sent Marius to Rome.

64.4 Metellus' son: Metellus Pius: praetor in 89 or 88. He could have expected to reach the consulship in 86, when Marius would have been 80. In fact, Metellus did not become consul until 80.

pg 197

regiment: the Latin contubernium refers to a body of soldiers who occupied the same tent.

64.5 looser discipline than before: Marius' reaction to Metellus' arrogance is to undo the military discipline that had been the hallmark of Metellus' generalship. Other traditions portray Marius as a general who was willing to share his soldiers' burdens, and was affable and generous. Compare Metellus (45.1) and Sulla (96.3).

Traders: the Latin term would cover traders, merchants, bankers, and moneylenders.

dragged on the war: the war, begun in 112, had been in progress for three years.

65.1 Gauda: Jugurtha's half-brother. He was left in charge of Jugurtha's kingdom after the war.

65.5 lex Mamilia: see note on 40.2.

66.1 Meanwhile: Jugurtha's intrigues and the rising at Vaga take place during winter, 109/8.

66.2 the leaders of the state conspired together: these may be magistrates or members of the town council. Since we do not know anything about the administration of the town, it is hard to say.

a festival day: we do not know what festival this was. Scholarly opinion suggests a festival for Ceres, the goddess of grain, or for Tinnit, an African fertility deity. The reference to licentiousness may support the latter.

66.3 T. Turpilius Silanus: otherwise unknown. At 69.4, Sallust says he was a Latin, but it is unlikely that a Latin would be prefect of the city or commander of Roman troops (67.3). Plutarch and Appian say he was a Roman.

67.3 a life of turpitude: Sallust uses the word turpis, meaning 'ugly, repulsive, dishonourable', to pun on the name Turpilius.

wretched and despicable: the Latin terms improbus intestabalisque, are legal terms taken from the Twelve Tables; they designate a person of such disgraceful character that he was not allowed to give evidence in court.

68.2 Numidian cavalry: the Numidian cavalry could have been comprised of deserters or enlisted from communities not under Jugurtha's control.

69.3 a citizen from Latium: the Latin presents a problem. See 67.3 on Turpilius' status as prefect and commander. If Turpilius was a Roman citizen, he should not have suffered capital punishment; if he was not a Roman citizen, he should not have been prefect.

70.2 Nabdalsa: we know nothing of this man except what Sallust tells us here.

73.2 dismissed to go home: Sallust leaves the impression that Marius was sent to Rome while Metellus was in winter quarters; Plutarch (Mar. 8) pg 198reports that it was just twelve days before the elections in October or November.

73.4 added to his appeal: Marius was married to Julia, the aunt of C. Julius Caesar; this gave him patrician credentials which are ignored in the narrative, and were perhaps overlooked in the campaigning as well.

73.5 seditious magistrates: presumably tribunes of the plebs.

73.6 the plebs: the plebs could be and should be here taken to include the equites, Rome's wealthy mercantile class.

73.7 T. Manlius Mancinus: tribune of the plebs in 107. He may be the same man as C. Manlius; see 86.1.

they voted: the tribune would have taken office on 10 December 108. Sallust's narrative has skipped a year: he has moved from the events at Vaga (winter, 109/8) to the following winter, without mention of Metellus' campaigns of 108–107 or his winter quarters in 108/7. As 107 ends, Metellus returns to Rome.

Numidia to Metellus: this would be the second prorogation of Metellus' command, but the formal prorogation does not appear in Sallust's text.

74.2 Metellus appeared: apparently Metellus did not know that his command had been taken away. Alternatively, this action took place in 108 before Manlius transferred the command to Marius. Presumably Metellus heard of his lost command in January 107; Marius probably arrived in Africa late in 107.

75.1 Thala: we do not know where ancient Thala was; modern Thala does not conform to Sallust's description. The word thala is Berber for 'spring' and so may have been a common name in antiquity. This Thala was apparently in the south, since Jugurtha flees south to the Gaetuli after escaping.

77.1 Hamilcar: otherwise unknown; his description indicates that he was probably a member of the town senate or town council. Political events in Numidia frequently parallel political problems in Rome.

77.2 the beginning of the war with Jugurtha: this would be in 111, when Bocchus too asked for a treaty with Rome, but was refused. See below, 80.4–5.

77.4 C. Annius: the name is common; see the unrelated tribune of the plebs, L. Annius, tribune of the plebs in 110, 37.2. Further identification is speculative.

78.1 Sidonians: the Sidonians are also known as the Tyrians; the names are used interchangeably for Phoenicians.

78.4 'dragging': the etymology is Greek: syrein means 'to drag'.

79.1 the extraordinary and marvellous deed: excursuses or digressions like this are felt to have structural significance in ancient history and often to elucidate the narrative in thematic terms. This excursus acts structurally to set off Metellus' final military accomplishment with a tale that pg 199may be felt to create a thematic contrast between the self-sacrificing patriotism of the Carthaginians and the self-serving motives of the current war. For the places named here, see the geographical excursus at chs. 17–19.

80.3 to persuade the close friends of King Bocchus: Jugurtha and Bocchus did not make a formal alliance until after Marius took command. This may reflect earlier connections and aid.

81.1 Perseus: king of Macedonia, 179–168, with whom the Romans fought the Third Macedonian War.

81.2 Cirta: Cirta was brutally captured by Jugurtha at the beginning of the war; see chs. 21–6. Sallust does not tell us when it was retaken by the Romans.

86.2 to set sail: it is a sign of Marius' sense of urgency that he sends his legate ahead before the infantry levy was completed. A. Manlius is otherwise unknown; he was perhaps related to T. Manlius Mancinus, tribune of the plebs in 107; see 73.7. He probably left Rome sometime in February or March 107.

from the headcount: Roman society was divided into five classes based on property qualifications and a sixth, unpropertied class. The landowners were called assidui, 'settlers'; those without property were called proletarii, 'breeders', and were capite censi, 'counted by head'. It was the custom, but not a legal requirement, to enrol an army from the assidui. The 'headcount class' was exempt from military service, except in an emergency. The requirement for the lowest class of assidui was property in the amount of 1,500 asses, an amount so small that it did not meaningfully distinguish the 'settlers' from the 'headcount'. The military and political effects of Marius' enrolment of the 'headcount' became increasingly evident later: it allowed for uniform armament, increasing professionalism, client armies, and the development of cohorts. At the time, the Senate did not oppose Marius and even seems to have accepted the new method of enrolment (see Plutarch, Mar. 9).

86.4 larger than decreed by the Senate: the total enrolled, about 5,000, was not large in comparison with the numbers already under arms.

87.1 his legions: there is no evidence that Marius had more than the typical consular army of two legions.

full strength: see Glossary under 'legion'. It seems likely both that Marius needed to make up for losses suffered and that the legions originally sent were understaffed.

87.2 They sawand all else: an odd instance of military rhetoric, like that of Catiline at C 58, appearing in a narrative.

88.1 greatest rejoicing: Metellus was awarded a triumph in 106 and received the honorific cognomen Numidicus. This triumph was opposed, probably by the tribune T. Manlius.

89.4 Capsa: modern Gafsa, the main town of the region and the only town of any importance. It was at the meeting point of several roads.

pg 200

90.2 Lares: identified with modern Henchir Lorbeus, about 11 miles south-east of Sicca.

90.3 Tanais: this river cannot be identified because Sallust does not provide us with enough information about Marius' movements.

91.7 contrary to the laws of war: an exaggeration. The treatment of those who surrendered was always subject to the needs of public policy. Still, there appears to have been an increasing opposition to unjustified harshness on the part of individual generals during the last century of the Republic.

92.4 after capturing many places: the campaign took the remainder of 107 and part of 106.

92.5 Not far from the river Muluccha: from Capsa to the Muluccha is 750 miles. It would have taken nearly six months to travel back and forth from Capsa, and, if one allows for skirmishes in hostile country, ignorance of the terrain, and the need for rest and foraging, the whole expedition seems to have occupied the normal campaigning season of 106. This means that the fall of Capsa must have taken place during the winter of 107/6. It is possible that Sallust has confused the Muluccha with some other river.

93.2 furthest from the fighting: the capture of a well-guarded fortress by attacking from a steep and poorly guarded side of the fortress is a common topos in ancient history; G. M. Paul (A Historical Commentary on Sallust's Bellum Jugurthinum (Liverpool, 1984), 231) cites Herodotus 1.84, Polybius 7.15, and Livy 5.47.2.

95.1 L. Sulla: L. Cornelius Sulla Felix ('The Lucky'): born 138, quaestor at 30. Later he was the first general to march on Rome with an army and impose his reforms with violent proscriptions. He was responsible for a reign of terror known as the 'domination of Sulla', a period of civil war that haunted the Romans throughout the rest of the last century of the Republic.

95.2 L. Sisenna: L. Cornelius Sisenna, praetor in 78, wrote an account of the Social Wars and Sulla's civil war.

95.3 concerning his wife: it is not clear what Sallust refers to; Sulla was married five times and was a notorious womanizer.

95.4 most fortunate: a reference to Sulla's cognomen Felix. Once again Sallust's thematic interest in fortune and luck appears.

97.3 as he was heading for his winter camps: September–October 106 bc.

100.1 because of their provisions: Sallust says at 102.1 that Marius was headed for Cirta; it may be that he was to winter there with part of the army, the rest in the coastal towns, but the coast is 53 miles away by road. See Map 3.

a squared line: the phrase does not appear in Caesar, seems to be misunderstood by Livy, and is used metaphorically by Cicero. Hence, it is probably not a technical term. It refers to a formation first recorded pg 201in relation to Lucullus in Spain in 151: the three columns of infantry formed a long rectangle ('squared') with baggage preceding each maniple and with cavalry and light infantry surrounding as a protective screen. See note at 49.6.

101.6 wheeled towards the infantry: there is some debate as to whether this is his own or the Roman infantry, who will hear his words. It seems to me that 'secretly' indicates that he turns to his men so that in that position ('then') he may be overheard by the Romans.

in Numidia: see 7.2 ff. The Numantine campaign had ended in 134, about twenty-seven years earlier.

101.7 with some vigour a foot soldier of ours: there seems to be some sarcasm in this description.

the cruel deed: presumably they observed the slaughter of the foot soldier.

101.11 drenched in blood: ancient sources report that Jugurtha and Bocchus lost 90,000 men in the second of two battles with Marius (Orosius 5.15.8) and speak of the death of many tens of thousands of Libyans (Diodorus 36.1).

102.2 matters of interest to himself and the Roman people: according to Diodorus (fr. 89.5), Bocchus first asked for Jugurtha's kingdom as the price of his cooperation; when Marius refused he tried to come to a more mutual agreement.

102.4 Sulla's eloquence: Sallust is the only author to speak of Sulla's eloquence, except perhaps Sulla himself in his Commentarii, which Sallust may be using. In Cicero's Brutus, a work on Roman oratory, Sulla's name does not appear, nor does he appear in Quintilian, except as a dictator.

102.9 Fortune: here, near the end of the work, the man who will be responsible for bringing Jugurtha under Roman control, himself called Sulla Felix, 'Sulla the Lucky', contradicts the moralistic concerns with self-determination and chance that occupied Sallust in the preface to the work.

102.13 from which he had forcefully expelled Jugurtha: the text and the meaning are unclear. Some read 'from which [Marius] had driven Jugurtha'. Some think that Bocchus is inventing fictions.

102.14 an alliance had been rejected: such a refusal may reflect the Senate's indifference to certain foreign entanglements, especially since Bocchus had not demonstrated his value to Rome. Besides, Jugurtha had already done service to Rome; see ch. 7.

103.1 winter camps: the winter of 106/5.

103.3 if Marius agreed: as above (102.14), the Senate did not deal directly with belligerents. Negotiations were started with the commander in the field.

103.7 as signs of goodwill: and yet at 80.3, 97.2, and 102.15, Jugurtha is said to have bribed the Moors.

pg 202

104.1 L. Bellienus: perhaps the uncle of Catiline who is said (Asc. Tog. Cand. 91 C) to have killed Q. Lucretius Ofella on orders from Sulla in 81.

104.3 Cn. Octavius Ruso: he entered the quaestorship on 5 December 106; he may also have been the legate of Cn. Pompeius Strabo, praetor between 94 and 91.

who had brought the soldiers' pay to Africa: Marius, just referred to as 'consul', was at this time proconsul. His command had been prorogued, and, when this happened, additional money for pay and supplies would be brought from Rome by a magistrate or legate.

105.1 Balearic slingers: inhabitants of the Balearic Islands, men famous for their ability in using slings.

105.2 Paelignian cohort: soldiers from a territory in central Italy.

105.2 light armour: this consisted of a shield, 3 feet in diameter, a leather helmet, seven light throwing spears, each about 4 feet long, and a short Spanish sword.

107.5 to pass openly through Jugurtha's camp: safe passage through the midst of an enemy camp is commonly associated with supernatural help. The topos goes back to Priam's journey to Achilles' tent in the Iliad.

108.1 Aspar: this is our only information about this Numidian.

Dabar: Massugrada may have been a son or grandson of Masinissa. Dabar seems to have been a rival of Jugurtha.

108.2 he should not fear Jugurtha's legate: there seems to be some unnecessary confusion in the commentators about this passage. Bocchus, through Dabar, tells Sulla not to be afraid of Jugurtha's legate, Aspar—meaning that his presence and, one assumes, his familiarity with Bocchus' own legate, does not indicate either fidelity to Jugurtha or a means of communication between Bocchus and Jugurtha. The appearance of good relations between Bocchus and Jugurtha is a ruse; otherwise, Bocchus would find himself subject to Jugurtha's treachery, if Jugurtha suspected his allegiance.

114.2 Q. Caepio and Cn. Manlius: Q. Servilius Caepio, consul in 106, was from a prominent patrician family, and was the author of a law that changed the composition of juries. Cn. Mallius Maximus, consul in 105, was a 'new man'; we know from epigraphical evidence that the Sallust manuscripts have the incorrect nomen.

defeated by the Gauls: the defeat at Arausio occurred on 6 October 105.

114.3 on 1 January: 104 bc.

HISTORIES

book 1

1 the consular year of M. Lepidus and Q. Catulus: i.e. 78 bc, the year of Sulla's death. For M. Lepidus and Q. Catulus, see below.

pg 203

7 vice of human naure: commentators discuss Sallust's pessimism in the Histories: is Sallust sceptical about the nature of man? Or does he still hold on to the possibilities of human excellence that inform his earlier works? It is generally thought that the Histories are darker and more pessimistic. However, one should recall that already in Catiline's Conspiracy he claimed that the question of whether the mind or the body was the best means to excellence was solved when history began, and it began with men and states (that is, Cyrus in Herodotus and Athens and Sparta in Thucydides) who were dissatisfied with what was their own and who considered 'the craving for domination' to be a 'reason for war'.

liberty or glory or domination: the sequence, liberty, glory, domination, is itself a brief on the causes of civil war.

11 in the consulship of Servius Sulpicius and Marcus Marcellus: i.e. 51 bc. Sallust goes on to explain why this year marked the height of Roman military power. Servius Sulpicius Rufus was one of the leading lawyers in Rome. In the civil war, he supported Pompey and was pardoned by Caesar. Cicero eulogizes him in the ninth Philippic. Marcus Claudius Marcellus was adamantly opposed to Caesar and proposed, unsuccessfully, Caesar's recall. He had declared Caesar's colony at Novum Comum illegal and flogged a citizen of Novum Comum to demonstrate his belief that he did not consider the man a Roman. He did not participate in the civil war.

all Gaul this side of the Rhine: the year 52 ended with Vercingetorix' final surrender at Alesia (see book 7 of Caesar's The Gallic War). At this point, one could argue that all Gaul was under Roman power. Book 8 of The Gallic War, written by Caesar's general Hirtius, records various mopping-up actions necessary in Gaul during 51 bc. The next year, 50, would see hostilities between Pompey and the Senate on one side and Caesar on the other progress to the impasse that resulted in civil war. Caesar crossed the Rubicon on the night of 10/11 January 49. Thus, the year Sallust has chosen is intimately connected to Caesar's career both in terms of external empire-building and the internal dissension that ended in the fall of the Republic.

between the second and the last Punic war: i.e. between 201 and 150 bc. It was a commonplace of Roman history that 'fear of an external enemy' was the cause of internal harmony. This was such a prevalent view, even at the time, that Scipio Nasica argued that Carthage should not be destroyed precisely for this reason.

the destruction of Carthage: 146 bc. Different historians cited different dates as the beginning of the Roman decline: Livy ascribed it to 187 and the return of Manlius Vulso's army from Asia; Polybius saw the crisis of the late Republic as beginning after 168; Piso set 154 as the beginning of degeneration. While Sallust rejects the dominant annalistic tradition, later writers follow him in seeing 146 as a pivotal year. See also the note on J 41.1.

pg 204

the secessions of the plebs: the plebs seceded from the 'fathers', that is, from participation in the senatorial control of Roman society and from service in the army, as an extreme form of civil disobedience. They did this three times: in 494 (due to rampant debt), in 449 (due to the harsh enforcement of debt laws by Appius Claudius, the consul for 495), and in 287 (due to disputes over public land). The first secession resulted in the establishment of the tribunate, an institution that was protected by 'sacred laws'. It is not certain whether the secession took place to the Mons Sacer or to the Aventine Hill. The second secession was to the Aventine and resulted in the end of the 'Gang of Ten' (decemvirate), a board of ten patricians with consular powers who were originally to codify Roman law but who had become tyrannical. The third secession was to the Janiculum and resulted in plebiscites having the power of law.

the expulsion of the kings: tradition held that there were seven kings of Rome. The last, Tarquinius Superbus, was expelled from Rome in 510/9 by Brutus, who then founded the Republic, led by two executive officers (consuls).

fear of Tarquin: after he had been expelled from Rome, Tarquinius Superbus, backed by the Etruscan Porsenna, attempted but failed to re-establish his position as king. He died in 496. Sallust is supporting his claim that 'fear of an external enemy' is the basis of domestic harmony at Rome.

tribunes of the plebs: the tribunate was not a magistracy, i.e. it could not propose measures to the people for a vote. It was, in effect, a protection for the people, originally consisting of two, four, or five tribunes. By 449 the number had become ten, which it remained for the rest of the Republic.

the Second Punic War: 218–201. During this war Hannibal's presence in Italy and his devastation of the countryside led to a sense of unity and common cause that, according to Sallust, brought a temporary end to the struggle between the different orders in Roman society.

12 were called: for Sallust's interest in the corruption of language caused by civil strife, see C 38.3 and 52.12. The theme derives from Thucydides 3.82.

13 exchange value: see Jugurtha's exclamation that everything at Rome was for sale, J 35.10.

47 with great violence about the prefecture of the city: the consuls, when they entered office, set the date for the 'Latin Holidays', a festival commemorating the union of Rome and Alba. These celebrations took place on the Alban Hill (13 miles south of Rome) and required that the consuls be absent from the city. This absence entailed the need for a 'prefect of the city', a deputy to act in their absence.

55 Lepidus: M. Aemilius Lepidus, consul in 78.

pg 205

55.3 descendants of the Bruti: Brutus was responsible for helping to found the Republic and was one of Rome's first two consuls. Among his descendants was D. Junius Brutus, consul in 77, whose wife is said to have helped Catiline.

Aemilii: one of the most important aristocratic families of Rome, said to have been descended from a son of Numa (Rome's second king). They gave their name to the Via Aemilia, Via Aemilia Scauri, and the Basilica Aemilia in Rome. Mamercus Aemilius Lepidus Livianus, consul in 77, may have captured Norba for Sulla in 82; he was an enemy of Lepidus.

Lutatii: an old Roman family, but not aristocratic. They were plebeians who rose to prominence during the First Punic War. Q. Lutatius Catulus, consul in 78 and colleague of Lepidus, was the fifth member of the family to become consul. He opposed Lepidus and later Caesar.

55.4 Pyrrhus: king of Epirus at the beginning of the third century. He aided Tarentum and himself invaded Italy in 280. His victory in Apulia in 279 was so costly that thereafter a crippling victory was called a Pyrrhic victory.

Hannibal: the Carthaginian general who led his army with their elephants over the Alps into Italy during the Second Punic War and spent about fifteen years devastating the Italian countryside.

Philip and Antiochus: in 201 Philip V of Macedonia and Antiochus III of the Seleucid empire signed a treaty of cooperation; this led to the Second Macedonian War which ended at Cynoscephalae when Philip was defeated by Flaminius. Philip was thereafter forbidden to interfere in matters outside his boundaries. Antiochus invaded Greece as part of a general expansion of his empire in 192. He was defeated in 191 and forced to withdraw to Asia. The following year he was defeated by Scipio Asiaticus at Magnesia and forced to abandon all of his territory in what is now central and northern Turkey.

55.5 Romulus: founder and first king of Rome (753–715), known for his military prowess. Sulla is called a 'perverted Romulus' because he attempted to present himself and his reorganization of the state as a restoration of Romulian ideology. The Latin here translated as 'perverted' literally means 'left-handed'.

from foreigners: the point is that Sulla treats citizens as if they were foreign enemies, not as political opponents. In other words, when the 'fear of a foreign enemy' disappears, the citizen is treated as a foreigner.

so many armies and consuls: among those who were killed in Sulla's civil wars were four consuls: L. Cornelius Cinna in 89, L. Valerius Flaccus in 86, the younger Marius and Cn. Papirius Carbo in 82.

and other leaders: the list of prominent orators and politicians that can be amassed is substantial; see McGushin's note on this passage (M 1.48.5) and at 1.77.19 (= 1.69.19).

pg 206

55.6 before life is certain: Sulla passed legislation that barred the sons of the proscribed from seeking public office. This law was finally abrogated by Caesar in 49.

55.9 peace and leisure with freedom: an echo of a Ciceronian phrase cum dignitate otium ('leisure with dignity'), where otium refers to political tranquillity and personal leisure and dignitas refers to the prestige and influence one has inherited as well as earned. This became a slogan of the aristocrats, useful no doubt because of its flexible ambiguity. Lepidus substitutes 'liberty' for 'dignity' and explicitly adds 'peace'.

55.11 empire, glory, law: Sulla's reforms limited the power of all magistrates: the censorship became ineffective; new regulations governed the order of offices, the age of the candidates, and the intervals between offices; the tribunes were denied the right to initiate legislation or to hold any further office.

55.12 a slave's rations: Sulla ended the corn dole. The grain law of 73 limited the amount given to the needy to about five bushels per month, an amount that was equivalent to what a master gave a slave to live on, according to Seneca (Ep. 80.7, c. ad 64).

grant of citizenship: the lex Iulia of 90 effectively brought the Social Wars (between Rome and her Latin allies) to an end by granting citizenship to the Latins. Sulla barred from citizenship all those who had opposed him in Etruria, Campania, and Latium. The process of enrolling new citizens was not complete until 70.

a few of his followers: landowners were evicted to provide homes for Sulla's veterans, but even after the veterans were settled land was provided at bargain prices for those who would support Sulla.

55.15 stained with civil blood: Sallust reports that Gratidianus, tribune in 87, had his eyes gouged out and his arms and legs broken 'so that he could die limb by limb' (fr. 44 (36)); others tell of bloodshed everywhere, in temples and homes (Plutarch, Sulla 31.5, Dio 30–5, fr. 109.8); L. Cornelius Merula is said to have splattered the altars when he opened his veins to commit suicide (Vell. Pat. 2.22).

55.16 Sulla says: Lepidus is justifying his opposition to Sulla in light of his own survival and profit from Sullan proscriptions. He grants that he did benefit from the rewards of 'turmoil', but asserts that it was necessary as the only way to survive (they were selling the goods of the proscribed; if you did not buy, you were at risk). In other words, he says that he now opposes the immorality that had become a norm from which it was dangerous to deviate.

55.17 Vettius Picens: an equestrian follower of Sulla; he acquired Catulus' villa and later sold it to Cicero.

Cornelius: one of 10,000 slaves freed by Sulla ('Cornelius' is Sulla's family name, and would be the name taken by any of Sulla's slaves). Cicero, pg 207lamenting that the rewards of civil war keep the seeds of civil war alive, says that Sulla's secretary was elected quaestor in 44 (Off. 2.29).

55.18 Cimbrian booty: Rome fought against the Teutones and Cimbri from 113 to 101. The Cimbri were defeated and nearly annihilated by Marius in 101.

55. 20 Fortunate: Sulla's cognomen was Felix, 'The Lucky'.

55.21 except the victory: however much one might deplore Sulla's actions in Rome, he was a gifted general. He was instrumental in the war against the Cimbri and Teutones, responsible for important victories in the Social Wars, and against Mithridates and Archelaus. One might even include his victory over Cinna and Marius in the civil war as something that one would not want changed: it ended the fighting, though it began the proscriptions.

Tarula and Scirtus: nothing else is known of these slaves. The point, however, is that the soldiers who won Sulla's victories would certainly want everything but the victory changed, since they got nothing but death and wounds while Sulla's slaves got wealthy.

Fufidius: he is supposed to be the man who urged Sulla to publish the proscription lists; he was praetor in 81, propraetor in Spain in 80.

a shameless working girl: common political rhetoric. Calling Fufidius a 'working girl' insults both his masculinity and his independence.

55.24 peace and harmony: a slogan of aristocratic interests.

77 Philippus: L. Marcius Philippus, tribune of the plebs c.104, praetor 96, consul in 89, censor in 86, and 'leader of the Senate' at this time. He was a supporter of Sulla and considered the most eloquent speaker of his time. He delivered Sulla's funeral oration.

77.2 Unless perhaps: irony and mockery seems to inform Philippus' style.

77.3 for the destruction of freedom: Philippus uses the slogan of the populares to support the 'freedom' of the optimates, that is, their freedom to continue the control of political and economic life.

incantations: this cannot be a reference to the Sibylline books, which were destroyed when the Capitol burned in 83. It is not necessary to have a precise reference for these 'incantations' in order to understand Philippus' general tone of mockery and contempt.

77.4 from plunder, he got the consulship: the implication appears to be that Lepidus extorted money from Sicily while governor in 80 and used this money to get the consulship by bribery. There is some evidence that he attained the consulship with the help of Pompey and that he had inherited wealth. The facts do not, however, stand in the way of inflammatory rhetoric.

from rebellion, he got a command with an army: the meaning is not entirely clear, since the Latin translated here as 'command' could also mean 'province'. This could be Lepidus' proconsular province of Gaul, pg 208allotted in 78, but according to Sullan law the consular provinces were determined before the consuls were elected. An alternative is that it refers to the revolt of citizens, evicted by Sulla's veterans, in Faesulae. The Senate sent both consuls, Lepidus and Catulus, to restore order. This was unusual, and it is suspected that the Senate was afraid either to send Lepidus alone with an army to Etruria or to leave him alone in Rome without a colleague to restrain him. The revolt was quickly contained. Catulus returned to Rome, but Lepidus stayed in Etruria, where he promised reforms and built support.

77.5 those who decreed legates: Philippus is again being sarcastic: Lepidus was not grateful to the senators who tried to negotiate a peace. While he stayed in Etruria, he promised to recall exiles and restore property; he raised an army and offered money to the populace. The Senate ordered him to disband his army and return to Rome. He refused. The Senate then sent an embassy to maintain 'peace and harmony' and to avert civil war. Whatever promises were made by the legates, the Senate did not ratify the terms.

77.6 proscribed recalled: an exaggeration; Lepidus only promised to recall the proscribed.

praisingthe Aemilian family: some aristocrats continued to support a fellow aristocrat until hostilities actually broke out. Lepidus came from a distinguished family: his father had been consul twice, censor, pontifex maximus, and leader of the Senate, and his son would become consul in 46.

to destroy liberty: again, Philippus uses the slogan of the other side in support of the powers of the oligarchy.

77.7 thief: the Latin latro, which means 'thief', 'bandit' in the classical period, originally meant 'a mercenary soldier, one who fights without rules or legitimate cause'. It was a common term of political abuse.

now he is a proconsul: Philippus distinguishes the actions Lepidus took as consul in 78, when the Senate missed its first opportunity to deal with him, from his actions as proconsul in 77. He was proconsul when he refused to return to Rome and, instead, joined the Etruscan rebels and began to build an army with 'private arms'.

most corrupt men of all the orders: not all of Lepidus' followers were corrupt, dispossessed, or classless. M. Junius Brutus (father of the Brutus who killed C. Julius Caesar) was Lepidus' legate; M. Perpenna Veiento, governor of Sicily and member of an important Etruscan family, was also a legate and later joined Sertorius in Spain; L. Cornelius Cinna, brother-in-law of C. Julius Caesar, also joined Lepidus.

Saturninus: L. Appuleius Saturninus, tribune of the plebs in 103 and 100. In 103 he introduced a law granting land to Marius' veterans and a grain law; in 100 Marius again relied upon him to supply land for his veterans. He won the election for 99, but amid electoral violence pg 209which resulted in the death of one of the candidates for the consulship, he lost Marius' support and was eventually killed while being held in prison.

Sulpicius: P. Sulpicius Rufus, tribune of the plebs in 89, was responsible for transferring Sulla's Mithridatic command to Marius and so setting in motion the events that led to Sulla's civil war.

Marius: pairing Marius with Damasippus indicates that Sallust has in mind Marius' son, C. Marius Minor. He became a leader of his father's faction upon his father's death in 86. His army was defeated by Sulla and he committed suicide in 82.

Damasippus: L. Junius Brutus Damasippus, praetor in 82, executed several leaders of the Senate under Marius' orders, and was killed at Sulla's command after the battle of the Colline Gate, 82.

77.8 Spain is stirred to arms: since 80, Sertorius had been active in Spain.

Mithridates: the First Mithridatic War had been concluded by Sulla in 88; the second, 81, was also concluded by Sulla; the third broke out in 74. Philippus is noting the policy of expansion followed by Mithridates VI after the second war, a policy that would continue to bring him into conflict with Rome.

at the borders: Philippus refers to the peoples first affected by Mithridates' expansionist policies. Cicero notes that the revenues from Asia surpass those of other provinces, that they are what makes war possible and peace honourable (Leg. Man. 14).

77.10 peace and harmony: the aristocratic slogan again.

77.14 the property of others: see Lepidus' speech, 55.17, where he both defends the property he purchased as legally his and promises to return it.

all our civil discord: clearly the oligarchical point of view. Tribunician power was used on both sides to promote factional interests: the Senate wanted to weaken it since it limited their power, the plebs wanted it restored since it gave them some protection against senatorial abuses.

77.15 a second consulship: Marius held the consulship continuously from 104 to 100. Sulla regarded this as a serious threat to constitutional process and required a ten-year hiatus between repetitions of the same magistracy.

the first: Lepidus refused to return to Rome to conduct consular elections in 78. Upon the end of his term as consul, he took proconsular command of his army in Etruria and his province of Gaul. In holding on to this proconsular army and not returning to Rome when the Senate required it, he can be said to have not given up his first consulship.

perjury: a standard piece of political abuse; however, in this case, it may refer to Lepidus' decision to ignore the terms of the oath that he and Catulus took upon setting out for Etruria.

pg 210

77.17 how long will we delay: see note to C 20.9 on the possible echo of the opening words of Cicero's First Catilinarian. One should not be too hasty in assuming that Sallust makes Lepidus (or Catiline, for that matter) echo Cicero. It is equally possible, and perhaps more likely, that Lepidus echoes Catiline (and that Cicero mocks one of Catiline's mannerisms). In any event, the ending of the last section is filled with rhetoric that also recalls Cicero's attack on Catiline.

77.19 crimes of Cinna: L. Cornelius Cinna, consul in 87, attempted to enrol new citizens and to recall Marius. He was expelled from Rome by his colleague, Cn. Octavius. Supported by the army of Ap. Claudius, he was joined by Marius, and returned to Rome where, after five days of looting, rape and murder, he instituted a reign of terror (86–83). During this period he killed many leading men of Rome, here called 'the glory of this order'. His control of Rome was brought to an end by Sulla's return.

77.20 Cethegus: P. Cornelius Cethegus, proscribed by Sulla in 88, later became a follower. After Sulla's death, he was influential in senatorial circles, though he never held office.

77.22 Ap. Claudius as interrex: Ap. Claudius Pulcher was praetor in 89, consul in 79. As consul, he was a 'Sullan' and after Sulla's death was made interrex. He died in Macedonia in 76, leading an army against attacks from the Thracians. Because of civil unrest, the year 77 opened without any elected consuls. An interrex was appointed by the Senate as a provisional office whose responsibilities included consular authority while elections were held. The appointment was for only five days. This dates Philippus' speech to the early days of 77.

that the Republic is not damaged in any way: these are the terms of the Senate's 'final decree'.

88 As military tribuneT. Didius: Sertorius served under Q. Servilius Caepio in 105, and under Marius against the Germans from 105 to 101. We do not know where he served 101–98, but he probably joined T. Didius in 97. Didius was a successful general and politician. Praetor in 101, he celebrated a triumph in 100; he was consul in 98, governor of Spain 97–93, and celebrated another triumph in June 93. He was a legate in the Social Wars, serving under Sulla in 89. Sertorius probably served under him from 97 to 93.

Marsic War: that is, the Social Wars, 91–87.

book ii

17 domination: the Latin dominatio refers to the exercise of absolute power in political and military spheres. The years of Sulla's dictatorship were known as the 'Domination of Sulla'.

19 in using a crowbar with the muscular: I have not been able to improve on McGushin's translation, so I have simply adopted it.

pg 211

(19) he: this fragment has been variously assigned and there is no certainty about whom Sallust is describing, but a good case can be made that this reflects Pompey's cruel and insulting treatment of men like Carbo. The placement here follows McGushin.

47 C. Aurelius Cotta: a member of a distinguished plebeian family, he stood for the tribuneship in 90. We do not know if he won the office that year, but Cicero reports that he was expelled from the tribuneship (some later year?) because of personal animosity. He went into exile when charged with encouraging the allies to revolt, but returned in 82. In 79 he opposed Cicero and supported Sulla in a lawsuit concerning citizenship (Caecin. 97); Cicero called him 'the most eloquent man of the state'. He continued to be prominent in politics: he defended Dolabella against charges brought by Caesar (77), was elected to the College of Priests, elected praetor (78) and consul (75). As consul, he alienated the Senate by abrogating Sulla's law disqualifying tribunes from other magistracies. He received Gaul as his province and was awarded a triumph. He died from 'friendly fire' when he was impaled through the back by one of his soldiers.

mourning: his change of clothes reflected his assumed position as a mourner.

47.2 old age: born in 124, Cotta would be 49 at the time. The Romans marked 60 as the beginning of 'old age'; Cotta's exaggeration may be an appeal to pity, as is his use of the word 'miseries'.

47.3 your parricide: the Latin term parricida, literally 'patricide, killer of one's father', is a highly charged term of political abuse, one that couples fear of the death and destruction that war brings with the impiety of killing not only one's own father, but all who are in the role of father: the 'conscript fathers' or 'fathers of the Senate', the fatherland, as well as close relatives, and so citizens.

given a second birth: a reference to his return from exile in 82. Both exile and execution were considered 'capital punishment' in Rome, since both ended what was considered one's real life, the life of a citizen.

47.4 yougave me back again: not quite true: Cotta returned from exile because of Sulla's victory.

47.6 Our generals in Spain: Sertorius was dominant in Spain from 83 to 77, when he was joined by M. Perperna Veiento with some members of the Roman aristocracy and a Roman army. Metellus was sent in 79 to put down his rebellion, and Pompey was sent in 77 to reinforce Metellus. Sertorius continued to elude capture and defeat. In fact, he defeated Pompey at Sucro and he defeated the combined armies of Pompey and Metellus at Saguntum. Gradually his coalition weakened through rivalries and he was assassinated in 72.

defection of allies: the people of Spain sided with Sertorius, which made it difficult to gather supplies locally.

pg 212

47.6 flightthrough the mountains: Sertorious was notorious for his guerrilla tactics.

47.7 Asia and Cilicia: Asia was a province that included Pergamum, Phrygia, Lydia, and the colonies and islands on the coast of Ionia. Cilicia was between Pamphylia and Syria on the south-east coast of Asia Minor.

Mithridates: at this time Mithridates was negotiating a treaty of cooperation with Sertorius. Of the three Mithridatic wars, this was the third. Lucullus and eventually Pompey were sent to fight the king, who was not defeated until 65, by Pompey.

Macedonia: border wars with the Thracian tribes were being prosecuted by C. Scribonius Curio.

Italy and the provinces: the pirates had their headquarters in southern Asia Minor and troubled commerce from Gibraltar to Syria.

47.11 dedicating my life to the Republic: Cotta refers to the act of devotio, a ritual dedication of one's life to the gods of the underworld in return for their support in war.

70 sling: the meaning of the Latin word transenna is disputed. Here, Macrobius seems to mean 'in a sling'; Servius uses the word to mean 'an extended rope'; in Plautus it seems to refer to a net or snare.

embroidered toga: as was worn by generals in triumphs.

98.4 more enthusiasm than strategy: since this was the complaint made against Pompey on all sides at the beginning of the civil war with Caesar, it is reasonable to see in his acknowledgement a character trait.

a titular command: Pompey claims that he received the title without an army; he provided an army from his own resources. In fact, he kept the army that he had been given to fight Lepidus, despite orders to disband it, until the Senate gave him a command to reinforce Metellus against Sertorius in Spain.

within forty days: early in his career, Pompey was noted for the speed with which he conducted his campaigns; at the end of his career, he succumbed to the greater speed of Caesar's campaigns.

98.5 different from Hannibal's path: the determination of Pompey's route depends on Hannibal's route from Spain to Italy, and we do not know which path Hannibal took.

I recovered Gaul: an exaggeration; there were only local disturbances in Gaul.

Lacetania, the Indigetes: Lacetania was a remote area in the north-east of Spain; the Indigetes ('Natives') were a remote people bordering on Lacetania.

first attack ofSertorius: in the battle of Lauro earlier during the year, Pompey had been outwitted and severely defeated. After the battle his pg 213foraging parties were ambushed and a legion sent to rescue them was annihilated.

new: untrue; his army was the one that he had used against Lepidus.

98.6 popularity: that is, popularity with his troops, who would prefer to winter in the towns.

Sucro: Pompey, having just won a battle at Valentia, attempted to attack Sertorius at Sucro before Metellus could arrive. Sertorius routed Pompey's troops on the left wing and Pompey himself was wounded and forced to flee without his horse. Afranius on the right wing succeeded in taking Sucro, but could not control his troops, who were attacked by Sertorius on his return. Pompey was forced to abandon Sucro.

Turia: the river runs through the Valencian province and empties into the sea at Valentia. Pompey's list here seems to set forth several military successes, but all are really only the individual elements of the same campaign. The object was to control the east coast of Spain. The fighting took place outside the town of Valentia, between the walls and the river Turia.

C. Herennius: praetor in 80, a supporter of Sertorius. Pompey's victory over Sertorius' generals, Herennius and Perperna, took place at Valentia and caused the death of 10,000 rebels, including Herennius.

98.9 supplied Metellus' army: although Pompey seems to assume that political motives are responsible for his lack of supplies, this reference indicates that other contingencies were operating as well.

98.10 the following year: i.e. 74, in which L. Licinius Lucullus and M. Aurelius Cotta were the consuls.

The consuls: i.e. the consuls of 75, C. Aurelius Cotta and L. Octavius.

book iii

48 C. Licinius Macer: author of a history of the struggle between the orders and an orator of some experience, rather than talent (so Cicero, Brut. 238).

48.1 seceded: for the three secessions of the plebs, see above, fifth note on H. 1. 11.

48.2 freedom: these rights include the right of appeal to the Roman people from any sentence of execution, exile, or flogging and the right of a tribune to prevent a magistrate from coercing a citizen.

48.3 empty appearance of a magistracy: Macer means that the tribunate has been so weakened that it is only an empty name. It was not, however, a real magistracy (like the office of aedile, quaestor, praetor, and consul) which entailed statutory power and insignia.

48.4 alone: during the years 76–73 we know of only one tribune for each year. It has been suggested that Sicinius in 76, Quinctius in 74, and Macer in pg 21473 agitated for the restoration of tribunician rights on their own, that the other tribunes steered clear of conflict.

48.8 Cotta: see his speech, above, 2.47. Cotta represented the most conservative wing of the ruling aristocracy. The fact that he was motivated to make some concessions indicates, according to Macer, that the aristocracy is afraid of the plebs.

L. Sicinius was silenced: L. Licinius (or Cn. Licinius; his name is uncertain) was tribune of the plebs in 76. The Latin says that he was 'circumvented', which could mean that he was killed, cut off, or prosecuted.

48.9 Catulus: C. Lutatius Catulus, colleague of Lepidus as consul in 78 and his chief opponent. See 1.55.

48.10 A revolt intervened: Lepidus' rebellion prevented any attempt to restore tribunician powers in 77.

Brutus and Mamercus: Decimus Junius Brutus came from a consular family (his father had been consul in 138 bc) and was the father of the Decimus Brutus who assassinated Caesar. Mamercus Aemilius Lepidus Livianus, consul in 77, was the husband of Sulla's daughter.

C. Curio: himself tribune of the plebs in 90, he was Sulla's legate and elected consul in 76. He supported Cicero during the Catilinarian conspiracy and was an opponent of Caesar. He apparently eliminated Sicinius, the 'innocent tribune'.

48.11 Lucullus: L. Licinius Lucullus, consul in 74, was the military commander who fought Mithridates until replaced by Pompey in 66. He was a military tribune under Sulla, who dedicated his memoirs to him.

L. Quintius: tribune of the plebs in 74, he attempted to restore the tribunician powers.

48.12 both sides: see above, H 1.12: 'while the few who had power … aspired to domination under the honourable pretexts of "the Senate" or "the people" '.

48.15 those manly acts: i.e. acts of armed resistance and secession.

a patrician magistracy: following McGushin, I take this to mean that the ancestors created three rights for the people: the tribunate, the ability to stand for the consulship, which until 367 had been a patrician magistracy, and elections free from senatorial review.

48.17 I am seeking restitution according to the law of nations: the appeal is to a supposedly common law of behaviour between nations. Macer uses the formula that was used by the priest in demanding restitution from foreign nations for stolen property or redress of grievances. Though he does not desire or seek civil discord, he does portray the relationship between aristocracy and plebs as one between antagonistic states.

pg 215

48.18 ancestral portraits: see note on J 4.5. The aristocracy kept images of their famous ancestors in their houses; these badges of nobility were trotted out for funerals and other official occasions. For Macer to imagine the nobles fighting a war with their ancestral portraits is a contemptuous reference to their pomp.

48.19 sudden grain law: the grain law was interpreted as a conciliatory action. It was sponsored by the consuls of 73, M. Terentius Varro Lucullus and C. Cassius Longinus.

48.21 on their necks: as if they were the men who carried Pompey around in his litter.

afraid of him: Pompey was always a source of ambivalence to the nobility. He was used against Lepidus and then extorted the Spanish command by refusing to disband his army. See his letter, above, 2.98.

48.23 to restore tribunician power: something he did do, but not until his consulship in 70.

48.26 not lash your backs: M. Porcius Cato, praetor in 198, had prohibited the scourging of citizens without appeal to the people.

book iv

69.1 King Arsaces: a dynastic name for the Parthian kings, the Arsacids. This king is probably Phraates III, the twelfth Arsacid.

consistent with duty: the Latin term pius, cognate with our word 'pious', refers to the active fulfilment of one's obligations to family, state, and gods; in other words, beyond the meaning 'legitimate' there is an exhortatory sense to the term, 'what one should do'.

69.3 recent war: hostilities between Parthia and Armenia went back to 88–87, when Tigranes II, on the death of Mithridates II of Parthia, attacked and occupied Parthian territory.

my less than successful position: Mithridates refers to his defeat by Lucullus at Cabera (72) and Tigranes' subsequent defeat at Tigranocerta (69).

69.5 craving for power and wealth: see C 11–13 and J 41 for similar comments on Roman degeneration. Note as well, however, that history itself begins for Sallust when 'craving for domination began to be considered a justification for war' (C 2.2).

Philip: Philip V of Macedonia allied himself with Hannibal and expanded his territory and influence in the Aegean and Anatolia. In 201, Rome, at the request of Pergamum and Rhodes, sent an embassy to him with terms for maintaining peace. He ignored diplomatic overtures and Rome declared war in 200. The Romans had defeated Carthage the year before, in 201.

69.6 Carthage: the period 205–202 was the final crucial period in the Second Punic War. For this reason, Rome had in 205 offered Philip liberal terms in the peace treaty of Phoenice.

pg 216

69.6 Antiochus: Antiochus III, king of Syria, offered Philip a secret alliance against Egypt in 203/2. It is unlikely that Rome conceded all interests in Asia to Antiochus; more likely, the Romans were occupied with the Second Macedonian War against Philip.

Philip's power was broken: Philip was defeated in 197. From 196 to 192 Rome used diplomacy to avoid armed conflict with Antiochus. War finally broke out in 192.

Antiochus was stripped: Antiochus was defeated at Thermopylae in April 191 and again at Magnesia in December 190. He was forced to withdraw from Asia on the western side of the Taurus mountains.

69.7 Perseus: Perseus succeeded his father in 179/8. War with Rome broke out in 171 (the Third Macedonian War); Perseus enjoyed erratic success, but was overwhelmingly defeated at Pydna in 168. He fled to the protection of a temple in Samothrace and was persuaded to give himself up to the good faith of the Romans. He attempted a negotiated surrender but was forced to surrender unconditionally.

69.8 death from lack of sleep: other historians report that he committed suicide. Plutarch (Aem. 37.2–3) knows both traditions but says that the guards became angry with Perseus and kept him from sleep until he died. There is no evidence that his death was the official policy of Rome.

Eumenes: Eumenes II, son of Attalus I of Pergamum, succeeded in 197. Rome intervened on his behalf with Bithynia and no doubt promised the benefits of Roman friendship when trying to persuade him to ally himself with Rome.

betrayed him to Antiochus: the charge cannot be substantiated. A change in Roman policy came about at the conclusion of the war with Perseus in 167/6. The Romans suspected Eumenes of betraying the cause of Rome; thereafter, he was humiliated and insulted.

a fake and impious will: according to the will of Attalus, the Roman people were the heirs of the kingdom of Pergamum.

Aristonicus: the illegitimate son of Eumenes, he attempted to seize the throne by violence in 133. The consul P. Licinius Crassus was sent with an army in 131, but was defeated and killed. Crassus' successor, M. Perperna, defeated Aristonicus in 130. Manius Aquillius brought the war to an end in 129. According to some, Aristonicus died before victory celebrations were held; according to others he was led in Aquillius' triumph and was strangled at Rome by order of the Senate.

69.9 Nicomedes: as one of his last official acts, Nicomedes IV (Philopater) left the entire kingdom of Bithynia to Rome in his will. Mithridates' interest in Bithynia led directly to the Third Mithridatic War.

69.10 they used Nicomedes: in 89 the Romans restored Nicomedes IV to the throne of Bithynia and encouraged him to raid the territory of Mithridates. This led to the First Mithridatic War.

pg 217

Ptolemy: Ptolemy VIII of Egypt rejected a request from Rome to aid in the First Mithridatic War.

69.11 drove Nicomedes from Bithynia: in 88 Mithridates' generals, Archelaus and Neoptolemus, defeated Nicomedes and drove him from Bithynia.

69.12 freed Greece from a harsh slavery: Mithridates presents his war in Asia as a war of vengeance and his war in Greece as a war of liberation. As one might expect, the sources present different versions of Athenian loyalty or revolt.

Archelaus: one of Mithridates' generals, defeated in Greece in 86. It was several years after the peace of Dardanus (85) that he deserted to Rome. It seems that incompetence, not treachery, was the reason for his defeat.

Ptolemy: Ptolemy XI (Auletes). From 81, when he succeeded to the throne, until 59, when Egypt was granted status as 'friend and ally', there was a long period of uncertainty and insecurity, during which Ptolemy tried to secure his status with bribes.

69.13 when they are destroyed: in 69 Metellus was given command against the Cretans. The war dragged on until 67, when Crete appealed to Pompey. Metellus ignored any terms of settlement and insisted on finishing the war before Pompey arrived.

internal problems: i.e. the civil wars of Sulla, Cinna, and Marius.

I began to fight again: Mithridates admits aggression, but blames Roman intentions for it. He seems to view the Third Mithridatic War as a continuation of the first war.

69.14 On landof a lovely fleet: Cotta attacked Mithridates before Lucullus' army (including both veteran legions and fresh recruits) arrived. He suffered a total defeat, including the loss of a fleet collected from the allies. Mithridates destroyed 4,000 ships, according to Appian (Mith. 71).

Cyzicus: Mithridates allowed Lucullus to take a position that controlled the supply routes. He had been misled by Magius, either a counsellor from Sertorius or a deserter, into believing that he could win a quick and bloodless victory.

under no compulsion: in fact, he attempted a secret escape from Lucullus' siege, was pursued, and lost 6,000 horse and 15,000 men who were captured.

Parium and Heraclea: at Parium, Mithridates lost about 30,000 infantry while crossing the rivers Aesepus and Granicus which were flooding; at Heraclea he survived a powerful storm by abandoning his heavy ship for a light pirate boat which took him to safety.

69.15 Cabera: Lucullus pursued Mithridates, who had his main force at Cabera in Pontus. Lucullus was forced by Mithridates' cavalry to travel through pg 218the hills, but aided by Greek prisoners he took up a protected position overlooking Cabera. The routes south to Cappadocia were controlled by Mithridates' cavalry.

varying success: not quite true. Mithridates had some initial success with his cavalry, but was soon overwhelmed by Lucullus' superior abilities. He was forced to retreat into Armenia, which was ruled by his son-in-law, Tigranes.

Ariobarzanes: king of Cappadocia, supported by Rome and restored to the throne in 92 by Sulla when he had been expelled by Tigranes. Expelled again by Mithridates, he was restored in 89. The peace of Dardanus (85) placed him again on the throne. His aid to Lucullus was repayment for Roman patronage.

Tigranes' massive forces: Lucullus besieged Tigranocerta with 6,000 men under the assumption that Tigranes, contrary to his own best interests, would come down from the mountains to protect the town. The strategy worked. The Armenian forces included many neighbours, Medes, Arabs, Albani, and Iberians. Plutarch reports that, as Tigranes came down from the mountains, he expected to destroy the Roman army and contemptuously said, 'If they are come as ambassadors, they are too many; if as soldiers, too few' (Plutarch, Luc. 27, McGushin's translation ad 4. 64–6). Lucullus' speed and tactics won a crushing victory. Many areas of Tigranes' kingdom went over to the Romans; Tigranes' subjects sent envoys to Lucullus; various allied rulers sued for terms; and Lucullus opened negotiations with the new king of Parthia.

69.19 Seleucea: the customary residence of Parthian kings on the river Tigris; a centre of trade.

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