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John Burnet (ed.), Plato: Euthyphro; Apology of Socrates; and Crito
Editor’s Notepg 25Editor’s NoteSt.IΑΠΟΛΟΓΙΑ ΣΩΚΠΑΤΟΥΣ
- 17Editor’s Note1Ὅτι μὲν ὑμεῖς, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, πεπόνθατε ὑπὸ τῶν
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus2ἐμῶν κατηγόρων, οὐκ οἶδα· ἐγὼ δ' οὖν καὶ αὐτὸς ὑπ' αὐτῶν
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus3ὀλίγου ἐμαυτοῦ, ἐπελαθόμην, οὕτω πιθανῶς ἔλεγον. καίτοι
- Editor’s Note4ἀληθές γε ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν οὐδὲν εἰρήκασιν. μάλιστα δὲ
- 5αὐτῶν ἓν ἐθαύμασα τῶν πολλῶν ὧν ἐψεύσαντο, τοῦτο ἐν ᾧ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus6ἔλεγον ὡς χρῆν ὑμᾶς εὐλαβεῖσθαι μὴ ὑπ' ἐμοῦ ἐξαπατηθῆτε
- b1ὡς δεινοῦ ὄντος λέγειν. τὸ γὰρ μὴ αἰσχυνθῆναι ὅτι αὐτίκα
- 2ὑπ' ἐμοῦ ἐξελεγχθήσονται ἔργῳ, ἐπειδὰν μηδ' ὁπωστιοῦν
- 3φαίνωμαι δεινός λέγειν, τοῦτό μοι ἔδοξεν αὐτῶν ἀναισχυν-
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus4τότατον εἶναι, εἰ μὴ ἄρα δεινὸν καλοῦσιν οὗτοι λέγειν τὸν
- 5τἀληθῆ λέγοντα· εἰ μὲν γὰρ τοῦτο λέγουσιν, ὁμολογοίην ἂν
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus6ἔγωγε οὐ κατὰ τούτους εἶναι ῥήτωρ. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν, ὥσπερ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus7ἐγὼ λέγω, ἤ τι ἢ οὐδὲν ἀληθὲς εἰρήκασιν, ὑμεῖς δέ μου ἀκού-
- Editor’s Note8σεσθε πᾶσαν τὴν ἀλήθειαν—οὐ μέντοι μὰ Δία, ὦ ἄνδρες
- Editor’s Note9Ἀθηναῖοι, κεκαλλιεπημένους γε λόγους, ὥσπερ οἱ τούτων,
- cEditor’s Note1ῥήμασί τε καὶ ὀνόμασιν οὐδὲ κεκοσμημένους, ἀλλ' ἀκού-
- Editor’s Note2σεσθε εἰκῇ λεγόμενα τοῖς ἐπιτυχοῦσιν ὀνόμασιν—πιστεύω
- Editor’s Note3γὰρ δίκαια εἶναι ἃ λέγω—καὶ μηδεὶς ὑμῶν προσδοκησάτω
- Editor’s Note4ἄλλως· οὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν δήπου πρέποι, ὦ ἄνδρες, τῇδε τῇ
- Editor’s Note5ἡλικίᾳ ὥσπερ μειρακίῳ πλάττοντι λόγους εἰς ὑμᾶς εἰσιέναι.
- Editor’s Note6καὶ μέντοι καὶ πάνυ, ὦ ἂνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τοῦτο ὑμῶν δέομαι
- pg 26Editor’s Note7καὶ παρίεμαι· ἐὰν διὰ τῶν αὐτῶν λόγων ἀκούητέ μου ἀπο-
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus8λογουμένου διʼ ὧνπερ εἴωθα λέγειν καὶ ἐν ἀγορᾷ ἐπὶ τῶν
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus9τραπεζῶν, ἵνα ὑμῶν πολλοὶ ἀκηκόασι, καὶ ἄλλοθι, μήτε
- dEditor’s Note1θαυμάζειν μήτε θορυβεῖν τούτου ἕνεκα. ἔχει γὰρ οὑτωσί.
- Editor’s Note2νῦν ἐγὼ πρῶτον ἐπὶ δικαστήριον ἀναβέβηκα, ἔτη γεγονὼς
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus3ἑβδομήκοντα· ἀτεχνῶς οὖν ξένως ἔχω τῆς ἐνθάδε λέξεως.
- 4ὥσπερ οὖν ἄν, εἰ τῷ ὄντι ξένος ἐτύγχανον ὤν, συνεγιγνώ-
- Editor’s Note5σκετε δήπου ἄν μοι εἰ ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ φωνῇ τε καὶ τῷ τρόπῳ
- 181ἔλεγον ἐν οἷσπερ ἐτεθράμμην, καὶ δὴ καὶ νῦν τοῦτο ὑμῶν
- Editor’s Note2δέομαι δίκαιον, ὥς γέ μοι δοκῶ, τὸν μὲν τρόπον τῆς λέξεως
- 3ἐᾶν—ἴσως μὲν γὰρ χείρων, ἴσως δὲ βελτίων ἂν εἴη—αὐτὸ
- 4δὲ τοῦτο σκοπεῖν καὶ τούτῳ τὸν νοῦν προσέχειν, εἰ δίκαια
- 5λέγω ἢ μή· δικαστοῦ μὲν γὰρ αὕτη ἀρετή, ῥήτορος δὲ
- Editor’s Note6τἀληθῆ λέγειν.
- Editor’s Note7Πρῶτον μὲν οὖν δίκαιός εἰμι ἀπολογήσασθαι, ὦ ἄνδρες
- 8Ἀθηναῖοι, πρὸς τὰ πρῶτά μου ψευδῆ κατηγορημένα καὶ τοὺς
- Critical Apparatus9πρώτους κατηγόρους, ἔπειτα δὲ πρὸς τὰ ὕστερον καὶ τοὺς
- b1ὑστέρους. ἐμοῦ γὰρ πολλοὶ κατήγοροι γεγόνασι πρὸς ὑμᾶς
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus2καὶ πάλαι πολλὰ ἤδη ἔτη καὶ οὐδὲν ἀληθὲς λέγοντες, οὓς
- Editor’s Note3ἐγὼ μᾶλλον φοβοῦμαι ἢ τοὺς ἀμφὶ Ἄνυτον, καίπερ ὄντας
- 4καὶ τούτους δεινούς· ἀλλ' ἐκεῖνοι δεινότεροι, ὦ ἄνδρες, οἳ
- Editor’s Note5ὑμῶν τοὺς πολλοὺς ἐκ παίδων παραλαμβάνοντες ἔπειθόν
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus6τε καὶ κατηγόρουν ἐμοῦ μᾶλλον οὐδὲν ἀληθές, ὡς ἔστιν τις
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus7Σωκράτης σοφὸς ἀνήρ, τά τε μετέωρα φροντιστὴς καὶ τὰ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus8ὑπὸ γῆς πάντα ἀνεζητηκὼς καὶ τὸν ἥττω λόγον κρείττω
- cEditor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1ποιῶν. οὗτοι, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, 〈οἱ〉 ταύτην τὴν φήμην
- 2κατασκεδάσαντες, οἱ δεινοί εἰσίν μου κατήγοροι· οἱ γὰρ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus3ἀκούοντες ἡγοῦνται τοὺς ταῦτα ζητοῦντας οὐδὲ θεοὺς νομίζειν.
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus4ἔπειτά εἰσιν οὗτοι οἱ κατήγοροι πολλοὶ καὶ πολὺν χρόνον
- pg 275ἤδη κατηγορηκότες, ἔτι δὲ καὶ ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ ἡλικίᾳ λέγοντες
- Editor’s Note6πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἐν ᾗ ἂν μάλιστα ἐπιστεύσατε, παῖδες ὄντες ἔνιοι
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus7ὑμῶν καὶ μειράκια, ἀτεχνῶς ἐρήμην κατηγοροῦντες ἀπολο-
- 8γουμένου οὐδενός. ὃ δὲ πάντων ἀλογώτατον, ὅτι οὐδὲ τὰ
- dCritical Apparatus1ὀνόματα οἷόν τε αὐτῶν εἰδέναι καὶ εἰπεῖν, πλὴν εἴ τις
- Editor’s Note2κωμῳδοποιὸς τυγχάνει ὤν. ὅσοι δὲ φθόνῳ καὶ διαβολῇ
- Editor’s Note3χρώμενοι ὑμᾶς ἀνέπειθον—οἱ δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ πεπεισμένοι
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus4ἄλλους πείθοντες—οὗτοι πάντες ἀπορώτατοί εἰσιν· οὐδὲ γὰρ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus5ἀναβιβάσασθαι οἷόν τʼ ἐστὶν αὐτῶν ἐνταυθοῖ οὐδ' ἐλέγξαι
- Editor’s Note6οὐδένα, ἀλλ' ἀνάγκη ἀτεχνῶς ὥσπερ σκιαμαχεῖν ἀπολογού-
- Editor’s Note7μενόν τε καὶ ἐλέγχειν μηδενὸς ἀποκρινομένου. ἀξιώσατε
- 8οὖν καὶ ὑμεῖς, ὥσπερ ἐγὼ λέγω, διττούς μου τοὺς κατηγόρους
- 9γεγονέναι, ἑτέρους μὲν τοὺς ἄρτι κατηγορήσαντας, ἑτέρους δὲ
- e1τοὺς πάλαι οὓς ἐγὼ λέγω, καὶ οἰήθητε δεῖν πρὸς ἐκείνους
- 2πρῶτόν με ἀπολογήσασθαι· καὶ γὰρ ὑμεῖς ἐκείνων πρότερον
- 3ἠκούσατε κατηγορούντων καὶ πολὺ μᾶλλον ἢ τῶνδε τῶν
- 5Εἶεν· ἀπολογητέον δή, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, καὶ ἐπιχειρη-
- 19Editor’s Note1τέον ὑμῶν ἐξελέσθαι τὴν διαβολὴν ἣν ὑμεῖς ἐν πολλῷ χρόνῳ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus2ἔσχετε ταύτην ἐν οὕτως ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ. βουλοίμην μὲν οὖν
- Critical Apparatus3ἂν τοῦτο οὕτως γενέσθαι, εἴ τι ἄμεινον καὶ ὑμῖν καὶ ἐμοί,
- 4καὶ πλέον τί με ποιῆσαι ἀπολογούμενον· οἶμαι δὲ αὐτὸ
- Critical Apparatus5χαλεπὸν εἶναι, καὶ οὐ πάνυ με λανθάνει οἷόν ἐστιν. ὅμως
- Editor’s Note6τοῦτο μὲν ἴτω ὅπῃ τῷ θεῷ φίλον, τῷ δὲ νόμῳ πειστέον καὶ
- Editor’s Note8Ἀναλάβωμεν οὖν ἐξ ἀρχῆς τίς ἡ κατηγορία ἐστὶν ἐξ ἧς
- bEditor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1ἡ ἐμὴ διαβολὴ γέγονεν, ᾗ δὴ καὶ πιστεύων Μέλητός με ἐγρά-
- Editor’s Note2ψατο τὴν γραφὴν ταύτην. εἶεν· τί δὴ λέγοντες διέβαλλον
- Editor’s Note3οἱ διαβάλλοντες; ὥσπερ οὖν κατηγόρων τὴν ἀντωμοσίαν
- Editor’s Note4δεῖ ἀναγνῶναι αὐτῶν· "Σωκράτης ἀδικεῖ καὶ περιεργάζεται
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus5ζητῶν τά τε ὑπὸ γῆς καὶ οὐράνια καὶ τὸν ἥττω λόγον κρείττω,
- pg 28cCritical Apparatus1ποιῶν καὶ ἄλλους ταὐτὰ ταῦτα διδάσκων." τοιαύτη τίς ἐστιν·
- Editor’s Note2ταῦτα γὰρ ἑωρᾶτε καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐν τῇ Ἀριστοφάνους κωμῳδίᾳ,
- Editor’s Note3Σωκράτη τινὰ ἐκεῖ περιφερόμενον, φάσκοντά τε ἀεροβατεῖν
- Editor’s Note4καὶ ἄλλην πολλὴν φλυαρίαν φλυαροῦντα, ὧν ἐγὼ οὐδὲν οὔτε
- 5μέγα οὔτε μικρὸν πέρι ἐπαΐω. καὶ οὐχ ὡς ἀτιμάζων λέγω
- 6τὴν τοιαύτην ἐπιστήμην, εἴ τις περὶ τῶν τοιούτων σοφός
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus7ἐστιν—μή πως ἐγὼ ὑπὸ Μελήτου τοσαύτας δίκας φεύγοιμι—
- Critical Apparatus8ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἐμοὶ τούτων, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, οὐδὲν μέτεστιν.
- dEditor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1μάρτυρας δὲ αὖ ὑμῶν τοὺς πολλοὺς παρέχομαι, καὶ ἀξιῶ
- Critical Apparatus2ὑμᾶς ἀλλήλους διδάσκειν τε καὶ φράζειν, ὅσοι ἐμοῦ πώποτε
- Editor’s Note3ἀκηκόατε διαλεγομένου—πολλοὶ δὲ ὑμῶν οἱ τοιοῦτοί εἰσιν—
- Editor’s Note4φράζετε οὖν ἀλλήλοις εἰ πώποτε ἢ μικρὸν ἢ μέγα ἤκουσέ
- Editor’s Note5τις ὑμῶν ἐμοῦ περὶ τῶν τοιούτων διαλεγομένου, καὶ ἐκ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus6τούτου γνώσεσθε ὅτι τοιαῦτʼ ἐστὶ καὶ τἆλλα περὶ ἐμοῦ ἃ οἱ
- 7πολλοὶ λέγουσιν.
- Editor’s Note8Ἀλλὰ γὰρ οὔτε τούτων οὐδέν ἐστιν, οὐδέ γʼ εἴ τινος
- Editor’s Note9ἀκηκόατε ὡς ἐγὼ παιδεύειν ἐπιχειρῶ ἀνθρώπους καὶ χρήματα
- eEditor’s Note1πράττομαι, οὐδὲ τοῦτο ἀληθές. ἐπεὶ καὶ τοῦτό γέ μοι δοκεῖ
- Critical Apparatus2καλὸν εἶναι, εἴ τις οἷός τ' εἴη παιδεύειν ἀνθρώπους ὥσπερ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus3Γοργίας τε ὁ Λεοντῖνος καὶ Πρόδικος ὁ Κεῖος καὶ Ἱππίας ὁ
- Editor’s Note4Ἠλεῖος. τούτων γὰρ ἕκαστος, ὦ ἄνδρες, οἷός τʼ ἐστὶν ἰὼν
- 5εἰς ἑκάστην τῶν πόλεων τοὺς νέους—οἷς ἔξεστι τῶν ἑαυτῶν
- 6πολιτῶν προῖκα συνεῖναι ᾧ ἂν βούλωνται—τούτους πείθουο
- 201τὰς ἐκείνων συνουσίας ἀπολιπόντας σφίσιν συνεῖναι χρή-
- Editor’s Note2ματα διδόντας καὶ χάριν προσειδέναι. ἐπεὶ καὶ ἄλλος ἀνήρ
- Editor’s Note3ἐστι Πάριος ἐνθάδε σοφὸς ὃν ἐγὼ ᾐσθόμην ἐπιδημοῦντα·
- Critical Apparatus4ἔτυχον γὰρ προσελθὼν ἀνδρὶ ὃς τετέλεκε χρήματα σοφισταῖς
- pg 29Editor’s Note5πλείω ἢ σύμπαντες οἱ ἄλλοι, Καλλίᾳ τῷ Ἱππονίκου· τοῦτον
- Critical Apparatus6οὖν ἀνηρόμην—ἐστὸν γὰρ αὐτῷ δύο ὑεῖ—"Ὦ Καλλία," ἦν
- 7δ' ἐγώ, "εἰ μέν σου τὼ ὑεῖ πώλω ἢ μόσχω ἐγενέσθην,
- Editor’s Note8εἴχομεν ἂν αὐτοῖν ἐπιστάτην λαβεῖν καὶ μισθώσασθαι ὃς
- bCritical Apparatus1ἔμελλεν αὐτὼ καλώ τε κἀγαθὼ ποιήσειν τὴν προσήκουσαν
- 2ἀρετήν, ἦν δ' ἂν οὗτος ἢ τῶν ἱππικῶν τις ἢ τῶν γεωργικῶν·
- 3νῦν δ' ἐπειδὴ ἀνθρώπω ἐστόν, τίνα αὐτοῖν ἐν νῷ ἔχεις
- Editor’s Note4ἐπιστάτην λαβεῖν; τίς τῆς τοιαύτης ἀρετῆς, τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης
- 5τε καὶ πολιτικῆς, ἐπιστήμων ἐστίν; οἶμαι γάρ σε ἐσκέφθαι
- 6διὰ τὴν τῶν ὑέων κτῆσιν. ἔστιν τις," ἔφην ἐγώ, "ἢ οὔ;"
- 7"Πάνυ γε," ἦ δ' ὅς. "Τίς," ἦν δʼ ἐγώ, "καὶ ποδαπός, καὶ
- Editor’s Note8πόσου διδάσκει;" "Εὔηνος," ἔφη, "ὦ Σώκρατες, Πάριος,
- Editor’s Note9πέντε μνῶν." καὶ ἐγὼ τὸν Εὔηνον ἐμακάρισα εἰ ὡς ἀληθῶς
- cEditor’s Note1ἔχοι ταύτην τὴν τέχνην καὶ οὕτως ἐμμελῶς διδάσκει. ἐγὼ
- Editor’s Note2γοῦν καὶ αὐτὸς ἐκαλλυνόμην τε καὶ ἡβρυνόμην ἂν εἰ ἠπιστάμην
- Critical Apparatus3ταῦτα· ἀλλ' οὐ γὰρ ἐπίσταμαι, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι.
- Editor’s Note4Υπολάβοι ἂν οὖν τις ὑμῶν ἴσως· "Ἀλλ', ὦ Σώκρατες,
- Editor’s Note5τὸ σὸν τί ἐστι πρᾶγμα; πόθεν αἱ διαβολαί σοι αὗται γεγόνασιν;
- Editor’s Note6οὐ γὰρ δήπου σοῦ γε οὐδὲν τῶν ἄλλων περιττότερον
- 7πραγματευομένου ἔπειτα τοσαύτη φήμη τε καὶ λόγος γέγονεν,
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus8εἰ μή τι ἔπραττες ἀλλοῖον ἢ οἱ πολλοί. λέγε οὖν ἡμῖν τί
- dEditor’s Note1ἐστιν, ἵνα μὴ ἡμεῖς περὶ σοῦ αὐτοσχεδιάζωμεν." ταυτί μοι
- 2δοκεῖ δίκαια λέγειν ὁ λέγων, κἀγὼ ὑμῖν πειράσομαι ἀπο-
- Editor’s Note3δεῖξαι τί ποτʼ ἐστιν τοῦτο ὃ ἐμοὶ πεποίηκεν τό τε ὄνομα
- 4καὶ τὴν διαβολήν. ἀκούετε δή. καὶ ἴσως μὲν δόξω τισὶν
- 5ὑμῶν παίζειν· εὖ μέντοι ἴστε, πᾶσαν ὑμῖν τὴν ἀλήθειαν
- 6ἐρῶ. ἐγὼ γάρ, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, διʼ οὐδὲν ἀλλ' ἢ διὰ
- 7σοφίαν τινὰ τοῦτο τὸ ὄνομα ἔσχηκα. ποίαν δὴ σοφίαν
- Editor’s Note8ταύτην; ἥπερ ἐστὶν ἴσως ἀνθρωπίνη σοφία· τῷ ὄντι γὰρ
- Editor’s Note9κινδυνεύω ταύτην εἶναι σοφός. οὗτοι δὲ τάχʼ ἄν, οὓς ἄρτι
- pg 30e1ἔλεγον, μείζω τινὰ ἢ κατʼ ἄνθρωπον σοφίαν σοφοὶ εἶεν, ὴ
- Critical Apparatus2οὐκ ἔχω τί λέγω· οὐ γὰρ δὴ ἔγωγε αὐτὴν ἐπίσταμαι, ἀλλ'
- 3ὅστις φησὶ ψεύδεταί τε καὶ ἐπὶ διαβολῇ τῇ ἐμῇ λέγει. καί
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus4μοι, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, μὴ θορυβήσητε, μηδʼ ἐὰν δόξω τι
- Editor’s Note5ὑμῖν μέγα λέγειν· οὐ γὰρ ἐμὸν ἐρῶ τὸν λόγον ὃν ἂν λέγω,
- Editor’s Note6ἀλλ' εἰς ἀξιόχρεων ὑμῖν τὸν λέγοντα ἀνοίσω. τῆς γὰρ
- Critical Apparatus7ἐμῆς, εἰ δή τίς ἐστιν σοφία καὶ οἵα, μάρτυρα ὑμῖν παρέξομαι
- Editor’s Note8τὸν θεὸν τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖς. Χαιρεφῶντα γὰρ ἴστε που. οὗτος
- 21Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1ἐμός τε ἑταῖρος ἦν ἐκ νέου καὶ ὑμῶν τῷ πλήθει ἑταῖρός τε
- Editor’s Note2καὶ συνέφυγε τὴν φυγὴν ταύτην καὶ μεθʼ ὑμῶν κατῆλθε.
- Editor’s Note3καὶ ἴστε δὴ οἷος ἦν Χαιρεφῶν, ὡς σφοδρὸς ἐφʼ ὅτι ὁρμήσειεν.
- 4καὶ δή ποτε καὶ εἰς Δελφοὺς ἐλθὼν ἐτόλμησε τοῦτο μαντεύ-
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus5σασθαι—καί, ὅπερ λέγω, μὴ θορυβεῖτε, ὦ ἄνδρες—ἤρετο γὰρ
- 6δὴ εἴ τις ἐμοῦ εἴη σοφώτερος. ἀνεῖλεν οὖν ἡ Πυθία μηδένα
- Editor’s Note7σοφώτερον εἶναι. καὶ τούτων πέρι ὁ ἀδελφὸς ὑμῖν αὐτοῦ
- 8οὑτοσὶ μαρτυρήσει, ἐπειδὴ ἐκεῖνος τετελεύτηκεν.
- bCritical Apparatus1Σκέψασθε δὴ ὧν ἕνεκα ταῦτα λέγω· μέλλω γὰρ ὑμᾶς διδά-
- 2ξειν ὅθεν μοι ἡ διαβολὴ γέγονεν. ταῦτα γὰρ ἐγὼ ἀκούσας
- Editor’s Note3ἐνεθυμούμην οὑτωσί· "Τί ποτε λέγει ὁ θεός, καὶ τί ποτε
- 4αἰνίττεται; ἐγὼ γὰρ δὴ οὔτε μέγα οὔτε σμικρὸν σύνοιδα
- 5ἐμαυτῷ σοφὸς ὤν· τί οὖν ποτε λέγει φάσκων ἐμὲ σοφώ-
- Editor’s Note6τατον εἶναι; οὐ γὰρ δήπου ψεύδεταί γε· οὐ γὰρ θέμις
- 7αὐτῷ." καὶ πολὺν μὲν χρόνον ἠπόρουν τί ποτε λέγει·
- Editor’s Note8ἔπειτα μόγις πάνυ ἐπὶ ζήτησιν αὐτοῦ τοιαύτην τινὰ ἐτραπό-
- 9μην. ἦλθον ἐπί τινα τῶν δοκούντων σοφῶν εἶναι, ὡς
- cEditor’s Note1ἐνταῦθα εἴπερ που ἐλέγξων τὸ μαντεῖον καὶ ἀποφανῶν τῷ
- Critical Apparatus2χρησμῷ ὅτι "Οὑτοσὶ ἐμοῦ σοφώτερός ἐστι, σὺ δʼ ἐμὲ ἔφησθα."
- Editor’s Note3διασκοπῶν οὖν τοῦτον—ὀνόματι γὰρ οὐδὲν δέομαι λέγειν,
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus4ἦν δέ τις τῶν πολιτικῶν πρὸς ὃν ἐγὼ σκοπῶν τοιοῦτόν τι
- pg 31Critical Apparatus5ἔπαθον, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, καὶ διαλεγόμενος αὐτῷ—ἔδοξέ
- 6μοι οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ δοκεῖν μὲν εἶναι σοφὸς ἄλλοις τε πολλοῖς
- 7ἀνθρώποις καὶ μάλιστα ἑαυτῷ, εἶναι δ' οὔ· κἄπειτα ἐπειρώ-
- 8μην αὐτῷ δεικνύναι ὅτι οἴοιτο μὲν εἶναι σοφός, εἴη δ' οὔ.
- dEditor’s Note1ἐντεῦθεν οὖν τούτῳ τε ἀπηχθόμην καὶ πολλοῖς τῶν παρόντων·
- 2πρὸς ἐμαυτὸν δ' οὖν ἀπιὼν ἐλογιζόμην ὅτι τούτου μὲν τοῦ
- 3ἀνθρώπου ἐγὼ σοφώτερός εἰμι· κινδυνεύει μὲν γὰρ ἡμῶν
- Editor’s Note4οὐδέτερος οὐδὲν καλὸν κἀγαθὸν εἰδέναι, ἀλλʼ οὗτος μὲν
- Editor’s Note5οἴεταί τι εἰδέναι οὐκ εἰδώς, ἐγὼ δέ, ὥσπερ οὖν οὐκ οἶδα,
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus6οὐδὲ οἴομαι· ἔοικα γοῦν τούτου γε σμικρῷ τινι αὐτῷ τούτῳ
- 7σοφώτερος εἶναι, ὅτι ἃ μὴ οἶδα οὐδὲ οἴομαι εἰδέναι. ἐντεῦθεν
- 8ἐπ' ἄλλον ᾖα τῶν ἐκείνου δοκούντων σοφωτέρων εἶναι καὶ
- e1μοι ταὐτὰ ταῦτα ἔδοξε, καὶ ἐνταῦθα κἀκείνῳ καὶ ἄλλοις
- 2πολλοῖς ἀπηχθόμην.
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus3Μετὰ ταῦτʼ οὖν ἤδη ἐφεξῆς ᾖα, αἰσθανόμενος μὲν [καὶ]
- 4λυπούμενος καὶ δεδιὼς ὅτι ἀπηχθανόμην, ὅμως δὲ ἀναγκαῖον
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus5ἐδόκει εἶναι τὸ τοῦ θεοῦ περὶ πλείστου ποιεῖσθαι—ἰτέον
- 6οὖν, σκοποῦντι τὸν χρησμὸν τί λέγει, ἐπὶ ἅπαντας τούς τι
- 22Editor’s Note1δοκοῦντας εἰδέναι. καὶ νή τὸν κύνα, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι—
- 2δεῖ γὰρ πρὸς ὑμᾶς τἀληθῆ λέγειν—ἦ μὴν ἐγὼ ἔπαθόν τι
- Editor’s Note3τοιοῦτον· οἱ μὲν μάλιστα εὐδοκιμοῦντες ἔδοξάν μοι ὀλίγου
- 4δεῖν τοῦ πλείστου ἐνδεεῖς εἶναι ζητοῦντι κατὰ τὸν θεόν,
- Editor’s Note5ἄλλοι δὲ δοκοῦντες φαυότεροι ἐπιεικέστεροι εἶναι ἄνδρες
- 6πρὸς τὸ φρονίμως ἔχειν. δεῖ δὴ ὑμῖν τὴν ἐμὴν πλάνην
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus7ἐπιδεῖξαι ὥσπερ πόνους τινὰς πονοῦντος ἵνα μοι καὶ ἀν-
- 8έλεγκτος ἡ μαντεία γένοιτο. μετὰ γὰρ τοὺς πολιτικοὺς ᾖα
- 9ἐπὶ τοὺς ποιητὰς τούς τε τῶν τραγῳδιῶν καὶ τοὺς τῶν
- b1διθυράμβων καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους, ὡς ἐνταῦθα ἐπʼ αὐτοφώρῳ
- Editor’s Note2καταληψόμενος ἐμαντὸν ἀμαθέστερον ἐκείνων ὄντα. ἀνα-
- 3λαμβάνων οὖν αὐτῶν τὰ ποιήματα ἅ μοι ἐδόκει μάλιστα
- Editor’s Note4πεπραγματεῦσθαι αὐτοῖς, διηρώτων ἂν αὐτοὺς τί λέγοιεν,
- pg 325ἵνʼ ἅμα τι καὶ μανθάνοιμι παρʼ αὐτῶν. αἰσχύνομαι οὖν
- Editor’s Note6ὑμῖν εἰπεῖν, ὦ ἄνδρες, τἀληθῆ· ὅμως δὲ ῥητέον. ὡς ἔπος
- Editor’s Note7γὰρ εἰπεῖν ὀλίγου αὐτῶν ἅπαντες οἱ παρόντες ἂν βέλτιον
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus8ἔλεγον περὶ ὧν αὐτοὶ ἐπεποιήκεσαν. ἔγνων οὖν αὖ καὶ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus9περὶ τῶν ποιητῶν ἐν ὀλίγῳ τοῦτο, ὅτι οὐ σοφίᾳ ποιοῖεν
- cEditor’s Note1ἃ ποιοῖεν, ἀλλὰ φύσει τινὶ καὶ ἐνθουσιάζοντες ὥσπερ οἱ
- 2θεομάντεις καὶ οἱ χρησμῳδοί· καὶ γὰρ οὗτοι λέγουσι μὲν
- 3πολλὰ καὶ καλά, ἴσασιν δὲ οὐδὲν ὧν λέγουσι. τοιοῦτόν
- 4τί μοι ἐφάνησαν πάθος καὶ οἱ ποιηταὶ πεπονθότες, καὶ
- 5ἅμα ᾐσθόμην αὐτῶν διὰ τὴν ποίησιν οἰομένων καὶ τἆλλα
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus6σοφωτάτων εἶναι ἀνθρώπων ἃ οὐκ ἦσαν. ἀπῇα οὖν καὶ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus7ἐντεῦθεν τῷ αὐτῷ οἰόμενος περιγεγονέναι ᾧπερ καὶ τῶν
- Editor’s Note9Τελευτῶν οὖν ἐπὶ τοὺς χειροτέχνας ᾖα· ἐμαυτῷ γὰρ
- dCritical Apparatus1συνῄδη οὐδὲν ἐπισταμένῳ ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν, τούτους δέ γʼ ᾔδη
- 2ὅτι εὑρήσοιμι πολλὰ καὶ καλὰ ἐπισταμένους. καὶ τούτου
- 3μὲν οὐκ ἐψεύσθην, ἀλλ' ἠπίσταντο ἃ ἐγὼ οὐκ ἠπιστάμην
- 4καί μου ταύτῃ σοφώτεροι ἦσαν. ἀλλʼ, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι,
- 5ταὐτόν μοι ἔδοξαν ἔχειν ἁμάρτημα ὅπερ καὶ οἱ ποιηταὶ καὶ
- Editor’s Note6οἱ ἀγαθοὶ δημιουργοί—διὰ τὸ τὴν τέχνην καλῶς ἐξεργά-
- Editor’s Note7ζεσθαι ἕκαστος ἠξίου καὶ τἆλλα τὰ μέγιστα σοφώτατος
- Editor’s Note8εἶναι—καὶ αὐτῶν αὕτη ἡ πλημμέλεια ἐκείνην τὴν σοφίαν
- eEditor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1ἀποκρύπτειν· ὥστε με ἐμαυτὸν ἀνερωτᾶν ὑπὲρ τοῦ χρησμοῦ
- 2πότερα δεξαίμην ἂν οὕτως ὥσπερ ἔχω ἔχειν, μήτε τι σοφὸς
- Editor’s Note3ὢν τὴν ἐκείνων σοφίαν μήτε ἀμαθὴς τὴν ἀμαθίαν, ἢ ἀμ-
- 4φότερα ἃ ἐκεῖνοι ἔχουσιν ἔχειν. ἀπεκρινάμην οὖν ἐμαυτῷ
- Critical Apparatus5καὶ τῷ χρησμῷ ὅτι μοι λυσιτελοῖ ὥσπερ ἔχω ἔχειν.
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus6Ἐκ ταυτησὶ δὴ τῆς ἐξετάσεως, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι,
- 23Editor’s Note1πολλαὶ μὲν ἀπέχθειαί μοι γεγόνασι καὶ οἷαι χαλεπώταται
- pg 332καὶ βαρύταται, ὥστε πολλὰς διαβολὰς ἀπ' αὐτῶν γεγονέναι,
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus3ὄνομα δὲ τοῦτο λέγεσθαι, σοφὸς εἶναι· οἴονται γάρ με
- 4ἑκάστοτε οἱ παρόντες ταῦτα αὐτὸν εἶναι σοφὸν ἃ ἂν ἄλλον
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus5ἐξελέγξω. τὸ δὲ κινδυνεύει, ὦ ἄνδρες, τῷ ὄντι ὁ θεὸς
- 6σοφὸς εἶναι, καὶ ἐν τῷ χρησμῷ τούτῳ τοῦτο λέγειν, ὅτι ἡ
- 7ἀνθρωπίνη σοφία ὀλίγου τινὸς ἀξία ἐστίν καὶ οὐδενός. καὶ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus8φαίνεται τοῦτον λέγειν τὸν Σωκράτη, προσκεχρῆσθαι δὲ
- bEditor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1τῷ ἐμῷ ὀνόματι, ἐμὲ παράδειγμα ποιούμενος, ὥσπερ ἂν
- Critical Apparatus2〈εἰ〉 εἴποι ὅτι "Οὗτος ὑμῶν, ὦ ἄνθρωποι, σοφώτατός ἐστιν,
- 3ὅστις ὥσπερ Σωκράτης ἔγνωκεν ὅτι οὐδενὸς ἄξιός ἐστι τῇ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus4ἀληθείᾳ πρὸς σοφίαν." ταῦτʼ οὖν ἐγὼ μὲν ἔτι καὶ νῦν
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus5περιιὼν ζητῶ καὶ ἐρευνῶ κατὰ τὸν θεὸν καὶ τῶν ἀστῶν καὶ
- Critical Apparatus6ξένων ἄν τινα οἴωμαι σοφὸν εἶναι· καὶ ἐπειδάν μοι μὴ
- Editor’s Note7δοκῇ, τῷ θεῷ βοηθῶν ἐνδείκνυμαι ὅτι οὐκ ἔστι σοφός. καὶ
- Editor’s Note8ὑπὸ ταύτης τῆς ἀσχολίας οὔτε τι τῶν τῆς πόλεως πρᾶξαί
- 9μοι σχολὴ γέγονεν ἄξιον λόγου οὔτε τῶν οἰκείων, ἀλλ' ἐν
- cEditor’s Note1πενίᾳ μυρίᾳ εἰμὶ διὰ τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ λατρείαν.
- Editor’s Note2Πρὸς δὲ τούτοις οἱ νέοι μοι ἐπακολουθοῦντες—οἷς μά-
- Editor’s Note3λιστα σχολή ἐστιν, οἱ τῶν πλουσιωτάτων—αὐτόματοι,
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus4χαίρουσιν ἀκούοντες ἐξεταζομένων τῶν ἀνθρώπων, καὶ αὐτοὶ
- 5πολλάκις ἐμὲ μιμοῦνται, εἶτα ἐπιχειροῦσιν ἄλλους ἐξετάζειν·
- 6κἄπειτα οἶμαι εὑρίσκουσι πολλὴν ἀφθονίαν οἰομένων μὲν
- Critical Apparatus7εἰδέναι τι ἀνθρώπων, εἰδότων δὲ ὀλίγα ἢ οὐδέν. ἐντεῦθεν
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus8οὖν οἱ ὑπ' αὐτῶν ἐξεταζόμενοι ἐμοὶ ὀργίζονται, οὐχ αὑτοῖς,
- dEditor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1καὶ λέγουσιν ὡς Σωκράτης τίς ἐστι μιαρώτατος καὶ δια-
- 2φθείρει τοὺς νέους· καὶ ἐπειδάν τις αὐτοὺς ἐρωτᾷ ὅτι ποιῶν
- Critical Apparatus3καὶ ὅτι διδάσκων, ἔχουσι μὲν οὐδὲν εἰπεῖν ἀλλ' ἀγνοοῦσιν,
- pg 34Editor’s Note4ἵνα δὲ μὴ δοκῶσιν ἀπορεῖν, τὰ κατὰ πάντων τῶν φιλοσο-
- Editor’s Note5φούντων πρόχειρα ταῦτα λέγουσιν, ὅτι "τὰ μετέωρα καὶ
- 6τὰ ὑπὸ γῆς" καὶ "θεοὺς μὴ νομίζειν" καὶ "τὸν ἥττω
- Critical Apparatus7λόγον κρείττω ποιεῖν." τὰ γὰρ ἀληθῆ οἴομαι οὐκ ἂν
- 8ἐθέλοιεν λέγειν, ὅτι κατάδηοι γίγνονται προσποιούμενοι
- Critical Apparatus9μὲν εἰδέναι, εἰδότες δὲ οὐδέν. ἅτε οὖν οἶμαι φιλότιμοι
- eEditor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1ὄντες καὶ σφοδροὶ καὶ πολλοί, καὶ συντεταμένως καὶ πι-
- 2θανῶς λέγοντες περὶ ἐμοῦ, ἐμπεπλήκασιν ὑμῶν τὰ ὦτα καὶ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus3πάλαι καὶ σφοδρῶς διαβάλλοντες. ἐκ τούτων καὶ Μέλητός
- 4μοι ἐπέθετο καὶ Ἄνυτος καὶ Λύκων, Μέλητος μὲν ὑπὲρ τῶν
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus5ποιητῶν ἀχθόμενος, Ἄνυτος δὲ ὑπὲρ τῶν δημιουργῶν καὶ
- 241τῶν πολιτικῶν, Λύκων δὲ ὑπὲρ τῶν ῥητόρων· ὥστε, ὅπερ
- Critical Apparatus2ἀρχόμενος ἐγὼ ἔλεγον, θαυμάζοιμʼ ἂν εἰ οἷός τʼ εἴην ἐγὼ
- 3ὑμῶν ταύτην τὴν διαβολὴν ἐξελέσθαι ἐν οὕτως ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ
- 4οὕτω πολλὴν γεγονυῖαν. ταῦτʼ ἔστιν ὑμῖν, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθη-
- Editor’s Note5ναῖοι, τἀληθῆ, καὶ ὑμᾶς οὔτε μέγα οὔτε μικρὸν ἀποκρυψά-
- 6μενος ἐγὼ λέγω οὐδ' ὑποστειλάμενος. καίτοι οἶδα σχεδὸν
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus7ὅτι αὐτοῖς τούτοις ἀπεχθάνομαι, ὃ καὶ τεκμήριον ὅτι ἀληθῆ
- 8λέγω καὶ ὅτι αὕτη ἐστὶν ἡ διαβολὴ ἡ ἐμὴ καὶ τὰ αἴτια
- b1ταῦτά ἐστιν. καὶ ἐάντε νῦν ἐάντε αὖθις ζητήσητε ταῦτα,
- 2οὕτως εὑρήσετε.
- Editor’s Note3Περὶ μὲν οὖν ὧν οἱ πρῶτοί μου κατήγοροι κατηγόρουν
- Critical Apparatus4αὕτη ἔστω ἱκανὴ ἀπολογία πρὸς ὑμᾶς· πρὸς δὲ Μέλητον
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus5τὸν ἀγαθὸν καὶ φιλόποιν, ὥς φησι, καὶ τοὺς ὑστέρους
- Critical Apparatus6μετὰ ταῦτα πειράσομαι ἀπολογήσασθαι. αὖθις γὰρ δή,
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus7ὥσπερ ἑτέρων τούτων ὄντων κατηγόρων, λάβωμεν αὖ τὴν
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus8τούτων ἀντωμοσίαν. ἔχει δέ πως ὧδε· Σωκράτη φησὶν
- pg 35Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus9ἀδικεῖν τούς τε νέους διαφθείροντα καὶ θεοὺς οὓς ἡ πόλις
- cEditor’s Note1νομίζει οὐ νομίζοντα, ἕτερα δὲ δαιμόνια καινά. τὸ μὲν δὴ
- 2ἔγκημα τοιοῦτόν ἐστιν· τούτου δὲ τοῦ ἐγκήματος ἓν
- 3ἕκαστον ἐξετάσωμεν.
- 4Φησὶ γὰρ δὴ τοὺς νέους ἀδικεῖν με διαφθείροντα. ἐγὼ δέ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus5γε, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, ἀδικεῖν φημι Μέλητον, ὅτι σπουδῇ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus6χαριεντίζεται, ῥᾳδίως εἰς ἀγῶνα καθιστὰς ἀνθρώπους, περὶ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus7πραγμάτων προσποιούμενος σπουδάζειν καὶ κήδεσθαι ὧν οὐδὲν
- Critical Apparatus8τούτῳ πώποτε ἐμέλησεν· ὡς δὲ τοῦτο οὕτως ἔχει, πειράσομαι
- Editor’s Note9καὶ ὑμῖν ἐπιδεῖξαι. καί μοι δεῦρο, ὦ Μέλητε, εἰπέ· ἄλλο τι ἢ
- dEditor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1περὶ πλείστου ποιῇ ὅπως ὡς βέλτιστοι οἱ νεώτεροι ἔσονται;
- Critical Apparatus3Ἴθι δή νυν εἰπὲ τούτοις, τίς αὐτοὺς βελτίους ποιεῖ;
- Editor’s Note4δῆλον γὰρ ὅτι οἶσθα, μέλον γέ σοι. τὸν μὲν γὰρ δια-
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus5φθείροντα ἐξευρών, ὡς φῄς, ἐμέ, εἰσάγεις τουτοισὶ καὶ κατη-
- 6γορεῖς· τὸν δὲ δὴ βελτίους ποιοῦντα ἴθι εἰπὲ καὶ μήνυσον
- 7αὐτοῖς τίς ἐστιν.—Ὁρᾷς, ὦ Μέλητε, ὅτι σιγᾷς καὶ οὐκ
- 8ἔχεις εἰπεῖν; καίτοι οὐκ αἰσχρόν σοι δοκεῖ εἶναι καὶ ἱκανὸν
- Editor’s Note9τεκμήριον οὗ δὴ ἐγὼ λέγω, ὅτι σοι οὐδὲν μεμέληκεν; ἀλλʼ
- 10εἰπέ, ὠγαθέ, τίς αὐτοὺς ἀμείνους ποιεῖ;
- Editor’s Note11Οἱ νόμοι.
- e1Ἀλλʼ οὐ τοῦτο ἐρωτῶ, ὦ βέλτιστε, ἀλλὰ τίς ἄνθρωπος,
- Editor’s Note2ὅστις πρῶτον καὶ αὐτὸ τοῦτο οἶδε, τοὺς νόμους;
- Editor’s Note3Οὗτοι, ὦ Σώκρατες, οἱ δικασταί.
- Critical Apparatus4Πῶς λέγεις, ὦ Μέλητε; οἵδε τοὺς νέους παιδεύειν οἷοί
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus5τέ εἰσι καὶ βελτίους ποιοῦσιν;
- Critical Apparatus7Πότερον ἅπαντες, ἢ οἱ μὲν αὐτῶν, οἱ δ' οὔ;
- pg 36Editor’s Note9Εὖ γε νὴ τὴν Ἥραν λέγεις καὶ πολλὴν ἀφθονίαν τῶν
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus10ὠφελούντων. τί δὲ δή; οἱ δὲ ἀκροαταὶ βελτίους ποιοῦσιν
- 251ἢ οὔ;
- 2Καὶ οὗτοι.
- 3Τί δέ, οἱ βουλευταί;
- 4Καὶ οἱ βουλευταί.
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus5Ἀλλ' ἄρα, ὦ Μέλητε, μὴ οἱ ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ, οἱ ἐκκλη-
- 6σιασταί, διαφθείρουσι τοὺς νεωτέρους; ἢ κἀκεῖνοι βελτίους
- 7ποιοῦσιν ἅπαντες;
- 9Πάντες ἄρα, ὡς ἔοικεν, Ἀθηναῖοι καλοὺς κἀγαθοὺς
- 10ποιοῦσι πλὴν ἐμοῦ, ἐγὼ δὲ μόνος διαφθείρω. οὕτω λέγεις;
- 11Πάνυ σφόδρα ταῦτα λέγω.
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus12Πολλήν γέ μου κατέγνωκας δυστυχίαν. καί μοι ἀπό-
- 13κριναι· ἦ καὶ περὶ ἵππους οὕτω σοι δοκεῖ ἔχειν; οἱ μὲν
- bCritical Apparatus1βελτίους ποιοῦντες αὐτοὺς πάντες ἄνθρωποι εἶναι, εἷς δέ
- Editor’s Note2τις ὁ διαφθείρων; ἢ τοὐναντίον τούτου πᾶν εἷς μέν τις ὁ
- 3βελτίους οἷός τʼ ὢν ποιεῖν ἢ πάνυ ὀλίγοι, οἱ ἱππικοί, οἱ δὲ
- 4πολλοὶ ἐάνπερ συνῶσι καὶ χρῶνται ἵπποις, διαφθείρουσιν;
- 5οὐχ οὕτως ἔχει, ὦ Μέλητε, καὶ περὶ ἵππων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων
- Critical Apparatus6ἁπάντων ζῴων; πάντως δήπου, ἐάντε σὺ καὶ Ἄνυτος οὐ
- 7φῆτε ἐάντε φῆτε· πολλὴ γὰρ ἄν τις εὐδαιμονία εἴη περὶ
- 8τοὺς νέους εἰ εἷς μὲν μόνος αὐτοὺς διαφθείρει, οἱ δ' ἄλλοι
- c1ὠφελοῦσιν. ἀλλὰ γάρ, ὦ Μέλητε, ἱκανῶς ἐπιδείκνυσαι
- Critical Apparatus2ὅτι οὐδεπώποτε ἐφρόντισας τῶν νέων, καὶ σαφῶς ἀποφαί-
- Editor’s Note3νεις τὴν σαυτοῦ ἀμέλειαν, ὅτι οὐδέν σοι μεμέληκεν περὶ ὧν
- 4ἐμὲ εἰσάγεις.
- Editor’s Note5Ἔτι δὲ ἡμῖν εἰπέ, ὦ πρὸς Διὸς Μέλητε, πότερόν ἐστιν
- Editor’s Note6οἰκεῖν ἄμεινον ἐν πολίταις χρηστοῖς ἢ πονηροῖς; ὦ τάν, ἀπό-
- Critical Apparatus7κριναι· οὐδὲν γάρ τοι χαλεπὸν ἐρωτῶ. οὐχ οἱ μὲν πονηροὶ
- pg 37Editor’s Note8κακόν τι ἐργάζονται τοὺς ἀεὶ ἐγγυτάτω αὑτῶν ὄντας, οἱ δʼ
- 9ἀγαθοὶ ἀγαθόν τι;
- 10Πάνυ γε.
- d1Ἔστιν οὖν ὅστις βούλεται ὑπὸ τῶν συνόντων βλάπτεσθαι
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus2μᾶλλον ἢ ὠφελεῖσθαι; ἀποκρίνου, ὦ ἀγαθέ· καὶ γὰρ ὁ νόμος
- 3κελεύει ἀποκρίνεσθαι. ἔσθ' ὅστις βούλεται βλάπτεσθαι;
- 4Οὐ δῆτα.
- Editor’s Note5Φέρε δή, πότερον ἐμὲ εἰσάγεις δεῦρο ὡς διαφθείροντα τοὺς
- Critical Apparatus6νέους καὶ πονηροτέρους ποιοῦντα ἑκόντα ἢ ἄκοντα;
- 7Ἑκόντα ἔγωγε.
- Critical Apparatus8Τί δῆτα, ὦ Μέλητε; τοσοῦτον σὺ ἐμοῦ σοφώτερος εἶ τη-
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus9λικούτου ὄντος τηλικόσδε ὤν, ὥστε σὺ μὲν ἔγνωκας ὅτι οἱ
- 10μὲν κακοὶ κακόν τι ἐργάζονται ἀεὶ τοὺς μάλιστα πλησίον
- eCritical Apparatus1ἑαυτῶν, οἱ δὲ ἀγαθοὶ ἀγαθόν, ἐγὼ δὲ δὴ εἰς τοσοῦτον ἀμα-
- 2θίας ἥκω ὥστε καὶ τοῦτʼ ἀγνοῶ, ὅτι ἐάν τινα μοχθηρὸν
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus3ποιήσω τῶν συνόντων, κινδυνεύσω κακόν τι λαβεῖν ύπ' αὐτοῦ,
- Critical Apparatus4ὥστε τοῦτο 〈τὸ〉 τοσοῦτον κακὸν ἑκὼν ποιῶ, ὡς φῂς σύ;
- Editor’s Note5ταῦτα ἐγώ σοι οὐ πείθομαι, ὦ Μέλητε, οἶμαι δὲ οὐδὲ ἄλλον
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus6ἀνθρώπων οὐδένα· ἀλλ' ἢ οὐ διαφθείρω, ἢ εἰ διαφθείρω,
- 261ἄκων, ὥστε σύ γε κατʼ ἀμφότερα ψεύδῃ. εἰ δὲ ἄκων δια-
- Critical Apparatus2φθείρω, τῶν τοιούτων [καὶ ἀκουσίων] ἁμαρτημάτων οὐ δεῦρο
- Editor’s Note3νόμος εἰσάγειν ἐστίν, ἀλλὰ ἰδίᾳ λαβόντα διδάσκειν καὶ νου-
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus4θετεῖν· δῆλον γὰρ ὅτι ἐὰν μάθω, παύσομαι ὅ γε ἄκων ποιῶ.
- 5σὺ δὲ συγγενέσθαι μέν μοι καὶ διδάξαι ἔφυγες καὶ οὐκ
- 6ἠθέλησας, δεῦρο δὲ εἰσάγεις, οἷ νόμος ἐστὶν εἰσάγειν τοὺς
- 7κολάσεως δεομένους ἀλλ' οὐ μαθήσεως.
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus8Ἀλλὰ γάρ, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τοῦτο μὲν ἤδη δῆλον
- bEditor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1οὑγὼ ἔλεγον, ὅτι Μελήτῳ τούτων οὔτε μέγα οὔτε μικρὸν
- Editor’s Note2πώποτε ἐμέλησεν. ὅμως δὲ δὴ λέγε ἡμῖν, πῶς με φῂς
- pg 38Critical Apparatus3διαφθείρειν, ὦ Μελητε, τοὺς νεωτέρους; ἢ δῆλον δὴ ὅτι
- 4κατὰ τὴν γραφὴν ἥν ἐγράψω θεοὺς διδάσκοντα μὴ νομίζειν
- Editor’s Note5οὓς ἡ πόλις νομίζει, ἕτερα δὲ δαιμόνια καινά; οὐ ταῦτα
- 6λέγεις ὅτι διδάσκων διαφθείρω;
- 7Πάνυ μὲν οὖν σφόδρα ταῦτα λέγω.
- Editor’s Note8Πρὸς αὐτῶν τοίνυν, ὦ Μέλητε, τούτων τῶν θεῶν ὧν νῦν
- 9ὁ λόγος ἐστίν, εἰπὲ ἔτι σαφέστερον καὶ ἐμοὶ καὶ τοῖς ἀν-
- cEditor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1δράσιν τουτοισί. ἐγὼ γὰρ οὐ δύναμαι μαθεῖν πότερον λέγεις
- Editor’s Note2διδάσκειν με νομίζειν εἶναί τινας θεούς—καὶ αὐτὸς ἄρα νομίζω
- 3εἶναι θεοὺς καὶ οὐκ εἰμὶ τὸ παράπαν ἄθεος οὐδὲ ταύτῃ ἀδικῶ
- 4—οὐ μέντοι οὕσπερ γε ἡ πόλις ἀλλὰ ἑτέρους, καὶ τοῦτʼ ἔστιν
- 5ὅ μοι ἐγκαλεῖς, ὅτι ἑτέρους, ἢ παντάπασί με φῂς οὔτε
- 6αὐτὸν νομίζειν θεοὺς τούς τε ἄλλους ταῦτα διδάσκειν.
- 7Ταῦτα λέγω, ὡς τὸ παράπαν οὐ νομίζεις θεούς.
- dEditor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1Ὦ θαυμάσιε Μέλητε, ἵνα τί ταῦτα λέγεις; οὐδὲ ἥλιον
- 2οὐδὲ σελήνην ἄρα νομίζω θεοὺς εἶναι, ὥσπερ οἱ ἄλλοι ἄν-
- Editor’s Note4Μὰ Δί', ὦ ἄνδρες δικασταί, ἐπεὶ τὸν μὲν ἥλιον λίθον
- 5φησὶν εἶναι, τὴν δὲ σελήνην γῆν.
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus6Ἀναξαγόρου οἴει κατηγορεῖν, ὦ φίλε Μέλητε; καὶ οὕτω
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus7καταφρονεῖς τῶνδε καὶ οἴει αὐτοὺς ἀπείρους γραμμάτων εἶναι
- 8ὥστε οὐκ εἰδέναι ὅτι τὰ Ἀναξαγόρου βιβλία τοῦ Κλαζομε-
- 9νίου γέμει τούτων τῶν λόγων; καὶ δὴ καὶ οἱ νέοι ταῦτα παρ'
- Editor’s Note10ἐμοῦ μανθάνουσιν, ἃ ἔξεστιν ἐνίοτε εἰ πάνυ πολλοῦ δραχμῆς
- eEditor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1ἐκ τῆς ὀρχήστρας πριαμένοις Σωκράτους καταγελᾶν, ἐὰν
- Editor’s Note2προσποιῆται ἑαυτοῦ εἶναι, ἄλλως τε καὶ οὕτως ἄτοπα ὄντα;
- Critical Apparatus3ἀλλʼ, ὦ πρὸς Διός, οὑτωσί σοι δοκῶ; οὐδένα νομίζω θεὸν
- 5Οὐ μέντοι μὰ Δία οὐδ' ὁπωστιοῦν.
- pg 39Editor’s Note6Ἄπιστός γ' εἶ, ὦ Μέλητε, καὶ ταῦτα μέντοι, ὡς ἐμοὶ
- Critical Apparatus7δοκεῖς, σαυτῷ. ἐμοὶ γὰρ δοκεῖ οὑτοσί, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι,
- Editor’s Note8πάνυ εἶναι ὑβριστὴς καὶ ἀκόλαστος, καὶ ἀτεχνῶς τὴν γρα-
- 9φὴν ταύτην ὕβρει τινὶ καὶ ἀκολασίᾳ καὶ νεότητι γράψασθαι.
- 27Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1ἔοικεν γὰρ ὥσπερ αἴνιγμα συντιθέντι διαπειρωμένῳ "Ἆρα
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus2γνώσεται Σωκράτης ὁ σοφὸς δὴ ἐμοῦ χαριεντιζομένου καὶ
- 3ἐναντίʼ ἐμαυτῷ λέγοντος, ἢ ἐξαπατήσω αὐτὸν καὶ τοὺς ἄλ-
- Critical Apparatus4λους τοὺς ἀκούοντας;" οὗτος γὰρ ἐμοὶ φαίνεται τὰ ἐναντία
- Critical Apparatus5λέγειν αὐτὸς ἑαυτῷ ἐν τῇ γραφῇ ὥσπερ ἂν εἰ εἴποι· "Ἀδικεῖ
- 6Σωκράτης θεοὺς οὐ νομίζων, ἀλλὰ θεοὺς νομίζων." καίτοι
- 7τοῦτό ἐστι παίζοντος.
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus8Συνεπισκέψασθε δή, ὦ ἄνδρες, ᾗ μοι φαίνεται ταῦτα
- Editor’s Note9λέγειν· σὺ δὲ ἡμῖν ἀπόκριναι, ὦ Μέλητε. ὑμεῖς δέ, ὅπερ
- bEditor’s Note1κατʼ ἀρχὰς ὑμᾶς παρῃτησάμην, μέμνησθέ μοι μὴ θορυβεῖν
- 2ἐὰν ἐν τῷ εἰωθότι τρόπῳ τοὺς λόγους ποιῶμαι.
- Editor’s Note3Ἔστιν ὅστις ἀνθρώπων, ὦ Μέλητε, ἀνθρώπεια μὲν νομίζει
- Editor’s Note4πράγματʼ εἶναι, ἀνθρώπους δὲ οὐ νομίζει; ἀποκρινέσθω, ὦ
- Editor’s Note5ἄνδρες, καὶ μὴ ἄλλα καὶ ἄλλα θορυβείτω· ἔσθ' ὅστις ἵππους
- 6μὲν οὐ νομίζει, ἱππικὰ δὲ πράγματα; ἢ αὐλητὰς μὲν οὐ
- 7νομίζει εἶναι, αὐλητικὰ δὲ πράγματα; οὐκ ἔστιν, ὦ ἄριστε
- Critical Apparatus8ἀνδρῶν· εἰ μὴ σὺ βούλει ἀποκρίνεσθαι, ἐγὼ σοὶ λέγω καὶ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus9τοῖς ἄλλοις τουτοισί. ἀλλὰ τὸ ἐπὶ τούτῳ γε ἀπόκριναι·
- cEditor’s Note1ἔσθ' ὅστις δαιμόνια μὲν νομίζει πράγματʼ εἶναι, δαίμονας δὲ
- 2οὐ νομίζει;
- 3Ούκ ἔστιν.
- Editor’s Note4Ὡς ὤνησας ὅτι μόγις ἀπεκρίνω ὑπὸ τουτωνὶ ἀναγκαζό-
- Editor’s Note5μενος. οὐκοῦν δαιμόνια μὲν φῄς με καὶ νομίζειν καὶ διδά-
- 6σκειν, εἴτʼ οὖν καινὰ εἴτε παλαιά, ἀλλ' οὖν δαιμόνιά γε
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus7νομίζω κατὰ τὸν σὸν λόγον, καὶ ταῦτα καὶ διωμόσω ἐν τῇ
- 8ἀντιγραφῇ. εἰ δὲ δαιμόνια νομίζω, καὶ δαίμονας δήπου
- pg 409πολλὴ ἀνάγκη νομίζειν μέ ἐστιν· οὐχ οὕτως ἔχει; ἔχει δή·
- Editor’s Note10τίθημι γάρ σε ὁμολογοῦντα, ἐπειδὴ οὐκ ἀποκρίνῃ· τοὺς δὲ
- dEditor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1δαίμονας οὐχὶ ἤτοι θεούς γε ἡγούμεθα ἢ θεῶν παῖδας; φῂς
- 2ἢ οὔ;
- 3Πάνυ γε.
- Editor’s Note4Οὐκοῦν εἴπερ δαίμονας ἡγοῦμαι, ὡς σὺ φῄς, εἰ μὲν θεοί
- Editor’s Note5τινές εἰσιν οἱ δαίμονες, τοῦτʼ ἂν εἴη ὃ ἐγώ φημί σε αἰνίτ-
- Critical Apparatus6τεσθαι καὶ χαριεντίζεσθαι, θεοὺς οὐχ ἡγούμενον φάναι με
- 7θεοὺς αὖ ἡγεῖσθαι πάλιν, ἐπειδήπερ γε δαίμονας ἡγοῦμαι·
- Editor’s Note8εἰ δ' αὖ οἱ δαίμονες θεῶν παῖδές εἰσιν νόθοι τινὲς ἢ ἐκ νυμ-
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus9φῶν ἢ ἔκ τινων ἄλλων ὧν δὴ καὶ λέγονται, τίς ἂν ἀνθρώ-
- 10πων θεῶν μὲν παῖδας ἡγοῖτο εἶναι, θεοὺς δὲ μή; ὁμοίως γὰρ
- eEditor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1ἂν ἄτοπον εἴη ὥσπερ ἂν εἴ τις ἵππων μὲν παῖδας ἡγοῖτο
- Critical Apparatus2ἢ καὶ ὄνων, τοὺς ἡμιόνονς, ἵππους δὲ καὶ ὄνους μὴ ἡγοῖτο
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus3εἶναι. ἀλλʼ, ὦ Μέλητε, οὐκ ἔστιν ὅπως σὺ ταῦτα οὐχὶ
- 4ἀποπειρώμενος ἡμῶν ἐγράψω τὴν γραφὴν ταύτην ἢ ἀπορῶν
- 5ὅτι ἐγκαλοῖς ἐμοὶ ἀληθὲς ἀδίκημα· ὅπως δὲ σύ τινα πείθοις
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus6ἂν καὶ σμικρὸν νοῦν ἔχοντα ἀνθρώπων, ὡς οὐ τοῦ αὐτοῦ
- 7ἔστιν καὶ δαιμόνια καὶ θεῖα ἡγεῖσθαι, καὶ αὖ τοῦ αὐτοῦ μήτε
- 281δαίμονας μήτε θεοὺς μήτε ἥρωας, οὐδεμία μηχανή ἐστιν.
- Editor’s Note2Ἀλλὰ γάρ, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, ὡς μὲν ἐγὼ οὐκ ἀδικῶ
- 3κατὰ τὴν Μελήτου γραφήν, οὐ πολλῆς μοι δοκεῖ εἶναι ἀπο-
- Editor’s Note4λογίας, ἀλλὰ ἱκανὰ καὶ ταῦτα· ὃ δὲ καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν
- 5ἔλεγον, ὅτι πολλή μοι ἀπέχθεια γέγονεν καὶ πρὸς πολλούς,
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus6εὖ ἴστε ὅτι ἀληθές ἐστιν. καὶ τοῦτʼ ἔστιν ὃ ἐμὲ αἱρεῖ, ἐάν-
- 7περ αἱρῇ, οὐ Μέλητος οὐδὲ Ἄνυτος ἀλλʼ ἡ τῶν πολλῶν δια-
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus8βολή τε καὶ φθόνος. ἃ δὴ πολλοὺς καὶ ἄλλους καὶ ἀγαθοὺς
- pg 41bEditor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1ἄνδρας ᾕρηκεν, οἶμαι δὲ καὶ αἱρήσει· οὐδὲν δὲ δεινὸν μὴ ἐν
- 2ἐμοὶ στῇ.
- Critical Apparatus3Ἴσως ἂν οὖν εἴποι τις· "Εἶτʼ οὐκ αἰσχύνῃ, ὦ Σώκρατες,
- 4τοιοῦτον ἐπιτήδευμα ἐπιτηδεύσας ἐξ οὗ κινδυνεύεις νυνὶ ἀπο-
- Critical Apparatus5θανεῖν;" ἐγὼ δὲ τούτῳ ἂν δίκαιον λόγον ἀντείποιμι, ὅτι "Οὐ
- Editor’s Note6καλῶς λέγεις, ὦ ἄνθρωπε, εἰ οἴει δεῖν κίνδυνον ὑπολογίζεσθαι
- Editor’s Note7τοῦ ζῆν ἢ τεθνάναι ἄνδρα ὅτου τι καὶ σμικρὸν ὄφελός ἐστιν,
- Critical Apparatus8ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἐκεῖνο μόνον σκοπεῖν ὅταν πράττῃ, πότερον δίκαια ἢ
- Editor’s Note9ἄδικα πράττει, καὶ ἀνδρὸς ἀγαθοῦ ἔργα ἢ κακοῦ. φαῦλοι
- cEditor’s Note1γὰρ ἂν τῷ γε σῷ λόγῳ εἶεν τῶν ἡμιθέων ὅσοι ἐν Τροίᾳ
- Editor’s Note2τετελευτήκασιν οἵ τε ἄλλοι καὶ ὁ τῆς Θέτιδος ὑός, ὃς
- Editor’s Note3τοσοῦτον τοῦ κινδύνου κατεφρόνησεν παρὰ τὸ αἰσχρόν τι
- Editor’s Note4ὑπομεῖναι ὥστε, ἐπειδὴ εἶπεν ἡ μήτηρ αὐτῷ προθυμουμένῳ
- Critical Apparatus5Ἕκτορα ἀποκτεῖναι, θεὸς οὖσα, οὑτωσί πως, ὡς ἐγὼ οἶμαι·
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus6'Ὦ παῖ, εἰ τιμωρήσεις Πατρόκλῳ τῷ ἑταίρῳ τὸν φόνον
- Editor’s Note7καὶ Ἕκτορα ἀποκτενεῖς, αὐτὸς ἀποθανῇ—αὐτίκα γάρ τοι,ʼ
- Critical Apparatus8φησί, 'μεθ' Ἕκτορα πότμος ἑτοῖμος'—ὁ δὲ τοῦτο ἀκούσας
- 9τοῦ μὲν θανάτου καὶ τοῦ κινδύνου ὠλιγώρησε, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλ-
- d1λον δείσας τὸ ζῆν κακὸς ὢν καὶ τοῖς φίλοις μὴ τιμωρεῖν,
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus2'Αὐτίκα,' φησί, 'τεθναίην, δίκην ἐπιθεὶς τῷ ἀδικοῦντι,
- Critical Apparatus3ἵνα μὴ ἐνθάδε μένω καταγέλαστος παρὰ νηυσὶ κορωνίσιν
- Editor’s Note4ἄχθος ἀρούρης.' μὴ αὐτὸν οἴει φροντίσαι θανάτου καὶ
- 6Οὕτω γὰρ ἔχει, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τῇ ἀληθείᾳ· οὗ ἄν τις
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus7ἑαυτὸν τάξῃ ἡγησάμενος βέλτιστον εἶναι ἢ ὑπʼ ἄρχοντος
- 8ταχθῇ, ἐνταῦθα δεῖ, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, μένοντα κινδυνεύειν,
- Editor’s Note9μηδὲν ὑπολογιζόμενον μήτε θάνατον μήτε ἄλλο μηδὲν πρὸ τοῦ
- Editor’s Note10αἰσχροῦ. ἐγὼ οὖν δεινὰ ἂν εἴην εἰργασμένος, ὦ ἄνδρες
- eEditor’s Note1Ἀθηναῖοι, εἰ ὅτε μέν με οἱ ἄρχοντες ἔταττον, οὓς ὑμεῖς εἵλεσθε
- pg 42Editor’s Note2ἄρχειν μου, καὶ ἐν Ποτειδαίᾳ καὶ ἐν Ἀμφιπόλει καὶ ἐπὶ
- Editor’s Note3Δηλίῳ, τότε μὲν οὗ ἐκεῖνοι ἔταττον ἔμενον ὥσπερ καὶ ἄλλος
- Editor’s Note4τις καὶ ἐκινδύνενον ἀποθανεῖν, τοῦ δὲ θεοῦ τάττοντος, ὡς ἐγὼ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus5ᾠήθην τε καὶ ὑπέλαβον, φιλοσοφοῦντά με δεῖν ζῆν καὶ ἐξετά-
- 6ζοντα ἐμαυτὸν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους, ἐνταῦθα δὲ φοβηθεὶς ἢ θάνατον
- 29Critical Apparatus1ἢ ἄλλ' ὁτιοῦν πρᾶγμα λίποιμι τὴν τάξιν. δεινόν τἂν εἴη, καὶ
- Editor’s Note2ὡς ἀληθῶς τότʼ ἄν με δικαίως εἰσάγοι τις ἐις δικαστήριον,
- Editor’s Note3ὅτι οὐ νομίζω θεοὺς εἶναι ἀπειθῶν τῇ μαντείᾳ καὶ δεδιὼς
- 4θάνατον καὶ οἰόμενος σοφὸς εἶναι οὐκ ὤν. τὸ γάρ τοι
- 5θάνατον δεδιέναι, ὦ ἄνδρες, οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἐστὶν ἢ δοκεῖν σοφὸν
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus6εἶναι μὴ ὄντα· δοκεῖν γὰρ εἰδέναι ἐστὶν ἃ οὐκ οἶδεν. οἶδε
- Editor’s Note7μὲν γὰρ οὐδεὶς τὸν θάνατον οὐδ' εἰ τυγχάνει τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ
- 8πάντων μέγιστον ὂν τῶν ἀγαθῶν, δεδίασι δ' ὡς εὖ εἰδότες
- bEditor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1ὅτι μέγιστον τῶν κακῶν ἐστι. καίτοι πῶς οὐκ ἀμαθία ἐστὶν
- Critical Apparatus2αὕτη ἡ ἐπονείδιστος, ἡ τοῦ οἴεσθαι εἰδέναι ἃ οὐκ οἶδεν; ἐγὼ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus3δʼ, ὦ ἄνδρες, τούτῳ καὶ ἐνταῦθα ἴσως διαφέρω τῶν πολλῶν
- Critical Apparatus4ἀνθρώπων, καὶ εἰ δή τῳ σοφώτερός του φαίην εἶναι, τούτῳ
- 5ἄν, ὅτι οὐκ εἰδὼς ἱκανῶς περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἅιδου οὕτω καὶ οἴομαι
- Editor’s Note6οὐκ εἰδέναι· τὸ δὲ ἀδικεῖν καὶ ἀπειθεῖν τῷ βελτίονι καὶ θεῷ
- Editor’s Note7καὶ ἀνθρώπῳ, ὅτι κακὸν καὶ αἰσχρόν ἐστιν οἶδα. πρὸ οὖν τῶν
- Critical Apparatus8κακῶν ὧν οἶδα ὅτι κακά ἐστιν, ἃ μὴ οἶδα εἰ καὶ ἀγαθὰ ὄντα
- Editor’s Note9τυγχάνει οὐδέποτε φοβήσομαι οὐδὲ φεύξομαι· ὥστε οὐδ' εἴ
- cEditor’s Note1με νῦν ὑμεῖς ἀφίετε Ἀνύτῳ ἀπιστήσαντες, ὃς ἔφη ἢ τὴν
- Editor’s Note2ἀρχὴν οὐ δεῖν ἐμὲ δεῦρο εἰσελθεῖν ἤ, ἐπειδὴ εἰσῆλθον, οὐχ
- Editor’s Note3οἷόν τʼ εἶναι τὸ μὴ ἀποκτεῖναί με, λέγων πρὸς ὑμᾶς ὡς εἰ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus4διαφενξοίμην ἤδη [ἂν] ὑμῶν οἱ ὑεῖς ἐπιτηδεύοντες ἃ Σωκρά-
- 5της διδάσκει πάντες παντάπασι διαφθαρήσονται,—εἴ μοι
- Critical Apparatus6πρὸς ταῦτα εἴποιτε·"Ὦ Σώκρατες, νῦν μὲν Ἀνύτῳ οὐ πει-
- pg 437σόμεθα ἀλλ' ἀφίεμέν σε, ἐπὶ τούτῳ μέντοι, ἐφʼ ᾧτε μηκέτι
- 8ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ ζητήσει διατρίβειν μηδὲ φιλοσοφεῖν· ἐὰν δὲ
- d1ἁλῷς ἔτι τοῦτο πράττων, ἀποθανῇ"—εἰ οὖν με, ὅπερ εἶπον,
- Critical Apparatus2ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀφίοιτε, εἴποιμʼ ἂν ὑμῖν ὅτι "Ἐγὼ ὑμᾶς, ὦ ἄνδρες
- Editor’s Note3Ἀθηναῖοι, ἀσπάζομαι μὲν καὶ φιλῶ, πείσομαι δὲ μᾶλλον τῷ
- 4θεῷ ἢ ὑμῖν, καὶ ἕωσπερ ἂν ἐμπνέω καὶ οἷός τε ὦ, οὐ μὴ
- 5παύσωμαι φιλοσοφῶν καὶ ὑμῖν παρακελευόμενός τε καὶ
- Editor’s Note6ἐνδεικνύμενος ὅτῳ ἂν ἀεὶ ἐντυγχάνω ὑμῶν, λέγων οἷάπερ
- Editor’s Note7εἴωθα, ὅτι 'Ὦ ἄριστε ἀνδρῶν, Ἀθηναῖος ὤν, πόλεως τῆς
- Editor’s Note8μεγίστης καὶ εὐδοκιμωτάτης εἰς σοφίαν καὶ ἰσχύν, χρημάτων
- 9μὲν οὐκ αἰσχύνῃ ἐπιμελούμενος ὅπως σοι ἔσται ὡς πλεῖστα,
- eEditor’s Note1καὶ δόξης καὶ τιμῆς, φρονήσεως δὲ καὶ ἀληθείας καὶ τῆς
- 2ψυχῆς ὅπως ὡς βελτίστη ἔσται οὐκ ἐπιμελῇ οὐδὲ φροντί-
- Critical Apparatus3ζεις;ʼ καὶ ἐάν τις ὑμῶν ἀμφισβητήσῃ καὶ φῇ ἐπιμελεῖσθαι,
- Editor’s Note4οὐκ εὐθὺς ἀφήσω αὐτὸν οὐδ' ἄπειμι, ἀλλ' ἐρήσομαι αὐτὸν καὶ
- 5ἐξετάσω καὶ ἐλέγξω, καὶ ἐάν μοι μὴ δοκῇ κεκτῆσθαι ἀρετήν,
- 30Critical Apparatus1φάναι δέ, ὀνειδιῶ ὅτι τὰ πλείστου ἄξια περὶ ἐλαχίστου ποι-
- 2εῖται, τὰ δὲ φαυλότερα περὶ πλείονος. ταῦτα καὶ νεωτέρῳ
- Editor’s Note3καὶ πρεσβυτέρῳ ὅτῳ ἂν ἐντυγχάνω ποιήσω, καὶ ξένῳ καὶ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus4ἀστῷ, μᾶλλον δὲ τοῖς ἀστοῖς, ὅσῳ μου ἐγγυτέρω ἐστὲ γένει.
- 5ταῦτα γὰρ κελεύει ὁ θεός, εὖ ἴστε, καὶ ἐγὼ οἴομαι οὐδέν πω
- 6ὑμῖν μεῖζον ἀγαθὸν γενέσθαι ἐν τῇ πόλει ἢ τὴν ἐμὴν τῷ θεῷ
- 7ὑπηρεσίαν. οὐδὲν γὰρ ἄλλο πράττων ἐγὼ περιέρχομαι ἢ
- Editor’s Note8πείθων ὑμῶν καὶ νεωτέρους καὶ πρεσβυτέρους μήτε σωμάτων
- bCritical Apparatus1ἐπιμελεῖσθαι μήτε χρημάτων πρότερον μηδὲ οὕτω σφόδρα
- Critical Apparatus2ὡς τῆς ψνχῆς ὅπως ὡς ἀρίστη ἔσται, λέγων ὅτι 'Οὐκ ἐκ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus3χρημάτων ἀρετὴ γίγνεται, ἀλλʼ ἐξ ἀρετῆς χρήματα καὶ τὰ
- Critical Apparatus4ἄλλα ἀγαθὰ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἅπαντα καὶ ἰδίᾳ καὶ δημοσίᾳ.ʼ
- pg 445εἰ μὲν οὖν ταῦτα λέγων διαφθείρω τοὺς νέους, ταῦτ' ἂν εἴη
- 6βλαβερά· εἰ δέ τίς μέ φησιν ἄλλα λέγειν ἢ ταῦτα, οὐδὲν
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus7λέγει. πρὸς ταῦτα," φαίην ἄν, "ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, ἢ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus8πείθεσθε Ἀνύτῳ ἢ μή, καὶ ἢ ἀφίετέ με ἢ μή, ὡς ἐμοῦ οὐκ
- cEditor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1ἂν ποιήσαντος ἄλλα, οὐδ' εἰ μέλλω πολλάκις τεθνάναι."
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus2Μὴ θορυβεῖτε, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, ἀλλ' ἐμμείνατέ μοι
- 3οἷς ἐδεήθην ὑμῶν, μὴ θορυβεῖν ἐφ' οἷς ἂν λέγω ἀλλ' ἀκούειν·
- Critical Apparatus4καὶ γάρ, ὡς ἐγὼ οἶμαι, ὀνήσεσθε ἀκούοντες. μέλλω γὰρ οὖν
- Critical Apparatus5ἄττα ὑμῖν ἐρεῖν καὶ ἄλλα ἐφ' οἷς ἴσως βοήσεσθε· ἀλλὰ
- Critical Apparatus6μηδαμῶς ποιεῖτε τοῦτο. εὖ γὰρ ἴστε, ἐάν με ἀποκτείνητε
- 7τοιοῦτον ὄντα οἷον ἐγὼ λέγω, οὐκ ἐμὲ μείζω βλάψετε ἢ
- Critical Apparatus8ὑμᾶς αὐτούς· ἐμὲ μὲν γὰρ οὐδὲν ἂν βλάψειεν οὔτε Μέλητος
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus9οὔτε Ἄνυτος—οὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν δύναιτο—οὐ γὰρ οἴομαι θεμιτὸν
- dCritical Apparatus1εἶναι ἀμείνονι ἀνδρὶ ὑπὸ χείρονος βλάπτεσθαι. ἀποκτείνειε
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus2μεντἂν ἴσως ἢ ἐξελάσειεν ἢ ἀτιμώσειεν· ἀλλὰ ταῦτα οὗτος
- 3μὲν ἴσως οἴεται καὶ ἄλλος τίς που μεγάλα κακά, ἐγὼ δ' οὐκ
- Critical Apparatus4οἴομαι, ἀλλὰ πολὺ μᾶλλον ποιεῖν ἃ οὑτοσὶ νῦν ποιεῖ, ἄνδρα
- 5ἀδίκως ἐπιχειρεῖν ἀποκτεινύναι. νῦν οὖν, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθη-
- 6ναῖοι, πολλοῦ δέω ἐγὼ ὑπὲρ ἐμαυτοῦ ἀπολογεῖσθαι, ὣς τις
- Critical Apparatus7ἂν οἴοιτο, ἀλλὰ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν, μή τι ἐξαμάρτητε περὶ τὴν τοῦ
- eCritical Apparatus1θεοῦ δόσιν ὑμῖν ἐμοῦ καταψηφισάμενοι. ἐὰν γάρ με ἀπο-
- Editor’s Note2κτείνητε, οὐ ῥᾳδίως ἄλλον τοιοῦτον εὑρήσετε, ἀτεχνῶς—εἰ
- Editor’s Note3καὶ γελοιότερον εἰπεῖν—προσκείμενον τῇ πόλει ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus4ὥσπερ ἵππῳ μεγάλῳ μὲν καὶ γενναίῳ, ὑπὸ μεγέθους δὲ νωθε-
- Editor’s Note5στέρῳ καὶ δεομένῳ ἐγείρεσθαι ὑπὸ μύωπός τινος, οἷον δή
- 6μοι δοκεῖ ὁ θεὸς ἐμὲ τῇ πόλει προστεθηκέναι τοιοῦτόν τινα,
- Editor’s Note7ὃς ὑμᾶς ἐγείρων καὶ πείθων καὶ ὀνειδίζων ἕνα ἕκαστον
- 311οὐδὲν παύομαι τὴν ἡμέραν ὅλην πανταχοῦ προσκαθίζων.
- pg 452τοιοῦτος οὖν ἄλλος οὐ ῥᾳδίως ὑμῖν γενήσεται, ὦ ἄνδρες,
- 3ἀλλ' ἐὰν ἐμοὶ πείθησθε, φείσεσθέ μου· ὑμεῖς δ' ἴσως τάχʼ
- Editor’s Note4ἂν ἀχθόμενοι, ὥσπερ οἱ νυστάζοντες ἐγειρόμενοι, κρούσαντες
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus5ἄν με, πειθόμενοι Ἀνύτῳ, ῥᾳδίως ἂν ἀποκτείναιτε, εἶτα τὸν
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus6λοιπὸν βίον καθεύδοντες διατελοῖτε ἄν, εἰ μή τινα ἄλλον ὁ
- 7θεὸς ὑμῖν ἐπιπέμψειεν κηδόμενος ὑμῶν. ὅτι δʼ ἐγὼ τυγχάνω
- 8ὢν τοιοῦτος οἷος ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ τῇ πόλει δεδόσθαι, ἐνθένδε
- bEditor’s Note1ἂν κατανοήσαιτε· οὐ γὰρ ἀνθρωπίνῳ ἔοικε τὸ ἐμὲ τῶν
- Critical Apparatus2μὲν ἐμαυτοῦ πάντων ἠμεληκέναι καὶ ἀνέχεσθαι τῶν οἰκείων
- 3ἀμελουμένων τοσαῦτα ἤδη ἔτη, τὸ δὲ ὑμέτερον πράττειν ἀεὶ,
- 4ἰδίᾳ ἑκάστῳ προσιόντα ὥσπερ πατέρα ἢ ἀδελφὸν πρεσβύ-
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus5τερον πείθοντα ἐπιμελεῖσθαι ἀρετῆς. καὶ εἰ μέν τι ἀπὸ
- 6τούτων ἀπέλαυον καὶ μισθὸν λαμβάνων ταῦτα παρεκε-
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus7λευόμην, εἶχον ἄν τινα λόγον· νῦν δὲ ὁρᾶτε δὴ καὶ αὐτοὶ
- Critical Apparatus8ὅτι οἱ κατήγοροι τἆλλα πάντα ἀναισχύντως οὕτω κατη-
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus9γοροῦντες τοῦτό γε οὐχ οἷοί τε ἐγένοντο ἀπαναισχυντῆσαι
- c1παρασχόμενοι μάρτυρα, ὡς ἐγώ ποτέ τινα ἢ ἐπραξάμην
- Critical Apparatus2μισθὸν ἢ ᾔτησα. ἱκανὸν γάρ, οἶμαι, ἐγὼ παρέχομαι τὸν
- 3μάρτυρα ὡς ἀληθῆ λέγω, τὴν πενίαν.
- Editor’s Note4Ἴσως ἂν οὖν δόξειεν ἄτοπον εἶναι, ὅτι δὴ ἐγὼ ἰδίᾳ μὲν
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus5ταῦτα συμβουλεύω περιιὼν καὶ πολυπραγμονῶ, δημοσίᾳ δὲ
- Editor’s Note6οὐ τολμῶ ἀναβαίνων εἰς τὸ πλῆθος τὸ ὑμέτερον συμβου-
- Editor’s Note7λεύειν τῇ πόλει. τούτου δὲ αἴτιόν ἐστιν ὃ ὑμεῖς ἐμοῦ
- Editor’s Note8πολλάκις ἀκηκόατε πολλαχοῦ λέγοντος, ὅτι μοι θεῖόν τι καὶ
- dEditor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1δαιμόνιον γίγνεται [φωνή], ὃ δὴ καὶ ἐν τῇ γραφῇ ἐπικω-
- 2μῳδῶν Μέλητος ἐγράψατο. ἐμοὶ δὲ τοῦτ' ἔστιν ἐκ παιδὸς
- Editor’s Note3ἀρξάμενον, φωνή τις γιγνομένη, ἣ ὅταν γένηται, ἀεὶ ἀπο-
- Critical Apparatus4τρέπει με τοῦτο ὃ ἂν μέλλω πράττειν, προτρέπει δὲ οὔποτε.
- Editor’s Note5τοῦτʼ ἔστιν ὅ μοι ἐναντιοῦται τὰ πολιτικὰ πράττειν, καὶ
- pg 46Editor’s Note6παγκάλως γέ μοι δοκεῖ ἐναντιοῦσθαι· εὖ γὰρ ἴστε, ὦ ἄνδρες
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus7Ἀθηναῖοι, εἰ ἐγὼ πάλαι ἐπεχείρησα πράττειν τὰ πολιτικὰ
- 8πράγματα, πάλαι ἂν ἀπολώλη καὶ οὔτʼ ἂν ὑμᾶς ὠφελήκη
- e1οὐδὲν οὔτʼ ἂν ἐμαυτόν. καί μοι μὴ ἄχθεσθε λέγοντι τἀληθῆ·
- 2οὐ γὰρ ἔστιν ὅστις ἀνθρώπων σωθήσεται οὔτε ὑμῖν οὔτε
- Critical Apparatus3ἄλλῳ πλήθει οὐδενὶ γνησίως ἐναντιούμενος καὶ διακωλύων
- 4πολλὰ ἄδικα καὶ παράνομα ἐν τῇ πόλει γίγνεσθαι, ἀλλ'
- 32Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1ἀναγκαῖόν ἐστι τὸν τῷ ὄντι μαχούμενον ὑπὲρ τοῦ δικαὶου,
- Editor’s Note2καὶ εἰ μέλλει ὀλίγον χρόνον σωθήσεσθαι, ἰδιωτεύειν ἀλλὰ
- 3μὴ δημοσιεύειν.
- 4Μεγάλα δ' ἔγωγε ὑμῖν τεκμήρια παρέξομαι τούτων, οὐ
- Critical Apparatus5λόγους ἀλλ' ὃ ὑμεῖς τιμᾶτε, ἔργα. ἀκούσατε δή μοι τὰ
- Editor’s Note6συμβεβηκότα, ἵνα εἰδῆτε ὅτι οὐδ' ἂν ἑνὶ ὑπεικάθοιμι παρὰ
- Critical Apparatus7τὸ δίκαιον δείσας θάνατον, μὴ ὑπείκων δὲ ἀλλὰ κἂν ἀπο-
- Editor’s Note8λοίμην. ἐρῶ δὲ ὑμῖν φορτικὰ μὲν καὶ δικανικά, ἀληθῆ δέ.
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus9ἐγὼ γάρ, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, ἄλλην μὲν ἀρχὴν οὐδεμίαν
- bEditor’s Note1πώποτε ἦρξα ἐν τῇ πόλει, ἐβούλευσα δέ· καὶ ἔτυχεν ἡμῶν
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus2ἡ φυλὴ Ἀντιοχὶς πρυτανεύουσα ὅτε ὑμεῖς τοὺς δέκα
- Editor’s Note3στρατηγοὺς τοὺς οὐκ ἀνελομένους τοὺς ἐκ τῆς ναυμαχίας
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus4ἐβουλεύσασθε ἁθρόους κρίνειν, παρανόμως, ὡς ἐν τῷ ὑστέρῳ
- 5χρόνῳ πᾶσιν ὑμῖν ἔδοξεν. τότʼ ἐγὼ μόνος τῶν πρυτάνεων
- Critical Apparatus6ἠναντιώθην ὑμῖν μηδὲν ποιεῖν παρὰ τοὺς νόμους καὶ ἐναντία
- Editor’s Note7ἐψηφισάμην· καὶ ἐτοίμων ὄντων ἐνδεικνύναι με καὶ ἀπάγειν
- Editor’s Note8τῶν ῥητόρων, καὶ ὑμῶν κελευόντων καὶ βοώντων, μετὰ τοῦ
- c1νόμου καὶ τοῦ δικαίου ᾤμην μᾶλλόν με δεῖν διακινδυνεύειν
- Editor’s Note2ἢ μεθ' ὑμῶν γενέσθαι μὴ δίκαια βουλευομένων, φοβηθέντα
- 3δεσμὸν ἢ θάνατον. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἦν ἔτι δημοκρατουμένης
- 4τῆς πόλεως· ἐπειδὴ δὲ ὀλιγαρχία ἐγένετο, οἱ τριάκοντα αὖ
- pg 47Editor’s Note5μεταπεμψάμενοί με πέμπτον αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν θόλον προσέταξαν
- Editor’s Note6ἀγαγεῖν ἐκ Σαλαμῖνος Λέοντα τὸν Σαλαμίνιον ἵνα ἀποθάνοι,
- 7οἷα δὴ καὶ ἄλλοις ἐκεῖνοι πολλοῖς πολλὰ προσέταττον, βου-
- Editor’s Note8λόμενοι ὡς πλείστους ἀναπλῆσαι αἰτιῶν. τότε μέντοι ἐγὼ
- dCritical Apparatus1οὐ λόγῳ ἀλλ' ἔργῳ αὖ ἐνεδειξάμην ὅτι ἐμοὶ θανάτου μὲν
- Editor’s Note2μέλει, εἰ μὴ ἀγροικότερον ἦν εἰπεῖν, οὐδ' ὁτιοῦν, τοῦ δὲ μηδὲν
- 3ἄδικον μηδ' ἀνόσιον ἐργάζεσθαι, τούτου δὲ τὸ πᾶν μέλει.
- 4ἐμὲ γὰρ ἐκείνη ἡ ἀρχὴ οὐκ ἐξέπληξεν, οὕτως ἰσχυρὰ οὖσα,
- 5ὥστε ἄδικόν τι ἐργάσασθαι, ἀλλ' ἐπειδὴ ἐκ τῆς θόλου
- Editor’s Note6ἐξήλθομεν, οἱ μὲν τέτταρες ᾤχοντο εἰς Σαλαμῖνα καὶ ἤγαγον
- 7Λέοντα, ἐγὼ δὲ ᾠχόμην ἀπιὼν οἴκαδε. καὶ ἴσως ἂν διὰ
- Editor’s Note8ταῦτα ἀπέθανον, εἰ μὴ ἡ ἀρχὴ διὰ ταχέων κατελύθη. καὶ
- eEditor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1τούτων ὑμῖν ἔσονται πολλοὶ μάρτυρες.
- 2Ἆρʼ οὖν ἄν με οἴεσθε τοσάδε ἔτη διαγενέσθαι εἰ ἔπραττον
- Editor’s Note3τὰ δημόσια, καὶ πράττων ἀξίως ἀνδρὸς ἀγαθοῦ ἐβοήθουν
- 4τοῖς δικαίοις καὶ ὥσπερ χρὴ τοῦτο περὶ πλείστου ἐποιούμην;
- Critical Apparatus5πολλοῦ γε δεῖ, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι· οὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν ἄλλος
- 331ἀνθρώπων οὐδείς. ἀλλ' ἐγὼ διὰ παντὸς τοῦ βίου δημοσίᾳ
- Editor’s Note2τε εἴ πού τι ἔπραξα τοιοῦτος φανοῦμαι, καὶ ἰδίᾳ ὁ αὐτὸς
- 3οὖτος, οὐδενὶ πώποτε συγχωρήσας οὐδὲν παρὰ τὸ δίκαιον
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus4οὔτε ἄλλῳ οὔτε τούτων οὐδενὶ οὓς δὴ διαβάλλοντες ἐμέ
- Editor’s Note5φασιν ἐμοὺς μαθητὰς εἶναι. ἐγὼ δὲ διδάσκαλος μὲν οὐδενὸς
- Critical Apparatus6πώποτ' ἐγενόμην· εἰ δέ τίς μου λέγοντος καὶ τὰ ἐμαντοῦ
- Critical Apparatus7πράττοντος ἐπιθυμοῖ ἀκούειν, εἴτε νεώτερος εἴτε πρεσβύτερος,
- Editor’s Note8οὐδενὶ πώποτε ἐφθόνησα, οὐδὲ χρήματα μὲν λαμβάνων διαλέ-
- b1γομαι μὴ λαμβάνων δὲ οὔ, ἀλλ' ὁμοίως καὶ πλουσίῳ καὶ
- Editor’s Note2πένητι παρέχω ἐμαυτὸν ἐρωτᾶν, καὶ ἐάν τις βούληται
- Editor’s Note3ἀποκρινόμενος ἀκούειν ὧν ἂν λέγω. καὶ τούτων ἐγὼ εἴτε
- Editor’s Note4τις χρηστὸς γίγνεται εἴτε μή, οὐκ ἂν δικαίως τὴν αἰτίαν
- 5ὑπέχοιμι, ὧν μήτε ὑπεσχόμην μηδενὶ μηδὲν πώποτε μάθημα
- Critical Apparatus6μήτε ἐδίδαξα· εἰ δέ τίς φησι παρ' ἐμοῦ πώποτέ τι μαθεῖν ἢ
- pg 48Critical Apparatus7ἀκοῦσαι ἰδία ὅτι μὴ καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι πάντες, εὖ ἴστε ὅτι οὐκ
- 8ἀληθῆ λέγει.
- 9Ἀλλὰ διὰ τί δή ποτε μετ' ἐμοῦ χαίρουσί τινες πολὺν
- c1χρόνον διατρίβοντες; ἀκηκόατε, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, πᾶσαν
- Editor’s Note2ὑμῖν τῂν ἀλήθειαν ἐγὼ εἶπον· ὅτι ἀκούοντες χαίρουσιν
- Editor’s Note3ἐξεταζομένοις τοῖς οἰομένοις μὲν εἶναι σοφοῖς, οὖσι δ' οὖ.
- Editor’s Note4ἔστι γὰρ οὐκ ἀηδές. ἐμοὶ δὲ τοῦτο, ὡς ἐγώ φημι, προστέ-
- Editor’s Note5τακται ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ πράττειν καὶ ἐκ μαντείων καὶ ἐξ ἐνυπνίων
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus6καὶ παντὶ τρόπῳ ᾧπέρ τίς ποτε καὶ ἄλλη θεία μοῖρα ἀνθρώπῳ
- Critical Apparatus7καὶ ὁτιοῦν προσέταξε πράττειν. ταῦτα, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι,
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus8καὶ ἀληθῆ ἐστιν καὶ εὐέλεγκτα. εἰ γὰρ δὴ ἔγωγε τῶν νέων
- dEditor’s Note1τοὺς μὲν διαφθείρω τοὺς δὲ διέφθαρκα, χρῆν δήπου, εἴτε
- Editor’s Note2τινὲς αὐτῶν πρεσβύτεροι γενόμενοι ἔγνωσαν ὅτι νέοις οὖσιν
- Editor’s Note3αὐτοῖς ἐγὼ κακὸν πώποτέ τι συνεβούλευσα, νυνὶ αὐτοὺς
- 4ἀναβαίνοντας ἐμοῦ κατηγορεῖν καὶ τιμωρεῖσθαι· εἰ δὲ μὴ
- Editor’s Note5αὐτοὶ ἤθελον, τῶν οἰκείων τινὰς τῶν ἐκείνων, πατέρας καὶ
- 6ἀδελφοὺς καὶ ἄλλους τοὺς προσήκοντας, εἴπερ ὑπ' ἐμοῦ τι
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus7κακὸν ἐπεπόνθεσαν αὐτῶν οἱ οἰκεῖοι, νῦν μεμνῆσθαι καὶ
- Editor’s Note8τιμωρεῖσθαι. πάντως δὲ πάρεισιν αὐτῶν πολλοὶ ἐνταuθοῖ
- Editor’s Note9οὓς ἐγὼ ὁρῶ, πρῶτον μὲν Κρίτων οὑτοσί, ἐμὸς ἡλικιώτης
- eEditor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1καὶ δημότης, Κριτοβούλου τοῦδε πατήρ, ἔπειτα Λυσανίας ὁ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus2Σφήττιος, Αἰσχίνου τοῦδε πατήρ, ἔτι δ' Ἀντιφῶν ὁ Κηφι-
- Editor’s Note3σιεὺς, οὑτοσί, Ἐπιγένους πατήρ, ἄλλοι τοίνυν οὗτοι ὧν οἱ
- Editor’s Note4ἀδελφοὶ ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ διατριβῇ γεγόνασιν, Νικόστρατος
- Critical Apparatus5Θεοζοτίδου, ἀδελφὸς Θεοδότου—καὶ ὁ μὲν Θεόδοτος τετε-
- Editor’s Note6λεύτηκεν, ὥστε οὐκ ἂν ἐκεῖνός γε αὐτοῦ καταδεηθείη—καὶ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus7Παράλιος ὅδε, ὁ Δημοδόκου, οὗ ἦν Θεάγης ἀδελφός· ὅδε δὲ
- 34Editor’s Note1Ἀδείμαντος, ὁ Ἀρίστωνος, οὗ ἀδελφὸς οὑτοσὶ Πλάτων, καὶ
- pg 49Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus2Αἰαντόδωρος, οὗ Ἀπολλόδωρος ὅδε ἀδελφός. καὶ ἄλλους
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus3πολλοὺς ἐγὼ ἔχω ὑμῖν εἰπεῖν, ὧν τινα ἐχρῆν μάλιστα μὲν ἐν
- Critical Apparatus4τῷ ἑαυτοῦ λόγῳ παρασχέσθαι Μέλητον μάρτυρα· εἰ δὲ τότε
- Editor’s Note5ἐπελάθετο, νῦν παρασχέσθω—ἐγὼ παραχωρῶ—καὶ λεγέτω
- Editor’s Note6εἴ τι ἔχει τοιοῦτον. ἀλλὰ τούτον πᾶν τοὐναντίον εὑρήσετε,
- 7ὦ ἄνδρες, πάντας ἐμοὶ βοηθεῖν ἑτοίμους τῷ διαφθείροντι, τῷ
- 8κακὰ ἐργαζομένῳ τοὺς οἰκείους αὐτῶν, ὥς φασι Μέλητος καὶ
- bEditor’s Note1Ἄνυτος. αὐτοὶ μὲν γὰρ οἱ διεφθαρμένοι τάχʼ ἂν λόγον
- 2ἔχοιεν βοηθοῦντες· οἱ δὲ ἀδιάφθαρτοι, πρεσβύτεροι ἤδη
- Critical Apparatus3ἄνδρες, οἱ τούτων προσήκοντες, τίνα ἄλλον ἔχουσι λόγον
- Critical Apparatus4βοηθοῦντες· ἐμοὶ ἀλλ' ἢ τὸν ὀρθόν τε καὶ δίκαιον, ὅτι
- Critical Apparatus5συνίσασι Μελήτῳ μὲν ψευδομένῳ, ἐμοὶ δὲ ἀληθεύοντι;
- Editor’s Note6Εἶεν δή, ὦ ἄνδρες· ἃ μὲν ἐγὼ ἔχοιμ' ἂν ἀπολογεῖσθαι,
- 7σχεδόν ἐστι ταῦτα καὶ ἄλλα ἴσως τοιαῦτα. τάχα δ' ἄν τις
- cEditor’s Note1ὑμῶν ἀγανακτήσειεν ἀναμνησθεὶς ἑαυτοῦ, εἰ ὁ μὲν καὶ ἐλάττω
- Critical Apparatus2τουτουῒ τοῦ ἀγῶνος ἀγῶνα ἀγωνιζόμενος ἐδεήθη τε καὶ
- 3ἱκέτευσε τοὺς δικαστὰς μετὰ πολλῶν δακρύων, παιδία τε
- 4αὑτοῦ ἀναβιβασάμενος ἵνα ὅτι μάλιστα ἐλεηθείη, καὶ ἄλλους
- Critical Apparatus5τῶν οἰκείων καὶ φίλων πολλούς, ἐγὼ δὲ οὐδὲν ἄρα τούτων
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus6ποιήσω, καὶ ταῦτα κινδυνεύων, ὡς ἂν δόξαιμι, τὸν ἔσχατον
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus7κίνδυνον. τάχʼ ἂν οὖν τις ταῦτα ἐννοήσας αὐθαδέστερον
- Editor’s Note8ἂν πρός με σχοίη καὶ ὀργισθεὶς αὐτοῖς τούτοις θεῖτο ἂν μετʼ
- dEditor’s Note1ὀργῆς τὴν ψῆφον. εἰ δή τις ὑμῶν οὕτως ἔχει—οὐκ ἀξιῶ
- 2μὲν γὰρ ἔγωγε, εἰ δ' οὖν—ἐπιεικῆ ἄν μοι δοκῶ πρὸς τοῦτον
- 3λέγειν λέγων ὅτι "Ἐμοί, ὦ ἄριστε, εἰσὶν μέν πού τινες καὶ
- Editor’s Note4οἰκεῖοι· καὶ γὰρ τοῦτο αὐτὸ τὸ τοῦ Ὁμήρου, οὐδ' ἐγὼ ἀπὸ
- 5δρυὸς οὐδ' ἀπὸ πέτρης' πέφυκα ἀλλ' ἐξ ἀνθρώπων, ὥστε
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus6καὶ οἰκεῖοί μοί εἰσι καὶ ὑεῖς γε, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τρεῖς, εἷς
- 7μὲν μειράκιον ἤδη, δύο δὲ παιδία· ἀλλ' ὅμως οὐδένα αὐτῶν
- pg 508δεῦρο ἀναβιβασάμενος δεήσομαι ὑμῶν ἀποψηφίσασθαι." τί
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus9δὴ οὖν οὐδὲν τούτων ποιήσω; οὐκ αὐθαδιζόμενος, ὦ ἄνδρες
- eCritical Apparatus1Ἀθηναῖοι, οὐδ' ὑμᾶς ἀτιμάζων, ἀλλ' εἰ μὲν θαρραλέως ἐγὼ
- Editor’s Note2ἔχω πρὸς θάνατον ἢ μή, ἄλλος λόγος, πρὸς δ' οὖν δόξαν καὶ
- 3ἐμοὶ καὶ ὑμῖν καὶ ὅλῃ τῇ πόλει οὔ μοι δοκεῖ καλὸν εἶναι ἐμὲ
- Editor’s Note4τούτων οὐδὲν ποιεῖν καὶ τηλικόνδε ὄντα καὶ τοῦτο τοὔνομα
- Editor’s Note5ἔχοντα, εἴτʼ οὖν ἀληθὲς εἴτʼ οὖν ψεῦδος, ἀλλ' οὖν δεδογμένον
- 35Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1γέ ἐστί τῳ Σωκράτη διαφέρειν τῶν πολλῶν ἀνθρώπων. εἰ
- 2οὖν ὑμῶν οἱ δοκοῦντες διαφέρειν εἴτε σοφίᾳ εἴτε ἀνδρείᾳ
- 3εἴτε ἄλλῃ ᾑτινιοῦν ἀρετῇ τοιοῦτοι ἔσονται, αἰσχρὸν ἂν εἴη·
- 4οἵουσπερ ἐγὼ πολλάκις ἑώρακά τινας ὅταν κρίνωνται, δο-
- Editor’s Note5κοῦντας μέν τι εἶναι, θαυμάσια δὲ ἐργαζομένους, ὡς δεινόν
- Editor’s Note6τι οἰομένους πείσεσθαι εἰ ἀποθανοῦνται, ὥσπερ ἀθανάτων
- 7ἐσομένων ἂν ὑμεῖς αὐτὸνς μὴ ἀποκτείνητε· οἳ ἐμοὶ δοκοῦσιν
- Editor’s Note8αἰσχύνην τῇ πόλει περιάπτειν, ὥστʼ ἄν τινα καὶ τῶν ξένων
- bEditor’s Note1ὑπολαβεῖν ὅτι οἱ διαφέροντες Ἀθηναίων εἰς ἀρετήν, οὓς
- Editor’s Note2αὐτοὶ ἑαυτῶν ἔν τε ταῖς ἀρχαῖς καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις τιμαῖς
- 3προκρίνουσιν, οὖτοι γυναικῶν οὐδὲν διαφέρουσιν, ταῦτα γάρ,
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus4ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, οὔτε ὑμᾶς χρὴ ποιεῖν τοὺς δοκοῦντας
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus5καὶ ὁπῃοῦν τι εἶναι, οὔτʼ, ἂν ἡμεῖς ποιῶμεν, ὑμᾶς ἐπι-
- 6τρέπειν, ἀλλὰ τοῦτο αὐτὸ ἐνδείκνυσθαι, ὅτι πολὺ μᾶλλον
- Editor’s Note7καταψηφιεῖσθε τοῦ τὰ ἐλεινὰ ταῦτα δράματα εἰσάγοντος καὶ
- 8καταγέλαστον τὴν πόλιν ποιοῦντος ἢ τοῦ ἡσυχίαν ἄγοντος.
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus9Χωρὶς δὲ τῆς δόξης, ὦ ἄνδρες, οὐδὲ δίκαιόν μοι δοκεῖ
- cEditor’s Note1εἶναι δεῖσθαι τοῦ δικαστοῦ οὐδὲ δεόμενον ἀποφεύγειν, ἀλλὰ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus2διδάσκειν καὶ πείθειν. οὐ γὰρ ἐπὶ τούτῳ κάθηται ὁ δικα-
- Editor’s Note3στής, ἐπὶ τῷ καταχαρίζεσθαι τὰ δίκαια, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ τῷ κρίνειν
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus4ταῦτα· καὶ ὀμώμοκεν οὐ χαριεῖσθαι οἷς ἂν δοκῇ αὐτῷ, ἀλλὰ
- Editor’s Note5δικάσειν κατὰ τοὺς νόμους. οὔκουν χρὴ οὔτε ἡμᾶς ἐθίζειν
- pg 51Critical Apparatus6ὑμᾶς ἐπιορκεῖν οὔθ' ὑμᾶς ἐθίζεσθαι· οὐδέτεροι γὰρ ἂν ἡμῶν
- 7εὐσεβοῖεν. μὴ οὖν ἀξιοῦτέ με, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τοιαῦτα
- Editor’s Note8δεῖν πρὸς ὑμᾶς πράττειν ἃ μήτε ἡγοῦμαι καλὰ εἶναι μήτε
- dEditor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1δίκαια μήτε ὅσια, ἄλλως τε μέντοι νὴ Δία πάντως καὶ ἀσε-
- Editor’s Note2βείας φεύγοντα ὑπὸ Μελήτον τοντουΐ. σαφῶς γὰρ ἄν, εἰ
- Editor’s Note3πείθοιμι ὑμᾶς καὶ τῷ δεῖσθαι βιαζοίμην ὀμωμοκότας, θεοὺς
- 4ἂν διδάσκοιμι μὴ ἡγεῖσθαι ὑμᾶς εἶναι, καὶ ἀτεχνῶς ἀπολο-
- 5γούμενος κατηγοροίην ἂν ἐμαυτοῦ ὡς θεοὺς οὐ νομίζω. ἀλλὰ
- Critical Apparatus6πολλοῦ δεῖ οὕτως ἔχειν· νομίζω τε γάρ, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι,
- 7ὡς οὐδεὶς τῶν ἐμῶν κατηγόρων, καὶ ὑμῖν ἐπιτρέπω καὶ τῷ θεῷ
- 8κρῖναι περὶ ἐμοῦ ὅπῃ μέλλει ἐμοί τε ἄριστα εἶναι καὶ ὑμῖν.
- eEditor’s Note1Τὸ μὲν μὴ ἀγανακτεῖν, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, ἐπὶ τούτῳ
- 361τῷ γεγονότι, ὅτι μου κατεψηφίσασθε, ἄλλα τέ μοι πολλὰ
- 2συμβάλλεται, καὶ οὐκ ἀνέλπιστόν μοι γέγονεν τὸ γεγονὸς
- Editor’s Note3τοῦτο, ἀλλὰ πολὺ μᾶλλον θαυμάζω ἑκατέρων τῶν ψήφων
- Editor’s Note4τὸν γεγονότα ἀριθμόν. οὐ γὰρ ᾠόμην ἔγωγε οὕτω παρʼ
- Editor’s Note5ὄλίγον ἔσεσθαι ἀλλὰ παρὰ πολύ· νῦν δέ, ὡς ἔοικεν, εἰ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus6τριάκοντα μόναι μετέπεσον τῶν ψήφων, ἀπεπεφεύγη ἄν.
- 7Μέλητον μὲν οὖν, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκῶ, καὶ νῦν ἀποπέφευγα, καὶ
- Editor’s Note8οὐ μόνον ἀποπέφευγα, ἀλλὰ παντὶ δῆλον τοῦτό γε, ὅτι εἰ μὴ
- Critical Apparatus9ἀνέβη Ἄνυτος καὶ Λύκων κατηγορήσοντες ἐμοῦ, κἂν ὦφλε
- bEditor’s Note1χιλίας δραχμάς, οὐ μεταλαβὼν τὸ πέμπτον μέρος τῶν
- Editor’s Note3Τιμᾶται δ' οὖν μοι ὁ ἀνὴρ θανάτου. εἶεν· ἐγὼ δὲ δὴ
- Critical Apparatus4τίνος ὑμῖν ἀντιτιμήσομαι, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι; ἢ δῆλον ὅτι
- Editor’s Note5τῆς ἀξίας; τί οὖν; τί ἄξιός εἰμι παθεῖν ἢ ἀποτεῖσαι, ὅτι
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus6μαθὼν ἐν τῷ βίῳ οὐχ ἡσυχίαν ἦγον, ἀλλ' ἀμελήσας ὧνπερ
- Critical Apparatus7οἱ πολλοί, χρηματισμοῦ τε καὶ οἰκονομίας καὶ στρατηγιῶν
- pg 52Editor’s Note8καὶ δημηγοριῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀρχῶν καὶ συνωμοσιῶν καὶ
- 9στάσεων τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει γιγνομένων, ἡγησάμενος ἐμαυτὸν
- cEditor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1τῷ ὄντι ἐπιεικέστερον εἶναι ἢ ὥστε εἰς ταῦτʼ ἰόντα σῴζεσθαι,
- Editor’s Note2ἐνταῦθα μὲν οὐκ ᾖα οἷ ἐλθὼν μήτε ὑμῖν μήτε ἐμαντῷ ἔμελ-
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus3λον μηδὲν ὄφελος εἶναι, ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ ἰδίᾳ ἕκαστον ἰὼν εὐεργε-
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus4τεῖν τὴν μεγίστην εὐεργεσίαν, ὡς ἐγώ φημι, ἐνταῦθα ᾖα,
- Editor’s Note5ἐπιχειρῶν ἕκαστον ὑμῶν πείθειν μὴ πρότερον μήτε τῶν
- 6ἑαυτοῦ μηδενὸς ἐπιμελεῖσθαι πρὶν ἑαυτοῦ ἐπιμεληθείη ὅπως
- Editor’s Note7ὡς βέλτιστος καὶ φρονιμώτατος ἔσοιτο, μήτε τῶν τῆς πό-
- 8λεως, πρὶν αὐτῆς τῆς πόλεως, τῶν τε ἄλλων οὕτω κατὰ τὸν
- d1αὐτὸν τρόπον ἐπιμελεῖσθαι—τί οὖν εἰμι ἄξιος παθεῖν τοιοῦ-
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus2τος ὤν; ἀγαθόν τι, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, εἰ δεῖ γε κατὰ τὴν
- Editor’s Note3ἀξίαν τῇ ἀληθείᾳ τιμᾶσθαι· καὶ ταῦτά γε ἀγαθὸν τοιοῦτον
- Editor’s Note4ὅτι ἄν πρέποι ἐμοί. τί οὖν πρέπει ἀνδρὶ πένητι εὐεργέτῃ
- 5δεομένῳ ἄγειν σχολὴν ἐπὶ τῇ ὑμετέρᾳ παρακελεύσει; οὐκ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus6ἔσθ' ὅτι μᾶλλον, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, πρέπει οὕτως ὡς τὸν
- Editor’s Note7τοιοῦτον ἄνδρα ἐν πρυτανείῳ σιτεῖσθαι, πολύ γε μᾶλλον ἢ
- Editor’s Note8εἴ τις ὑμῶν ἵππῳ ἢ συνωρίδι ἢ ζεύγει νενίκηκεν Ὀλυμπία-
- Editor’s Note9σιν· ὁ μὲν γὰρ ὑμᾶς ποιεῖ εὐδαίμονας δοκεῖν εἶναι, ἐγὼ δὲ
- eEditor’s Note1εἶναι, καὶ ὁ μὲν τροφῆς οὐδὲν δεῖται, ἐγὼ δὲ δέομαι. εἰ
- 2οὖν δεῖ με κατὰ τὸ δίκαιον τῆς ἀξίας τιμᾶσθαι, τούτου
- 371τιμῶμαι, ἐν πρυτανείῳ σιτήσεως.
- Editor’s Note2Ἴσως οὖν ὑμῖν καὶ ταυτὶ λέγων παραπλησίως δοκῶ λέγειν
- Editor’s Note3ὥσπερ περὶ τοῦ οἴκτου καὶ τῆς ἀντιβολήσεως, ἀπαυθαδιζό-
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus4μενος· τὸ δὲ οὐκ ἔστιν, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τοιοῦτον ἀλλὰ
- Editor’s Note5τοιόνδε μᾶλλον. πέπεισμαι ἐγὼ ἑκὼν εἶναι μηδένα ἀδικεῖν
- Editor’s Note6ἀνθρώπων, ἀλλὰ ὑμᾶς τοῦτο οὐ πείθω· ὀλίγον γὰρ χρόνον
- 7ἀλλήλοις διειλέγμεθα. ἐπεί, ὡς ἐγᾦμαι, εἰ ἦν ὑμῖν νόμος,
- Editor’s Note8ὥσπερ καὶ ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις, περὶ θανάτου μὴ μίαν ἡμέραν
- b1μόνον κρίνειν ἀλλὰ πολλάς, ἐπείσθητε ἄν· νῦν δ' οὐ ῥᾴδιον
- pg 53Editor’s Note2ἐν χρόνῳ ὀλίγῳ μεγάλας διαβολὰς ἀπολύεσθαι. πεπεισμέ-
- Critical Apparatus3νος δὴ ἐγὼ μηδένα ἀδικεῖν πολλοῦ δέω ἐμαντόν γε ἀδικήσειν
- 4καὶ κατʼ ἐμαντοῦ ἐρεῖν αὐτὸς ὡς ἄξιός εἰμί τον κακοῦ καὶ
- 5τιμήσεσθαι τοιούτου τινὸς ἐμαντῷ. τί δείσας; ἦ μὴ πάθω
- Critical Apparatus6τοῦτο οὗ Μέλητός μοι τιμᾶται, ὅ φημι οὐκ εἰδέναι οὔτʼ εἰ
- Editor’s Note7ἀγαθὸν οὔτʼ εἰ κακόν ἐστιν; ἀντὶ τούτον δὴ ἕλωμαι ὧν εὖ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus8οἶδά τι κακῶν ὄντων τούτον τιμησάμενος; πότερον δεσμοῦ;
- cEditor’s Note1καὶ τί με δεῖ ζῆν ἐν δεσμωτηρίῳ, δουλεύοντα τῇ ἀεὶ καθι-
- Editor’s Note2σταμένῃ ἀρχῇ, τοῖς ἕνδεκα; ἀλλὰ χρημάτων καὶ δεδέσθαι
- Editor’s Note3ἕως ἂν ἐκτείσω; ἀλλὰ ταὐτόν μοί ἐστιν ὅπερ νυνδὴ ἔλεγον·
- 4οὐ γὰρ ἔστι μοι χρήματα ὁπόθεν ἐκτείσω. ἀλλὰ δὴ φνγῆς
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus5τιμήσωμαι; ἴσως γὰρ ἄν μοι τούτον τιμήσαιτε. πολλὴ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus6μεντἄν με φιλοψυχία ἔχοι, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, εἰ οὕτως
- 7ἀλόγιστός εἰμι ὥστε μὴ δύνασθαι λογίζεσθαι ὅτι ὑμεῖς μὲν
- 8ὄντες πολῖταί μου οὐχ οἷοί τε ἐγένεσθε ἐνεγκεῖν τὰς ἐμὰς
- dEditor’s Note1διατριβὰς καὶ τοὺς λόγους, ἀλλ' ὑμῖν βαρύτεραι γεγόνασιν
- 2καὶ ἐπιφθονώτεραι, ὥστε ζητεῖτε αὐτῶν νυνὶ ἀπαλλαγῆναι·
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus3ἄλλοι δὲ ἄρα αὐτὰς οἴσουσι ῥᾳδίως; πολλοῦ γε δεῖ, ὦ ἄνδρες
- Editor’s Note4Ἀθηναῖοι. καλὸς οὖν ἄν μοι ὁ βίος εἴη ἐξελθόντι τηλικῷδε
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus5ἀνθρώπῳ ἄλλην ἐξ ἄλλης πόλεως ἀμειβομένῳ καὶ ἐξελαυνο-
- Critical Apparatus6μένῳ ζῆν. εὖ γὰρ οἶδʼ ὅτι ὅποι ἂν ἔλθω, λέγοντος ἐμοῦ
- 7ἀκροάσονται οἱ νέοι ὥσπερ ἐνθάδε· κἂν μὲν τούτους ἀπ-
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus8ελαύνω, οὗτοί με αὐτοὶ ἐξελῶσι πείθοντες τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους·
- eCritical Apparatus1ἐὰν δὲ μὴ ἀπελαύνω, οἱ τούτων πατέρες δὲ καὶ οἰκεῖοι διʼ
- 2αὐτοὺς τούτους.
- 3Ἴσως οὖν ἄν τις εἴποι· "Σιγῶν δὲ καὶ ἡσυχίαν ἄγων, ὦ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus4Σώκρατες, οὐχ οἷός τʼ ἔσῃ ἡμῖν ἐξελθὼ ζῆν;" τουτὶ δή
- 5ἐστι πάντων χαλεπώτατον πεῖσαί τινας ὑμῶν. ἐάντε γὰρ
- pg 54Editor’s Note6λέγω ὅτι τῷ θεῷ ἀπειθεῖν τοῦτ' ἐστὶν καὶ διὰ τοῦτʼ ἀδύνα-
- 38Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1τον ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν, οὐ πείσεσθέ μοι ὡς εἰρωνευομένῳ· ἐάντʼ
- Critical Apparatus2αὖ λέγω ὅτι καὶ τυγχάνει μέγιστον ἀγαθὸν ὂν ἀνθρώπῳ
- 3τοῦτο, ἑκάστης ἡμέρας περὶ ἀρετῆς τοὺς λόγους ποιεῖσθαι
- 4καὶ τῶν ἄλλων περὶ ὧν ὑμεῖς ἐμοῦ ἀκούετε διαλεγομένου καὶ
- Editor’s Note5ἐμαυτὸν καὶ ἄλλους ἐξετάζοντος, ὁ δὲ ἀνεξέταστος βίος οὐ
- Critical Apparatus6βιωτὸς ἀνθρώπῳ, ταῦτα δ' ἔτι ἧττον πείσεσθέ μοι λέγοντι.
- Editor’s Note7τὰ δὲ ἔχει μὲν οὕτως, ὡς ἐγώ φημι, ὦ ἄνδρες, πείθειν δὲ οὐ
- Critical Apparatus8ῥᾴδιον. καὶ ἐγὼ ἅμα οὐκ εἴθισμαι ἐμαυτὸν ἀξιοῦν κακοῦ
- bEditor’s Note1οὐδενός. εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἦν μοι χρήματα, ἐτιμησάμην ἂν χρη-
- Editor’s Note2μάτων ὅσα ἔμελλον ἐκτείσειν, οὐδὲν γὰρ ἂν ἐβλάβην· νῦν
- 3δὲ οὐ γὰρ ἔστιν, εἰ μὴ ἄρα ὅσον ἂν ἐγὼ δυναίμην ἐκτεῖσαι,
- 4τοσούτου βούλεσθέ μοι τιμῆσαι. ἴσως δ' ἂν δυναίμην ἐκ-
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus5τεῖσαι ὑμῖν που μνᾶν ἀργυρίου· τοσούτου οὖν τιμῶμαι.
- Editor’s Note6Πλάτων δὲ ὅδε, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, καὶ Κρίτων καὶ
- Editor’s Note7Κριτόβουλος καὶ Ἀπολλόδωρος κελεύουσί με τριάκοντα μνῶν
- 8τιμήσασθαι, αὐτοὶ δ' ἐγγυᾶσθαι· τιμῶμαι οὖν τοσούτου,
- Editor’s Note9ἐγγυηταὶ δὲ ὑμῖν ἔσονται τοῦ ἀργυρίου οὗτοι ἀξιόχρεῳ.
- cEditor’s Note1Οὐ πολλοῦ γʼ ἕνεκα χρόνου, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, ὄνομα
- Editor’s Note2ἕξετε καὶ αἰτίαν ὑπὸ τῶν βουλομένων τὴν πόλιν λοιδορεῖν
- Critical Apparatus3ὡς Σωκράτη ἀπεκτόνατε, ἄνδρα σοφόν—φήσουσι γὰρ δὴ
- 4σοφὸν εἶναι, εἰ καὶ μή εἰμι, οἱ βουλόμενοι ὑμῖν ὀνειδίζειν—
- Critical Apparatus5εἰ γοῦν περιεμείνατε ὀλίγον χρόνον, ἀπὸ τοῦ αὐτομάτου ἂν
- Critical Apparatus6ὑμῖν τοῦτο ἐγένετο· ὁρᾶτε γὰρ δὴ τὴν ἡλικίαν ὅτι πόρρω
- 7ἤδη ἐστὶ τοῦ βίου θανάτου δὲ ἐγγύς. λέγω δὲ τοῦτο οὐ
- d1πρὸς πάντας ὑμᾶς, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τοὺς ἐμοῦ καταψηφισα-
- Critical Apparatus2μένους θάνατον. λέγω δὲ καὶ τόδε πρὸς τοὺς αὐτοὺς
- Critical Apparatus3τούτους. ἴσως με οἴεσθε, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, ἀπορίᾳ λόγων
- pg 554ἑαλωκέναι τοιούτων οἷς ἂν ὑμᾶς ἔπεισα, εἰ ᾤμην δεῖν
- Editor’s Note5ἅπαντα ποιεῖν καὶ λέγειν ὥστε ἀποφυγεῖν τὴν δίκην.
- Editor’s Note6πολλοῦ γε δεῖ. ἀλλ' ἀπορίᾳ μὲν ἑάλωκα, οὐ μέντοι λόγων,
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus7ἀλλὰ τόλμης καὶ ἀναισχυντίας καὶ τοῦ μὴ ἐθέλειν λέγειν
- Critical Apparatus8πρὸς ὑμᾶς τοιαῦτα οἷʼ ἂν ὑμῖν μὲν ἥδιστα ἦν ἀκούειν—
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus9θρηνοῦντός τέ μου καὶ ὀδυρομένου καὶ ἄλλα ποιοῦντος καὶ
- eEditor’s Note1λέγοντος πολλὰ καὶ ἀνάξια ἐμοῦ, ὡς ἐγώ φημι, οἷα δὴ καὶ
- Editor’s Note2εἴθισθε ὑμεῖς τῶν ἄλλων ἀκούειν. ἀλλʼ οὔτε τότε ᾠήθην
- 3δεῖν ἕνεκα τοῦ κινδύνου πρᾶξαι οὐδὲν ἀνελεύθερον, οὔτε νῦν
- 4μοι μεταμέλει οὕτως ἀπολογησαμένῳ, ἀλλὰ πολὺ μᾶλλον
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus5αἱροῦμαι ὧδε ἀπολογησάμενος τεθνάναι ἢ ἐκείνως ζῆν. οὔτε
- Editor’s Note6γὰρ ἐν δίκῃ οὔτʼ ἐν πολέμῳ οὔτʼ ἐμὲ οὔτʼ ἄλλον οὐδένα δεῖ
- 39Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1τοῦτο μηχανᾶσθαι, ὅπως ἀποφεύξεται πᾶν ποιῶν θάνατον.
- Editor’s Note2καὶ γὰρ ἐν ταῖς μάχαις πολλάκις δῆλον γίγνεται ὅτι τό γε
- Critical Apparatus3ἀποθανεῖν ἄν τις ἐκφύγοι καὶ ὅπλα ἀφεὶς καὶ ἐφ' ἱκετείαν
- 4τραπόμενος τῶν διωκόντων· καὶ ἄλλαι μηχαναὶ πολλαί εἰσιν
- Editor’s Note5ἐν ἑκάστοις τοῖς κινδύνοις ὥστε διαφεύγειν θάνατον, ἐάν τις
- Editor’s Note6τολμᾷ πᾶν ποιεῖν καὶ λέγειν. ἀλλὰ μὴ οὐ τοῦτʼ ᾖ χαλεπόν,
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus7ὦ ἄνδρες, θάνατον ἐκφυγεῖν, ἀλλὰ πολὺ χαλεπώτερον πονη-
- bEditor’s Note1ρίαν· θᾶττον γὰρ θανάτου θεῖ. καὶ νῦν ἐγὼ μὲν ἅτε βραδὺς
- Critical Apparatus2ὢν καὶ πρεσβύτης ὑπὸ τοῦ βραδυτέρου ἑάλων, οἱ δ' ἐμοὶ
- 3κατήγοροι ἅτε δεινοὶ καὶ ὀξεῖς ὄντες ὑπὸ τοῦ θάττονος, τῆς
- Critical Apparatus4κακίας. καὶ νῦν ἐγὼ μὲν ἄπειμι ὑφ' ὑμῶν θανάτου δίκην
- Editor’s Note5ὀφλών, οὗτοι δ' ὑπὸ τῆς ἀληθείας ὠφληκότες μοχθηρίαν
- Critical Apparatus6καὶ ἀδικίαν. καὶ ἐγώ τε τῷ τιμήματι ἐμμένω καὶ οὗτοι.
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus7ταῦτα μέν που ἴσως οὕτως καὶ ἔδει σχεῖν, καὶ οἶμαι αὐτὰ
- 8μετρίως ἔχειν.
- cEditor’s Note1Τὸ δὲ δὴ μετὰ τοῦτο ἐπιθυμῶ ὑμῖν χρησμῳδῆσαι, ὦ κατα-
- Editor’s Note2ψηφισάμενοί μου· καὶ γάρ εἰμι ἤδη ἐνταῦθα ἐν ᾧ μάλιστα
- pg 563ἄνθρωποι χρησμῳδοῦσιν, ὅταν μέλλωσιν ἀποθανεῖσθαι. φημὶ
- Critical Apparatus4γάρ, ὦ ἄνδρες οἳ ἐμὲ ἀπεκτόνατε, τιμωρίαν ὑμῖν ἥξειν εὐθὺς
- Editor’s Note5μετὰ τὸν ἐμὸν θάνατον πολὺ χαλεπωτέραν νὴ Δία ἢ οἵαν
- Critical Apparatus6ἐμὲ ἀπεκτόνατε· νῦν γὰρ τοῦτο εἴργασθε οἰόμενοι μὲν ἀπαλ-
- Editor’s Note7λάξεσθαι τοῦ διδόναι ἔλεγχον τοῦ βίου, τὸ δὲ ὑμῖν πολὺ
- Editor’s Note8ἐναντίον ἀποβήσεται, ὡς ἐγώ φημι. πλείους ἔσονται ὑμᾶς
- dCritical Apparatus1οἱ ἐλέγχοντες, οὓς νῦν ἐγὼ κατεῖχον, ὑμεῖς δὲ οὐκ ᾐσθά-
- 2νεσθε· καὶ χαλεπώτεροι ἔσονται ὅσῳ νεώτεροί εἰσιν, καὶ
- 3ὑμεῖς μᾶλλον ἀγανακτήσετε. εἰ γὰρ οἴεσθε ἀποκτείνοντες
- 4ἀνθρώπους ἐπισχήσειν τοῦ ὀνειδίζειν τινὰ ὑμῖν ὅτι οὐκ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus5ὀρθῶς ζῆτε, οὐ καλῶς διανοεῖσθε· οὐ γάρ ἐσθ' αὕτη ἡ ἀπαλ-
- 6λαγὴ οὔτε πάνυ δυνατὴ οὔτε καλή, ἀλλ' ἐκείνη καὶ καλλίστη
- 7καὶ ῥᾴστη, μὴ τοὺς ἄλλους κολούειν ἀλλ' ἑαυτὸν παρασκευά-
- 8ζειν ὅπως ἔσται ὡς βέλτιστος. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὑμῖν τοῖς
- 9καταψηφισαμένοις μαντευσάμενος ἀπαλλάττομαι.
- eEditor’s Note1Τοῖς δὲ ἀποψηφισαμένοις ἡδέως ἂν διαλεχθείην ὑπὲρ τοῦ
- Editor’s Note2γεγονότος τουτουῒ πράγματος, ἐν ᾧ οἱ ἄρχοντες ἀσχολίαν
- 3ἄγουσι καὶ οὔπω ἔρχομαι οἷ ἐλθόντα με δεῖ τεθνάναι. ἀλλά
- 4μοι, ὦ ἄνδρες, παραμείνατε τοσοῦτον χρόνον· οὐδὲν γὰρ
- Editor’s Note5κωλύει διαμυθολογῆσαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἕως ἔξεστιν. ὑμῖν
- 40Editor’s Note1γὰρ ὡς φίλοις οὖσιν ἐπιδεῖξαι ἐθέλω τὸ νυνί μοι συμβεβη-
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus2κὸς τί ποτε νοεῖ. ἐμοὶ γάρ, ὦ ἄνδρες δικασταί—ὑμᾶς γὰρ
- Editor’s Note3δικαστὰς καλῶν ὀρθῶς ἂν καλοίην—θαυμάσιόν τι γέγονεν.
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus4ἡ γὰρ εἰωθυῖά μοι μαντικὴ ἡ τοῦ δαιμονίου ἐν μὲν τῷ
- Editor’s Note5πρόσθεν χρόνῳ παντὶ πάνυ πυκνὴ ἀεὶ ἦν καὶ πάνυ ἐπὶ
- 6σμικροῖς ἐναντιουμένη, εἴ τι μέλλοιμι μὴ ὀρθῶς πράξειν.
- 7νυνὶ δὲ συμβέβηκέ μοι ἅπερ ὁρᾶτε καὶ αὐτοί, ταυτὶ ἅ γε δὴ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus8οἰηθείη ἄν τις καὶ νομίζεται ἔσχατα κακῶν εἶναι· ἐμοὶ δὲ
- bEditor’s Note1οὔτε ἐξιόντι ἕωθεν οἴκοθεν ἠναντιώθη τὸ τοῦ θεοῦ σημεῖον,
- pg 57Editor’s Note2οὔτε ἡνίκα ἀνέβαινον ἐνταυθοῖ ἐπὶ τὸ δικαστήριον, οὔτε ἐν
- Critical Apparatus3τῷ λόγῳ οὐδαμοῦ μέλλοντί τι ἐρεῖν. καίτοι ἐν ἄλλοις λόγοις
- 4πολλαχοῦ δή με ἐπέσχε λέγοντα μεταξύ· νῦν δὲ οὐδαμοῦ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus5περὶ ταύτην τὴν πρᾶξιν οὔτʼ ἐν ἔργῳ οὐδενὶ οὔτʼ ἐν λόγῳ
- Critical Apparatus6ἠναντίωταί μοι. τί οὖν αἴτιον εἶναι ὑπολαμβάνω; ἐγὼ
- 7ὑμῖν ἐρῶ· κινδυνεύει γάρ μοι τὸ συμβεβηκὸς τοῦτο ἀγαθὸν
- 8γεγονέναι, καὶ οὐκ ἔσθʼ ὅπως ἡμεῖς ὀρθῶς ὑπολαμβάνομεν,
- c1ὅσοι οἰόμεθα κακὸν εἶναι τὸ τεθνάναι. μέγα μοι τεκμήριον
- Critical Apparatus2τούτου γέγονεν· οὐ γὰρ ἔσθ' ὅπως οὐκ ἠναντιώθη ἄν μοι τὸ
- Editor’s Note3εἰωθὸς σημεῖον, εἰ μή τι ἔμελλον ἐγὼ ἀγαθὸν πράξειν.
- 4Ἐννοήσωμεν δὲ καὶ τῇδε ὡς πολλὴ ἐλπίς ἐστιν ἀγαθὸν
- Editor’s Note5αὐτὸ εἶναι. δυοῖν γὰρ θάτερόν ἐστιν τὸ τεθνάναι· ἢ γὰρ
- Editor’s Note6οἷον μηδὲν εἶναι μηδὲ αἴσθησιν μηδεμίαν μηδενὸς ἔχειν τὸν
- Editor’s Note7τεθνεῶτα, ἢ κατὰ τὰ λεγόμενα μεταβολή τις τυγχάνει
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus8οὖσα καὶ μετοίκησις τῇ ψυχῇ τοῦ τόπου τοῦ ἐνθένδε εἰς
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus9ἄλλον τόπον. καὶ εἴτε δὴ μηδεμία αἴσθησίς ἐστιν ἀλλ'
- d1οἷον ὕπνος ἐπειδάν τις καθεύδων μηδ' ὄναρ μηδὲν ὁρᾷ, θαυ-
- Critical Apparatus2μάσιον κέρδος ἂν εἴη ὁ θάνατος—ἐγὼ γὰρ ἂν οἶμαι, εἴ τινα
- 3ἐκλεξάμενον δέοι ταύτην τὴν νύκτα ἐν ᾗ οὕτω κατέδαρθεν
- 4ὥστε μηδὲ ὄναρ ἰδεῖν, καὶ τὰς ἄλλας νύκτας τε καὶ ἡμέρας
- 5τὰς τοῦ βίου τοῦ ἑαυτοῦ ἀντιπαραθέντα ταύτῃ τῇ νυκτὶ δέοι
- Critical Apparatus6σκεψάμενον εἰπεῖν πόσας ἄμεινον καὶ ἥδιον ἡμέρας καὶ
- 7νύκτας ταύτης τῆς νυκτὸς βεβίωκεν ἐν τῷ ἑαυτοῦ βίῳ, οἶμαι
- Editor’s Note8ἂν μὴ ὅτι ἰδιώτην τινά, ἀλλὰ τὸν μέγαν βασιλέα εὐαριθμή-
- eEditor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1τους ἂν εὑρεῖν αὐτὸν ταύτας πρὸς τὰς ἄλλας ἡμέρας καὶ
- Critical Apparatus2νύκτας—εἰ οὖν τοιοῦτον ὁ θάνατός ἐστιν, κέρδος ἔγωγε
- Editor’s Note3λέγω· καὶ γὰρ οὐδὲν πλείων ὁ πᾶς χρόνος φαίνεται οὕτω
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus4δὴ εἶναι ἢ μία νύξ. εἰ δ' αὖ οἷον ἀποδημῆσαί ἐστιν ὁ
- Editor’s Note5θάνατος ἐνθένδε εἰς ἄλλον τόπον, καὶ ἀληθῆ ἐστιν τὰ
- pg 58Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus6λεγόμενα, ὡς ἄρα ἐκεῖ εἰσι πάντες οἱ τεθνεῶτες, τί μεῖζον
- Critical Apparatus7ἀγαθὸν τούτου εἴη ἄν, ὦ ἄνδρες δικασταί; εἰ γάρ τις
- 41Critical Apparatus1ἀφικόμενος εἰς Ἅιδου, ἀπαλλαγεὶς τουτωνὶ τῶν φασκόντων
- Critical Apparatus2δικαστῶν εἶναι, εὑρήσει τοὺς ὡς ἀληθῶς δικαστάς, οἵπερ
- Editor’s Note3καὶ λέγονται ἐκεῖ δικάζειν, Μίνως τε καὶ Ῥαδάμανθυς καὶ
- Editor’s Note4Αἰακὸς καὶ Τριπτόλεμος καὶ ἄλλοι ὅσοι τῶν ἡμιθέων δίκαιοι
- 5ἐγένοντο ἐν τῷ ἑαυτῶν βίῳ, ἆρα φαύλη ἂν εἴη ἡ ἀποδημία;
- Editor’s Note6ἢ αὖ Ὀρφεῖ συγγενέσθαι καὶ Μουσαίῳ καὶ Ἡσιόδῳ καὶ
- Editor’s Note7Ὁμήρῳ ἐπὶ πόσῳ ἄν τις δέξαιτ' ἂν ὑμῶν; ἐγὼ μὲν γὰρ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus8πολλάκις ἐθέλω τεθνάναι εἰ ταῦτʼ ἔστιν ἀληθῆ. ἐπεὶ
- bEditor’s NoteCritical Apparatus1ἔμοιγε καὶ αὐτῷ θαυμαστὴ ἂν εἴη ἡ διατριβὴ αὐτόθι, ὁπότε
- Editor’s Note2ἐντύχοιμι Παλαμήδει καὶ Αἴαντι τῷ Τελαμῶνος καὶ εἴ τις
- 3ἄλλος τῶν παλαιῶν διὰ κρίσιν ἄδικον τέθνηκεν, ἀντιπαρα-
- Editor’s Note4βάλλοντι τὰ ἐμαυτοῦ πάθη πρὸς τὰ ἐκείνων—ὡς ἐγὼ οἶμαι,
- Critical Apparatus5οὐκ ἂν ἀηδὲς εἴη—καὶ δὴ τὸ μέγιστον, τοὺς ἐκεῖ ἐξετάζοντα
- Critical Apparatus6καὶ ἐρευνῶντα ὥσπερ τοὺς ἐνταῦθα διάγειν, τίς αὐτῶν σοφός
- Critical Apparatus7ἐστιν καὶ τίς οἴεται μέν, ἔστιν δ' οὔ. ἐπὶ πόσῳ δ' ἄν τις,
- Critical Apparatus8ὦ ἄνδρες δικασταί, δέξαιτο ἐξετάσαι τὸν ἐπὶ Τροίαν ἀγαγόντα
- cEditor’s Note1τὴν πολλὴν στρατιὰν ἢ Ὀδυσσέα ἢ Σίσυφον ἢ ἄλλους
- Critical Apparatus2μυρίους ἄν τις εἴποι καὶ ἄνδρας καὶ γυναῖκας, οἷς ἐκεῖ
- Editor’s Note3διαλέγεσθαι καὶ συνεῖναι καὶ ἐξετάζειν ἀμήχανον ἂν εἴη
- Editor’s Note4εὐδαιμονίας; πάντως οὐ δήπου τούτου γε ἕνεκα οἱ ἐκεῖ
- Critical Apparatus5ἀποκτείνουσι· τά τε γὰρ ἄλλα εὐδαιμονέστεροί εἰσιν οἱ ἐκεῖ
- Editor’s Note6τῶν ἐνθάδε, καὶ ἤδη τὸν λοιπὸν χρόνον ἀθάνατοί εἰσιν, εἴπερ
- Critical Apparatus7γε τὰ λεγόμενα ἀληθῆ.
- Editor’s Note8Ἀλλὰ καὶ ὑμᾶς χρή, ὦ ἄνδρες δικασταί, εὐέλπιδας εἶναι
- Editor’s Note9πρὸς τὸν θάνατον, καὶ ἕν τι τοῦτο διανοεῖσθαι ἀληθές, ὅτι
- dEditor’s Note1οὐκ ἔστιν ἀνδρὶ ἀγαθῷ κακὸν οὐδὲν οὔτε ζῶντι οὔτε τελευ-
- 2τήσάντι, οὐδὲ ἀμελεῖται ὑπὸ θεῶν τὰ τούτου πράγματα·
- pg 593οὐδὲ τὰ ἐμὰ νῦν ἀπὸ τοῦ αὐτομάτου γέγονεν, ἀλλά μοι
- Editor’s Note4δῆλόν ἐστι τοῦτο, ὅτι ἤδη τεθνάναι καὶ ἀπηλλάχθαι πρα-
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus5γμάτων βέλτιον ἦν μοι. διὰ τοῦτο καὶ ἐμὲ οὐδαμοῦ ἀπέτρεψεν
- 6τὸ σημεῖον, καὶ ἔγωγε τοῖς καταψηφισαμένοις μου καὶ τοῖς
- Editor’s Note7κατηγόροις οὐ πάνυ χαλεπαίνω. καίτοι οὐ ταύτῃ τῇ διανοίᾳ
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus8κατεψηφίζοντό μου καὶ κατηγόρουν, ἀλλ' οἰόμενοι βλάπτειν·
- eCritical Apparatus1τοῦτο αὐτοῖς ἄξιον μέμφεσθαι. τοσόνδε μέντοι αὐτῶν
- Editor’s Note2δέομαι· τοὺς ὑεῖς μου, ἐπειδὰν ἡβήσωσι, τιμωρήσασθε, ὦ
- Critical Apparatus3ἄνδρες, ταὐτὰ ταῦτα λυποῦντες ἅπερ ἐγὼ ὑμᾶς ἐλύπουν, ἐὰν
- Editor’s Note4ὑμῖν δοκῶσιν ἢ χρημάτων ἢ ἄλλου του πρότερον ἐπι-
- 5μελεῖσθαι ἢ ἀρετῆς, καὶ ἐὰν δοκῶσί τι εἶναι μηδὲν ὄντες,
- 6ὀνειδίζετε αὐτοῖς ὥσπερ ἐγὼ ὑμῖν, ὅτι οὐκ ἐπιμελοῦνται ὧν
- 7δεῖ, καὶ οἴονταί τι εἶναι ὄντες οὐδενὸς ἄξιοι. καὶ ἐὰν
- 42Editor’s Note1ταῦτα ποιῆτε, δίκαια πεπονθὼς ἐγὼ ἔσομαι ὑφ' ὑμῶν αὐτός
- 2τε καὶ οἱ ὑεῖς. ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἤδη ὥρα ἀπιέναι, ἐμοὶ μὲν
- Editor’s Note3ἀποθανουμένῳ, ὑμῖν δὲ βιωσομένοις· ὁπότεροι δὲ ἡμῶν
- Editor’s NoteCritical Apparatus4ἔρχονται ἐπὶ ἄμεινον πρᾶγμα, ἄδηλον παντὶ πλὴν ἢ
- 5τῷ θεῷ.
The first question we have to ask about the Apology is how far we may regard it as an historical document. That it is not a word-for-word reproduction of the actual speech delivered by Socrates may be granted at once. Plato was not a newspaper reporter. On the other hand, we know that he was present at the trial (34 a 1; 38 b 6), and that suggests the possibility of something more nearly approaching a report than we can fairly assume in the case of other Σωκρατικοὶ λόγοι. There is no reason to believe that Plato was present at any other of the discourses or dialogues he professes to record. Many of them are supposed to take place when he was a mere boy or even before he was born, while others are conversations of Socrates with a single interlocutor where no one else is supposed to be present (e.g. the Euthyphro and Crito). We should certainly have expected Plato to be among the companions of Socrates who were with him on the day he drank the poison in prison, but he goes out of his way to let us know he was not (Phaed. 59 b 10). It follows that, in general, the most we can look for is that the dialogues should report conversations which might possibly have taken place, and that they should not misrepresent the personality and beliefs of Socrates. Indeed, few scholars will admit as much. But the Apology is prima facie on a different footing. Not only was Plato present in court with many other members of the Socratic circle, but there were also the 500 (or 501) dicasts, besides an audience which, in view of the sensational character of the trial, was no doubt a large one. Now Plato's aim is obviously to defend the memory of Socrates by setting forth his character and activity in their true light; and, as most of those present must have been still living when the Apology was published, he would have defeated his own end if he had given a fictitious account of the attitude of Socrates and of the main lines of his defence. It is, therefore, quite legitimate to ask whether we may regard the speech as 'in substance the real defence pronounced by Socrates', as Grote held it was (Plato, i. 281), and as most competent modern scholars now admit to a greater or less degree. This is a question of the first importance; for, if it is answered in the affirmative, the Apology will provide the most secure foundation for our reconstruction of 'the historical Socrates'.
The reaction in favour of the view that the Apology is in substance historical is due in the first place to Schanz, who supposed himself to have proved exactly the opposite. In the Introduction to his edition of 1893 he started from the conventional view of the relation of Plato to Socrates, and pushed it to its inevitable conclusion, thus arriving at results so repugnant to common sense as to compel a reconsideration of his premisses by all candid inquirers. It will, therefore, be necessary to examine his arguments carefully. Those of them that turn on points of detail will be considered in the proper place, but it is desirable to deal at once with the great assumption on which they all proceed.
For the remarkable change which has taken place in competent opinion, even in Germany, on this subject, see, for instance, especially E. Meyer, G.d.A. v, p. 227 ('I can hardly agree at any point with the acute investigations of Schanz') and Wilamowitz, Platon, ii, p. 50 ('If Plato wished to defend the memory of Socrates, and to prove his condemnation unjust, he had to reckon with the judges reading the book, and also the other disciples of Socrates. He was bound, then, to take, at least as a foundation, the thoughts that Socrates really uttered, and to avoid carefully anything that Socrates could not have said').
Schanz begins thus (Einleitung, p. 71): 'One thing may be taken as incontrovertible, that the aim of every defence must be, before everything else, to weaken the accusation so as to secure an acquittal. If the case of the accused is not a strong one, he will at least attempt to produce an appearance of refutation. But no accused person will amplify still further the counts on which he is being prosecuted or alter them in such a way as to add substantially to the difficulties of his defence. And yet both these things are done in the Apology.'
In other words, Schanz has made the discovery that the Apology is not a defence at all, and he thinks that the aim of Socrates must have been to get off at any cost. The fact remains, however, that he did not get off, though it is clear that he could have done so if he had cared to adopt the line of defence Schanz would have advised. No doubt Lysias would have given similar advice, if there is any truth in the statement that he offered to compose a speech for Socrates to deliver at the trial (Diog. Laert. ii. 5, 40). The judgement of Grote is, as usual, far sounder. He says (viii. 286):
No one who reads the 'Platonic Apology' of Socrates will ever wish that he had made any other defence. But it is the speech of one who deliberately forgoes the immediate purpose of a defence—persuasion of his judges.
In fact, as Plato represents the matter, Socrates would have been glad to secure an acquittal (19 a 2 sqq.), if that could be done without stooping to unworthy compromises which would give the lie to his whole life (38 d 3 sqq.); but he did not believe the object of life was 'to live a given length of time' (Gorg. 512 d 8 τὸ ζῆν ὁποσονδὴ χρόνον). That being so, his defence was such as it must needs be.
The statements of Xenophon are not, to be sure, first-hand evidence; for he was far away from Athens at the time of the trial, and he only professes to report what he was told by Hermogenes, son of Hipponicus, who does not impress us as a man of much discernment, whether we look to the representation of him by Plato in the Cratylus or that of Xenophon himself in his Symposium. Still, if Xenophon's Apology is genuine, as I do not doubt, it strongly confirms the description given by Plato of the attitude of Socrates. At the very outset he tells us that others had written accounts of the trial, and that they had all managed to hit off his proud tone (μεγαληγορία), which proves, he adds, that Socrates really did speak like that (ᾧ καὶ δῆλον ὅτι τῷ ὄντι οὕτως ἐρρήθη ὑπὸ Σωκράτους). He complains, however, that they had not made it clear why Socrates believed it to be better for him to die than to live, with the result that the manner of his defence was made to appear 'rather foolish' (ἀφρονεστέρα). In other words, he feels, just like Schanz, that the Socrates of the Platonic Apology does not make any effective defence; but he cannot, like Schanz, deny what he regards as a notorious fact. So he (or Hermogenes) excogitated the theory that Socrates deliberately provoked his condemnation in order to escape the troubles of old age, such as blindness, deafness, and loss of memory. If it were worth while to criticize this, it would be easy to show that, from all we know of his physical constitution, there was no reason why Socrates should not have looked forward to at least another ten years of activity, and that, from all we know of his character, he would not have felt free to abandon the mission imposed on him by God unless he believed that God himself had released him (Phaed. 62 c 7 πρὶν ἀνάγκην τινὰ θεὸς ἐπιπέμψῃ, ὥσπερ καὶ τὴν νῦν ἡμῖν παροῦσαν). What does appear clearly is that the μεγαληγορία of Socrates was something Xenophon felt bound to accept as a fact, though the justification of it was beyond the reach of his understanding.
The genuineness of Xenophon's Apology seems to be completely established by O. Immisch's examination of the language in which it is written (Neue Jahrb. 1900, 405 sqq.). His conclusion is that, even if the work had come down to us without an author's name, we could hardly, in face of the linguistic evidence, assign to it any other writer than the writer whose name it bears. The arguments usually adduced to prove it spurious are mainly two. In the first place, it is said to be unworthy of Xenophon. Our judgement on that point will depend on our estimate of Xenophon. To me it appears extremely characteristic of the man. In the second place, it is urged that, if Xenophon's Apology is genuine, it proves Plato's to be a fiction. That would be a serious matter, but the reasoning is far from cogent. Even if it is true that Hermogenes and Xenophon put their heads together to find a plausible explanation of the μεγαληγορία of Socrates, that would only prove they were incapable of understanding him, which is likely enough. It should be observed that μεγαληγορία is generally used in a bad sense, and that the Socrates of Hermogenes and Xenophon really is insufferably arrogant.
Riddell (p. xxi) has the following remarks on this προοίμιον:
The exordium may be completely paralleled, piece by piece, from the Orators. The imputation of conjoint falsity and plausibility, the denial of being δεινὸς λέγειν (cf. Lys. xix. 1, 2, p. 152, Isaeus x. 1, p. 79), the asking pardon for λόγους πολὺ τῶν εἰθισμένων λέγεσθαι παρʼ ὑμῖν ἐξηλλαγμένους (as Isocr. xv. 179 expresses it), the plea of unfamiliarity with law-courts (Isocr. xv. 38, p. 318 οὕτως ἀπέχομαι τούτων ὡς οὐδεὶς ἄλλος τῶν πολιτῶν), the begging for an impartial hearing (Lys. xix. 2, 3, p. 152), the deprecation of θόρυβος (cf. e. g. Aesch. ii. 24, p. 31 ἐπαινῶ εἰς ὑπερβολήν, ὦ ἄνδρες, ὅτι σιγῄ καὶ δικαίως ἡμῶν ἀκούετε), the disclaiming a style unbefitting an old man (cf. Isocr. xii. 3, p. 233 ἡγοῦμαι γὰρ οὐχ ἁρμόττειν)—these topics, of which the exordium of the Apology is wholly made up, occur continually in the Orators.
This observation is true and important, but the conclusion, 'that the subtle rhetoric of this defence would ill accord with the historical Socrates', misses the mark. The truth is rather that the exordium is, amongst other things, a parody, and the very disclaimer of all knowledge of forensic diction (17 d 3 ἀτεχνῶς οὖν ξένων ἔχω τῆς ἐνθάδε λέξεως) is itself a parody. It is also, of course, a piece of Socratic εἰρωνεία, and, like most disclaimers made by Socrates, to be taken cum grano salis. It is, in fact, impossible to doubt that Socrates was perfectly familiar with contemporary rhetoric, and that he thought very little of it. As we know from the Republic, he was intimate with the family of Lysias, and must have watched the beginnings of his career with interest. The Phaedrus represents him as parodying the style of Lysias, and, according to the same dialogue, he knew Isocrates well, and expected better things from him. Now, it is hard to believe that Socrates omitted to examine the orators as he did the poets and every one else, and he must have been quite familiar with their commonplaces. Moreover, the Phaedrus represents him as trying to show how they might do their work better than they did. It should be added that Socrates was commonly believed to have busied himself with rhetoric. That is taken for granted in the Clouds of Aristophanes, and Xenophon (Mem. i. 2, 15) says that Critias and Alcibiades associated with Socrates because they thought it would make them ἱκανωτάτω λέγειν τε καὶ πράττειν. He also mentions (ib. 31) that Critias and Charicles aimed their decree, λόγων τέχνην μὴ διδάσκειν, at Socrates. He adds, indeed, that no one ever heard him profess to teach such an art, which is doubtless true; but Critias, who knew him well, would hardly make the mistake of supposing that his decree would affect one who was notoriously uninterested in rhetoric and knew nothing about it.
Now, just as in the Phaedrus Socrates improves on the current rhetorical commonplaces by giving them a deeper meaning, so he does here. We have the usual τόποι indeed, but they are all made to lead up to the genuinely Socratic paradox that the function of a good orator is to tell the truth. Without suggesting, then, that we have before us a verbatim report, there is nothing to prevent us believing that Plato would only have represented Socrates as giving this turn to the tricks of the forensic orator's trade if he had really done something of the kind.
This view does not appear to me in any way inconsistent with the very probable statement of Xenophon (Apol. § 4) that Socrates was prevented by the 'divine sign' from preparing his defence, and that it was in fact improvised. In the Phaedrus Plato attributes to Socrates an exceptional gift of improvisation, and especially of improvised parody. Cf. Ivo Bruns, Das literarische Porträt der Griechen, p. 291 (a work which seems to me far the best contribution to our knowledge of Socrates and Plato that has ever been made in Germany). Bruns (rightly, as I believe) regards the Socrates of the Phaedrus as in a special sense historical.
17 a 1 Ὅτι … πεπόνθατε, 'what effect (impression) has been produced on you'. Here, as usual, πάσχειν is the passive of ποιεῖν. We could say ὅτι ὑμᾶς πεποιήκασιν κτλ.
ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι. This is not by any means an unusual way of addressing a court, but we learn below (40 a 2), that the studious avoidance of the rather more customary ὦ ἄνδρες δικασταί was deliberate. Socrates could not tell whether they were really judges till after the verdict.
a 2 ἐγὼ δ' οὖν B : ἔγωγ' οὖν T
a 2 δʼ οὖν (B), 'however that may be', 'at all events', is preferable to γοῦν (implied by ἔγωγʼ οὖν T), which properly introduces a confirmation of the preceding clause, not, as required here, a statement of fact contrasted with one of uncertainty. Cf. 34 e 2.
a 3 ἐμαυτὸν T
a 3 ὀλίγου ἐμαυτοῦ ἐπελαθόμην, 'I all but forgot who I was'. For this way of speaking cf. Phaedr. 228 a 5 εἰ ἐγὼ Φαῖδρον ἀγνοῶ, καὶ ἐμαυτοῦ ἐπιλέλησμαι. Then ὑπʼ αὐτῶν is added as if ἐπελαθόμην were a passive. Tr. 'they all but made me forget who I was'.
a 4 ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν closely with οὐδέν. The normal use of this phrase is to modify a too sweeping 'all' or 'none' (cf. paene dixerim, 'I had almost said'), and it is equivalent to ἤ τι ἢ οὐδέν, 'little or nothing' below (b 7). So 22 b 6 and d 1.
μάλιστα δὲ … ἓν ἐθαύμασα … This too is common form. Cf. Dem. 20 § 143 πολλὰ δὲ θαυμάζων Λεπτίνου … ἓν μάλιστα τεθαύμακα πάντων κτλ. For the genitive αὐτῶν ('in them') with θαυμάζω cf. Theaet. 161 b 8 οἶσθʼ οὖν … ὃ θαυμάζω τοῦ ἑταίρου σου;
a 6 χρῆν B : χρὴν (sic) T
a 6 ὡς χρῆν κτλ., 'that it would have been well for you to be on your guard', implying that the prosecution had reason to be apprehen-sive that they were not. The imperfect χρῆν can be justified if it was used in the speech from which Socrates is quoting, and it may well have been so.
BW have χρῆν, while T has χρὴν (sic). The reading is confirmed by the old scholium in T ἔδει (it is not a variant as Schanz's apparatus suggests, but an explanation). It is only in apographa that we find χρή.
b 4 οὗτοι B : αὐτοὶ T
17 b 4 εἰ μὴ ἄρα κτλ., nisi forte &c. Here we have the first ironical suggestion of the paradox to which all this forensic commonplace is leading up (cf. 18 a 5).
b 6 μὲν οὖν B T : μὲν γ' οὖν B2 W : μὲν γάρ Arm.
b 6 οὐ κατὰ τούτους … ῥήτωρ, 'an orator of a far higher kind than they are'. The phrase οὐ κατά means 'not on the same level', 'not to be compared with'. Cf. Herod. i. 121, where Astyages says to Cyrus ἐλθὼν δὲ ἐκεῖ πατέρα τε καὶ μητέρα εὑρήσεις οὐ κατὰ Μιτραδάτην τε τὸν βουκόλον καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ, ii. 10 ἄλλοι ποταμοὶ οὐ κατὰ τὸν Νεῖλον ἐόντες μεγάθεα. Similarly Gorg. 512 b 7 μή σοι δοκεῖ κατὰ τὸν δικανικὸν εἶναι; Symp. 211 d 3 ὃ (sc. αὐτὸ τὸ καλόν) ἐάν ποτε ἴδῃς, οὐ κατὰ χρυσίον τε καὶ ἐσθῆτα … δόξει σοι εἶναι, Phaedr. 279 a 3 δοκεῖ μοι (sc. Ἰσοκράτη) ἄμεινων ἢ κατὰ τοὺς περὶ Λυσίαν εἶναι λόγους τὰ τῆς φύσεως, Rep. 466 b 1 μή πῃ κατὰ τὸν τῶν σκυτοτόμων φαίνεται βίον; Dem. 21 § 169 οὐ κατὰ τὰς Μειδίου λῃτουργίας. Accordingly οὐ κατὰ τούτους ῥήτωρ is equivalent to ἀμείνων ἢ κατὰ τούτους ῥήτωρ, 'too good an orator to be compared with them'.
b 7 ἤ τι ἢ B : οὐ ἢ W (sed ου erasum et ἢ s. v. W) : om. T
b 7 ἤ τι ἢ οὐδέν, i. q. ὡτ ἔπος εἰπεῖν οὐδέν (a 4), 'little or nothing'. Cf. Herod. iii. 140 ἀναβέβηκε δʼ ἤ τις ἢ οὐδείς κω παρ' ἡμέας αὐτῶν, Xen. Cyr. vii. 5, 45 τούτων δὲ … ἤ τινα ἢ οὐδένα οἶδα, and Rep. 496 c 4 (of the 'divine sign') ἢ γάρ πού τινι ἢ οὐδενὶ τῶν ἔμπροσθεν γέγονεν.
b 8 οὐ μέντοι κτλ. The parenthesis extends to c 4 προσδοκησάτω ἄλλως, and contains a minor parenthesis within it, πιστεύω (c 2) … λέγω (c 3).
No editor seems to get this sentence quite right. Earle (C.R. xiv. 20) and Seymour (C.R. xv. 27) throw light on the first part of it, while Riddell gave the correct meaning to πλάττοντι λόγους. See the following notes.
b 9 κεκαλλιεπημένους … λόγους … ῥήμασὶ τε καὶ ὀνόμασιν, 'fine language embellished with choice phrases and words'. The words ὄνομα and ῥῆμα are not used here in their grammatical or logical sense (for which see Crat. 399 b 1, Soph. 262 a 1), but in their rhetorical application, which is well illustrated by Riddell from the criticisms of Aeschines on Demosthenes. Cf. 3 § 72 οὐ γὰρ ἔφ δεῖν (καὶ γὰρ τὸ ῥῆμα μέμνημαι ὡς εἶπε διὰ τὴν ἀηδίαν … τοῦ ὀνόματος) ἀπορρῆξαι τῆς εἰρήνης τὴν συμμαχίαν—'where the ῥῆμα is the whole expression, the ὄνομα is ἀπορρῆξαι'. It is clear, then, that ῥήματα are 'expressions' or 'phrases', while ὀνόματα are single words. There is no Greek word for a 'word', and ὄνομα, has to do duty instead, being actually used of a verb in the passage quoted by Riddell. Cf. also Symp. 198 b 4 τοῦ κάλλους τῶν ὀνομάτων καὶ ῥημάτων τίς οὐκ ἂν ἐξεπλάγη ἀκούων; ib. 199 b 4 ὀνόμασί (BT : ὀνομάσει W) τε καὶ θέσει ῥημάτων, ib. 221 e 2 ταιαῦτα καὶ ὀνόματα καὶ ῥήματα … περιαμπέχονται (οἱ Σωκράτους λόγοι).
17 c 1 οὐδὲ κεκοσμημένους, 'ordered', 'marshalled', 'arranged' (see Earle, C.R. xiv. 20) rather than 'adorned'. The word has both meanings, but we want an opposite to εἰκῇ λεγόμενα, as τοῖς ἐπιτυχοῦσιν ὀνόμασιν is opposed to κεκαλλιεπημένους κτλ. (note the chiastic arrangement). Cf. Eur. Med. 576 εὖ … τούσδʼ ἐκόσμησας λόγους.
c 2 εἰκῇ, temere, 'any how', 'just as they happen to come', without any attempt at skilful arrangement.
πιστεύω γὰρ δίκαια εἶναι ἅ λέγω. These words give his reason for dispensing with choice diction and artificial arrangement.
c 3 καὶ μηδεὶς ὑμῶν προσδοκησάτω ἄλλως. These words do not refer to the parenthesis which immediately precedes; for it would be absurd to warn the judges against expecting his defence to be dishonest. They mean that the judges are not to look for anything but ordinary language from him.
c 4 οὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν δήπου πρέποι κτλ. This is to be connected immediately with b 7 ἀκούσεσθα πᾶσαν τὴν ἀλήθειαν, not with the intervening parenthesis. It gives his reason for telling the whole truth, not for doing so in ordinary language.
c 5 πλάττοντι λόγους, 'telling stories', as Riddell observes, 'refers not to artificial language but to falsification; a μειράκιον, to hide a fault, uses falsehood and not rhetoric'. The μειράκιον is the naughty boy, not the youthful orator. This is the regular meaning of the phrase πλάττειν λόγους, e. g. Dem. 18 § 121 τί λόγους πλάττεις; and so αἰτίας, προφάσεις πλάττειν. See L. and S. s.v. V. As τῇδε τῇ ἡλικίᾳ means ἐμοὶ τηλικῷδε ὄντι, the participle is masculine.
εἰς ὑμᾶς εἰσιέναι, 'to come before you'. The preposition εἰς is used because εἰσάγω, εἰσέρχομαι, εἴσοδος are the proper terms in speaking of a court, whereas προσάγω, προσέρχομαι, πρόσοδος are used of coming before the δῆμος in the ἐκκλησία. See below 24 d 5 n.
17 c 6 τοῦτο ὑμῶν … παρίεμαι, 'there is one thing I beg and entreat you not to do'. Tim. Lex. has παρίεμαιʼ παραιτοῦμαι, and the present passage is referred to below as ὅπερ κατʼ ἀρχὰς ὑμᾶς παρῃτησάμην (27 a 9). Like παραιτοῦμαι, παρίεμαι means deprecor, and is properly used here as the request is a negative one. As παρίημι means 'I let off', 'remit', so παρίεμαι means 'I get myself let off', 'I get something remitted to me'. Cf. Rep. 341 b 9 οὐδέν σου παρίεμαι, 'I ask no concession' (cf. Phryn. οὐδέν σου παρίεμαι· οὐδὲν παραιτοῦμαι), Soph. O. C. 1665 εἰ δὲ μὴ δοκῶ φρονῶν λέγειν, | οὐκ ἂν παρείμην οἷσι μὴ δοκῶ φρονεῖν ('He scorns to deprecate their unbelief', Jebb), Eur. Med. 892 παριέμεσθα ('I crave pardon') καί φαμεν κακῶς φρονεῖν. In Laws 742 b 4 παρέμενος … τοὺς ἄρχοντας (παραιτούμενος vulg.) the meaning is 'when he has got a dispensation from the magistrates'.
c 7 ἐὰν διὰ τῶν αὐτῶν λόγων κτλ. Though specially appropriate in the mouth of Socrates, the request to be allowed to speak in one's own way occurs also in Dem. 25 § 14 δότε, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, δότε καὶ συγχωρήσατέ μοι πρὸς Διός, ὡς πέφυκα καὶ προῄρημαι, περὶ τούτων διαλεχθῆναι πρὸς ὑμᾶς· καὶ γὰρ οὐδʼ ἂν ἄλλως δυναίμην. In this case the speaker is a professed Orphic, and Demosthenes, or whoever wrote the speech for him, has to make him speak in character.
c 8 ἐπὶ T W Hipp. Min. 368 b : καὶ ἐπὶ B
c 8 ἐν ἀγορᾷ ἐπὶ τῶν τραπεζῶν, 'in the Market at the tables of the money-changers'. Words like ἀγορά, ἄστυ, ἀγρός are treated as proper nouns, and do not require the article in prepositional phrases (cf. 'in town', 'on Change', S.C.G. § 569). By τράπεζα ('table') the Greeks mean what we call a bank ('bench').
The καί which B inserts before ἐπί has the weight of evidence (TW) against it. Cf. also Hipp. mi. 368 b 4 ἐν ἀγορᾶ ἐπὶ ταῖς τραπέζαις, Lysias 9 § 5 κἀμοὶ μὲν τὰ προειρημένα διείλεκτο ἐπὶ τῇ Φιλίου τραπέζῃ.
c 9 πολλοὶ B : οἱ πολλοὶ T
c 9 ἵνα, 'where' (schol. T ὅπου). This old use of ἵνα as an adverb of place is common enough in Herodotus and the tragedians, but strict Attic writers avoid it. Plato has it several times, so it was probably colloquial at Athens.
17 d 1 θορυβεῖν, 'to interrupt'. Cf. 20 e 4, 21 a 5, 27 b 1, 5, 30 c 2. The word θόρυβος only means a noisy demonstration, which may be 'applause' as well as 'interruption' according to the context. Cf. Rep. 492 b 5 ὅταν … συγκαθεζόμενοι ἁθρόοι πολλοὶ εἰς ἐκκλησίας ἢ εἰς δικαστήρια ἢ θέατρα ἢ στρατόπεδα … σὺν πολλῷ θορύβῳ τὰ μὲν ψέγωσι τῶν λεγομένων ἢ πραττομένων, τὰ δʼ ἐπαινῶσιν, ὑπερβαλλόντως ἑκάτερα, καὶ ἐκβοῶντες καὶ κροτοῦντες, πρὸς δʼ αὐτοῖς αἵ τε πέτραι καὶ ὁ τόπος ἐν ᾧ ἂν ὦσιν ἐπηχοῦντες διπλάσιου θόρυβον παρέχωσι τοῦ ψόγου καὶ ἐπαίνου. This is one of the things that bring home to us the difference between an Athenian δικαστήριον and a modern court, where such demonstrations are 'promptly suppressed'. Throughout the Apology we must bear in mind that Socrates is standing his trial before a public meeting. Plato shared the modern view on this point. Cf. Laws 876 b 3 ὅταν … θορύβου μεστὰ καθάπερ θέατρα ἐπαινοῦντά τε βοῇ καὶ ψέγοντα τῶν ῥητόρων ἑκάτερον ἐν μέρει κρίνῃ (τὰ δικαστήρια), χαλεπὸν τότε πάθος ὅλῃ τῇ πόλει γίγνεσθαι φιλεῖ. For θορυβεῖν, 'to applaud', cf. Euthyd. 276 d 1, 303 b 4, 6.
d 2 ἐπι δικαστήριον ἀναβέβηκα. The verb ἀναβαίνω is used with ἐπί or εἰς for appearing before either a δικαστήριον (as here) or the ἐκκλησία (as infra 31 c 6). It is also used absolutely (as infra 33 d 4 and 36 a 9). The latter use, coupled with the frequent ἀνάβηθι used in producing witnesses, favours the view that the original reference was to mounting the βῆμα. It came, however, to be felt merely as 'appear before', ἐν c. dat. and ἐἰς c. acc. being the proper prepositions for coram. This explanation suits all the facts better than the alternative view which makes ἀναβαίνειν refer to the elevated situation of the Pnyx and the δικαστήρια. That would make the words mean that Socrates had never even been present at a trial, which is incredible. He must have listened to Lysias, and even Anytus himself, more than once. All he says is that he has never appeared as a party to a case. For the τόπος cf. Lysias 19 § 55 ἐγὼ γὰρ ἔτη γεγονὼς ἤδη τριάκοντα οὔτε τῷ πατρὶ οὐδὲν πώποτε ἀντεῖπον, οὔτε τῶν πολιτῶν οὐδείς μοι ἐνεκάλεσεν, ἐγγύς τε οἰκῶν τῆς ἀγορᾶς οὐδὲ πρὸς δικαστηρίῳ οὐδὲ πρὸς βουλευτηρίῳ ὤφθην οὐδεπώποτε.
d 3 ἑβδομήκοντα B schol. ad Hermogenem : πλείω ἑβδομήκοντα T
17 d 3 ξένως ἔξω τῆς ἐνθάδε λέξεως. As already indicated this is not to be taken too seriously. It is just like Socrates to say he knows nothing about forensic diction at the very moment when he is showing his mastery of it. At any rate Plato must have meant us to take the words in this way, for he knew quite well what he was doing.
d 5 φωνῇ, 'dialect'. Cf. Phaed. 62 a 8 Ἴττω Ζεύς, ἔφη, τῇ αὑτοῦ φωνῇ εἶπών, Crat. 398 d 8 ἐν τῇ Ἀττικῇ φωνῇ. So the Greeks said βοιωτιάζειν, δωρίζειν, ἑλληνίζειν τῇ φωνῇ. In classical Greek διάλεκτος means 'manner of speech'. Aristotle uses it for 'everyday language' (Poet. 1458 b 32) as opposed to the diction of poetry. It only acquires the special meaning of 'dialect' at a later date. In the days of the Athenian Empire it must have been common for ξένοι to appear in Athenian courts. Antipho's Περὶ τοῦ Ἡρώδου φόνου shows that the ξένος was supposed to plead his case in person, just as an Athenian citizen was. In this case the accused, who was a Lesbian, was able to pay an Athenian to write a speech in Attic for him to deliver; but in ordinary circumstances that would hardly be worth while.
18 a 2 δίκαιον, 'as a piece of justice' (pred.). Cf. 41 c 8 χρή … τοῦτο διανοεῖσθαι ἀληθές.
a 6 τάληθῆ λέγειν comes emphatically at the end of the προοίμιον after being led up to at 17 b 4. This is not rhetorical commonplace, whatever the rest may be. It is a clear statement of the Socratic doctrine that the true end of rhetoric is τὸ ἀληθές and not τὸ πιθανόν.
Socrates distinguishes two sets of accusers, (1) the old accusers who had represented him as a teacher, and (2) the present accusers who charged him with religious innovation and corrupting the youth.
This procedure is entirely justified by the form of the prosecution. Socrates is well aware that it derived all its force from an old prejudice (διαβολή) which was not explicitly referred to in the indictment. Schanz misses the mark when he says that Socrates cannot have called attention deliberately to a charge which was not actually made against him. On the contrary, he feels bound to show up the dishonest character of the prosecution in this very matter. The prejudice on which his accusers relied to secure a conviction was one to which they dared not appeal openly. The next section of the speech is mainly concerned with the exposure of this subterfuge. Anytus had no doubt done his best to prevent the 'old prejudice' being discussed, but Socrates is determined that it shall be.
a 9 ὕστερον T W : ὕστερα B
b 2 καὶ ante οὐδὲν secl. Schanz
18 b 2 καὶ πάλαι, 'long ago too', as well as now at the trial.
b 3 τοὺς ἀμφὶ Ἄνυτον, 'Anytus and the rest'. The phrase marks Anytus as the real author of the prosecution, as no doubt he was. In the Meno, a dialogue which is supposed to take place only a year or two before the trial, Plato has contrived to let us know his opinion of the real motives of Anytus. There he represents him as protesting against the criticism directed by Socrates against the leading statesmen of the fifth century, and as saying (94 e 3 sqq.) ὦ Σώκρατες, ῥᾳδίως μοι δοκεῖς κακῶς λέγειν ἀνθρώπους. ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν ἄν σοι συμβουλεύσαιμι, εἰ ἐθέλεις ἐμοὶ πείθεσθαι, εὐλαβεῖσθαι· ὡς ἴσως μὲν καὶ ἐν ἄλλῃ πόλει ῥᾷόν ἐστιν κακῶς ποιεῖν ἀνθρώπους ἢ εὖ, ἐν τῇδε δὲ καὶ πάνυ· οἶμαι δὲ σὲ καὶ αὐτὸν εἰδέναι. With this veiled threat he departs, and it cannot surely be doubted that Plato means us to understand that, in his view, the prosecution of Socrates by Anytus was due to his disparagement of democratic statesmen. We hear nothing in Plato of the merely personal motives attributed to Anytus in Xenophon's Apology, where we are told (§ 29) that he had Socrates put to death because he blamed him for bringing his son up to his own business as a tanner. I suspect that is only an inference from the Meno, where the subject under discussion is just why great statesmen usually fail to communicate their own ἀρετή to their sons. On the other hand, Anytus and his friends were working hard to restore the πάτριος πολιτεία (i.e. the moderate democracy of the days before the Peloponnesian War), and the Socratic criticism must have seemed dangerous to him. The motives of Meletus were no doubt of another order.
b 5 ὑμῶν τοὺς πολλοὺς ἐκ παίδων παραλαμβάνοντες κτλ. The verb παραλαμβάνειν is regularly used of 'taking' pupils, whom their parents are said παραδιδόναι τῷ διδασκάλῳ. The whole sentence clearly means that the public reputation of Socrates as a μετεωρολόγος was not due to the Clouds of Aristophanes, but was something much more serious and much older. As no one could be a δικαστής before the age of thirty, it follows that, though some of the judges may have been mere boys, most of them must have been considerably older in the year the Clouds was produced (423 b. c.). Indeed we may fairly assume that, at the end of a disastrous war which had lasted a generation, the number of δικασταί under fifty would be small, and a man who was fifty in 399 b.c. could hardly be called a παῖς at any date later than 435 b.c. Now Taylor has shown (in my opinion conclusively) that the εἰσαγγελία of Anaxagoras, which marks the beginning of Athenian aversion to μετεωρολόγοι, cannot be put later than 450 b.c. (C.Q. xi. 81 sqq.). Archelaus was the successor of Anaxagoras, and the evidence that Socrates associated with Archelaus from an early age is far too strong to be set aside (Gr. Phil. I, p. 124). Moreover, the autobiographical sketch which Plato puts into the mouth of Socrates in the Phaedo (96 a 6 sqq. with my notes) confirms the other evidence in the most striking way. It follows that Aristophanes represented Socrates in accordance with the popular impression of him which had already been formed a considerable time before he produced the Clouds.
For further evidence to the same effect cf. 21 a 5 n. and my article Socrates in E.R.E. vol. xi.
b 6 μᾶλλον B : om. T
18 b 6 μᾶλλον οὐδὲν ἀληθές, 'not a bit truer' (than the accusation of Anytus and the rest). The phrase μᾶλλον οὐδέν is the negative of μᾶλλόν τι. Cf. Antipho, Tetr. b. β § 10 ἐγώ τε μᾶλλον μὲν οὐδέν, ὁμοίως δὲ τούτῳ ἀναμάρτητος ὤν, Soph. O.T. 1018 οὐ μᾶλλον οὐδὲν τοῦδε τἀνδρός, ἀλλ' ἴσον.
The word μᾶλλον is omitted in T, and consequently in the vulgate text. When it was recovered from B, the editors were puzzled by the order μᾶλλον οὐδέν and resorted to conjectures and forced explanations. Latterly, when it became known that it was not in T, they have usually put it in brackets or returned to the vulgate text by omitting it. It is, however, in W as well as in B, and no satisfactory reason for its interpolation has been suggested.
b 7 φροντιστὴς secl. Bamberg
b 7 σοφὸς ἀνήρ. This was not a compliment in the mouth of an Athenian of the fifth century b.c. Cf. Euth. 3 c 6 sqq.
τά τε μετέωρα φροντιστής, 'a thinker on the things on high'. The construction of a verbal adjective or substantive with an object accusative is common to many Indo-European languages. It is not very frequent in Greek except with ἔξαρνος, though Aristotle says (Poet. 1448 b 34) τὰ σπουδαῖα μάλιστα ποιητής. It has much the effect of a compound (cf. μετεωροσοφιστής Ar. Clouds 360).
18 b 7 τὰ μετέωρα (called τὰ οὐράνια 19 b 5) are literally the things 'aloft', 'on high', whether the heavenly bodies or what we now call meteorological phenomena in the more restricted sense, clouds, rainbows, 'meteors', &c. The distinction of astronomy from meteorology is connected with the later separation of the heavens from the sublunary region; in the philosophy of Ionia no such distinction was recognized (E. Gr. Phil.3 p. 27). In the Clouds (228) Socrates is made to explain that he can study τὰ μετέωρα πράγματα better in the air than on the ground. This study was characteristic of the eastern Ionian philosophers, the Anaxagoreans, and Diogenes of Apollonia, and they are called for that reason μετεωρολόγοι. In Attic writers the word and its cognates often imply a certain impatient contempt. Cf. Rep. 488 e 4 μετεωροσκόπον τε καὶ ἀδολέσχην καὶ ἄχρηστον, 489 c 6 ἀχρήστους … καὶ μετεωρολέσχας. In the Clouds Aristophanes has μετεωροσοφισταί (360) and even μετεωροφένακες (333). An Ionic synonym of μετέωρος was μετάρσιος, and the famous psephism of Diopeithes, directed against Anaxagoras, spoke of τοὺς τὰ θεῖα μὴ νομίζοντας ἢ λόγους περὶ τῶν μεταρσίων διδάσκοντας (Plut. Per. 32).
φροντιστής was a regular nickname of Socrates, and Aristophanes called his school the φροντιστήριον or 'thought-factory'. Cf. Xen. Symp. 6, 6 Ἆρα σύ, ὦ Σώκρατες, ὁ φροντιστὴς ἐπικαλούμενος;—Οὐκοῦν κάλλιον, ἔφη, ἢ εἰ ἀφρόντιστος ἐκαλούμην.—Εἰ μή γε ἐδόκεις τῶν μετεώρων φροντιστὴς εἶναι. The Connus of Ameipsias, which was produced the same year as the Clouds (423 b.c.) and also dealt with Socrates, had a chorus of φροντισταί. Now the use of φροντίς for 'thought' and of φροντίζειν for 'think' is Ionic rather than Attic. In Attic φροντίζειν is 'to care' or 'to heed' (generally with a negative), and it is clear that the continual use of φροντίς and φροντίζειν in the Clouds is intentional and means that the words struck Athenian ears as odd. In the story of the twenty-four hours' trance of Socrates at Potidaea we read (Symp. 220 c 7) that the people in the camp told one another that Σωκράτης ἐξ ἑωθινοῦ φροντίζων τι ἕστηκε, where the intention is equally plain. There is a hint of the same kind in Eupolis fr. 352 Μισῶ δὲ καὶ τὸν Σωκράτην, τὸν πτωχὸν ἀδολέσχην, | ὃς τἆλλα μὲν πεφρόντικεν, | ὁπόθεν δὲ καταφαγεῖν ἔχοι τούτον κατημέληκεν.
18 b 7 τὰ ὑπὸ γῆς, 'the things under the earth'. Just as the study of τὰ μετέωρα was characteristic of the eastern Ionians, so that of the interior of the earth (of which they had discovered the spherical shape) was characteristic of the Italiotes and Siceliotes, and specially of Empedocles. That Socrates was familiar with his theories can hardly be doubted, as they were attracting attention at Athens when he was a young man (E. Gr. Phil.3 p. 203, n. 3), and Plato has made him give a vivid description of the subterranean regions on strictly Empedoclean lines in the myth of the Phaedo (111 c 4 sqq. with my notes). Cf. Aristophanes, Clouds 188 ζητοῦσιν οὖτοι τὰ κατὰ γῆς (of the disciples in the φροντιστήριον).
b 8 πάντα T : ἅπαντα B
b 8 τὸν ἥττω λόγον κρείττω ποιῶν, 'making the weaker statement the stronger'. That, at least, was what Protagoras meant (Gr. Phil. I § 92), though of course the comic poets put upon the phrase the meaning Milton gives it (Par. Lost ii. 112 'his tongue | dropt manna and could make the worse appear | the better reason'). Aristophanes exaggerates this still further. Cf. Clouds 112 εἶναι παρʼ αὐτοῖς φασὶν ἄμφω τὼ λόγω, | τὸν κρείττονʼ, ὅστις ἐστί, καὶ τὸν ἥττονα. | τούτοιν τὸν ἕτερον τοῖν λόγοιν, τὸν ἥττονα, | νικᾶν λέγοντά φασι τἀδικώτερα. Finally, in a later scene of the Clouds, the κρείττων and the ἥττων λόγος were personalized as the δίκαιος and the ἄδικος λόγος (889 sqq.). Aristophanes had perhaps heard that the method of Socrates was σκέψις ἐν λόγοις (Phaed. 99 e 5 sqq.). That would be enough for him.
c 1 οἱ add. Heindorf
c 1 〈οἱ〉 … κατασκεδάσαντες, 'those who have discharged on me these dregs of scandal'. The expression is a very strong one, suggesting as it does the practice of pouring dregs and slops (ἑωλοκρασία) over people in their sleep (Dem. 18 § 50). Cf. Minos 320 d 8 διὰ τί οὖν ποτε … αὕτη ἡ φήμη κατεσκέδασται τοῦ Μίνω ὡς ἀπαιδεύτου τινὸς καὶ χαλεποῦ ὄντος. Cf. also the use of καταντλεῖν in Ar. Wasps 483.
L. and S. s.v. furnish abundant evidence that this is the regular meaning of the word, both in a literal and in a metaphorical sense, and the only example they quote for the meaning 'to spread' a report is Lys. 10 § 23, where, however, the reading κατεσκέδασται is only a conjecture (κατεσκεύασται MSS.), and the imitation in [Lys.] 11 § 8 has διέσπαρται ('disseminated').
c 3 ἀκούοντες B2 T W : ἀκούσαντες B
18 c 3 οὐδὲ θεοὺς νομίζειν, 'that they also do not worship the gods' (not 'that they do not believe in the gods'). For the meaning of the phrase θεοὺς νομίζειν cf. 24 c 1 n. and Euth. 3 b 3. The current view is thus expressed by Euripides (fr. 905 Nauck)—τίς τάδε λεύσσων θεὸν οὐχὶ νοεῖ | μετεωρολόγων δ' ἑκὰς ἔρριψεν | σκολιὰς ἀπάτας, ὧν ἀτηρὰ | γλῶσσʼ εἰκοβολεῖ περὶ τῶν ἀφανῶν | οὐδὲν γνώμης μετέχουσα; It culminated at Athens in the psephism of Diopeithes (18 b 7 n.), on which the εἰσαγγελία of Anaxagoras was based.
c 4 ἤδη χρόνον T
c 4 ἔπειτα, 'secondly', though πρῶτον μέν does not precede (complete regularity, such as Plato avoids, would require πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ οἱ ἀκούοντες ἡγοῦνται κτλ. above). We have ἔτι δὲ καί, 'thirdly', in the next line.
c 6 ἐν ᾗ ἂν μάλιστα ἐπιστεύσατε, '(the age) at which you would be most likely to believe them'. This is a clear case of the Potential of the Past (S.C.G. § 430). As πιστεύσαιτʼ ἄν means 'there is (or will be) a chance of your believing', so ἐπιτεύσατʼ ἄν is 'there was a chance of your believing'.
παῖδες ὄντες ἔνιοι ὑμῶν καὶ μειράκια, 'when some of you were children and some of you were lads'. The μειράκιον is older than the παῖς (cf. 34 d 6 n.), and this remark is added because, though some of the judges may have been παῖδες at the time referred to (cf. b 5), some would be rather older, and many may have been as old as Socrates himself. It is evident that the emphasis on the early date is deliberate.
The reading of B (ἔνιοι δʼ ὑμῶν) makes a false climax, and would suggest that μειράκια are more credulous than παῖδες.
c 7 ὑμῶν T W Arm. : δʼ ὑμῶν B
c 7 ἀτεχνῶς: cf. Euth. 3 a 7 n.
ἐρήμην κατηγοροῦντες, 'accusing in a case that went by default for want of a defence'. Schol. T ἐρήμη δίκη ἐστὶν ὅταν μὴ ἀπαντήσας ὁ διωκόμενος ἐπὶ τὴν κρίσιν καταδιαιτηθῇ. In the phrases ἐρήμην (sc. δίκην) αἱρεῖν, ὀφλισκάνειν the feminine form is normal, though ἔρημος is usually an adjective 'of two terminations'. Cf., however, Dem. 21 § 87 κατηγορῶν ἔρημον, οὐδενὸς παρόντος, a passage which also serves to justify the addition of ἀπολογουμένου οὐδενός here.
d 1 εἰ μή τις W Arm.
d 2 κωμῳδοποιός, i. e. Aristophanes (Clouds 423 b.c.), Ameipsias (Connus 423 b.c.), Eupolis (Κόλακες 421 b.c.). It is remarkable that the comic poets all made fun of Socrates about the same time, and two of them in the same year, the year after he had greatly distinguished himself by his bravery in the field at Delium. Further, Ameipsias and Eupolis both allude to his poverty, though, since he served as a hoplite at Delium, he cannot have been reduced to real poverty in 424 b.c. That he should have suffered severe losses just after that is likely enough, and we shall see (28 e 2 n.) that he probably did not serve at Amphipolis in 422 b.c. We have no definite information as to the reasons for these attacks by the comic poets at this time, but they prove at least that Socrates was already well known at Athens.
18 d 2 ὅσοι δὲ κτλ. As Schanz observes, these anonymous accusers are distinguished from the comic poets because the latter may merely have meant their attacks in fun. That was no doubt the case. It is not likely that Socrates would take the Clouds more seriously than it was intended, and in the Symposium Plato represents him as on most friendly terms with Aristophanes several years later. He even makes Alcibiades quote a description of Socrates from the Clouds itself in the course of his encomium on his bravery at Delium (221 b 3).
φθόνῳ καὶ διαβολῇ χρώμενοι: cf. Euth. 3 b 7 n.
d 3 οἱ δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ κτλ. This is an afterthought. Besides the comic poets who attacked him in fun, and those who attacked him malevolently, Socrates admits that there may have been some who attacked him seriously and in good faith.
d 4 πάντες B T W : πάντων Arm.
d 4 οὖτοι πάντες, 'all of them', whether they honestly believed it or not.
ἀπορώτατοι, 'hardest to deal with'.
d 5 ἐνταυθὶ T
d 5 ἀναβιβάσασθαι … ἐνταυθοῖ, sc. εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον. Cf. ἀναβέβηκα (17 d 2). The middle is used (as in μάρτυρα παρέχεσθαι) to indicate that it is in the interests of his own case that Socrates would like to have his old accusers before him (cf. 34 c 4). He is thinking of an ἐρώτησις such as that to which he treats Meletus presently.
d 6 ἀτεχνῶς: cf. Euth. 3 a 7 n.
σκιαμαχεῖν, 'to spar with imaginary adversaries'. The original meaning of the word is best seen in Laws 830 c 3. The Athenian Stranger is describing how boxers prepare themselves for a match, and he tells us what we have to do when we have no one to practise on. He says (b 6) ἆρʼ ἂν δείσαντες τὸν τῶν ἀνοήτων γέλωτα οὐκ ἂν ἐτολμῶμεν κρεμαννύντες εἴδωλον ἄψυχον γυμνάζεσθαι πρὸς αὐτό; καὶ ἔτι πάντων τῶν τε ἐμψύχων καὶ τῶν ἀψύχων ἀπορήσαντές ποτε, ἐν ἐρημίᾳ συγγυμναστῶν ἆρά γε οὐκ ἐτολμήσαμεν ἂν αὐτοὶ πρὸς ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς σκιαμαχεῖν ὄντως; ἢ τί ποτε ἄλλο τὴν τοῦ χειρονομεῖν μελέτην ἄν τις φαίη γεγονέναι; The term 'shadow-boxing' is still used of pugilists in training.
18 d 7 ἀξιώσατε, 'grant me'. The commoner meaning of ἀξιῶ is 'I claim'; but as it literally means only 'to think anything ἄξιον', it can be used equally well of either party. The meaning of οἰήθητε δεῖν below (e 1) is practically the same.
19 a 1 ἐξελέσθαι, 'to remove from your minds'. Cf. Antipho 5 § 46 μὴ οὖν ἐξέληται τοῦτο ὑμῶν μηδείς, ὅτι κτλ. Rep. 413 b 6 τῶν μὲν χρόνος, τῶν δὲ λόγος ἐξαιρούμενος λανθάνει (τὴν ἀληθῆ δόξαν).
ἢν … ἐν πολλῷ χρόνῳ ἔσχετε, 'which you have had a long time to acquire'. The aorist of ἔχω, 'have', 'possess', means 'got', 'acquired', and ἐν is used of the time a thing takes. Cf. Phaed. 58 b 8 τοῦτο δ' ἐνίοτε ἐν πολλῷ χρόνῳ γίγνεται, 'this sometimes takes a long time', Phaedr. 227 d 6 ἃ Λυσίας ἐν πολλῷ χρόνῳ κατὰ σχολὴν συνέθηκε, 'which Lysias took his time to compose at leisure'. Thuc. i. 72, 1 ὡς οὐ ταχέως αὐτοῖς βουλευτέον εἴη, ἀλλʼ ἐν πλέονι σκεπτέον.
This seems to be common form too. Cf. Antipho 5 § 19 καίτοι χαλεπόν γε τὰ ἐκ πολλοῦ κατεψευσμένα καὶ ἐπιβεβουλευμένα ταῦτα παραχρῆμα ἀπελέγχειν.
a 2 ἔχετε T
a 2 βουλοίμην μὲν οὖν ἂν κτλ. It is here made plain that Socrates would prefer an acquittal if it could be honourably secured, and if it was God's will. There is no suggestion in Plato of the theory devised by Hermogenes or Xenophon at a later date. See Introductory Note.
a 3 οὕτωσιν pr. T
a 5 ὅμως B : ὅμως δὲ T
a 6 ἴτω ὅπῃ τῷ θεῷ φίλον, 'let it take the course that is pleasing to God'. Soph. O. T. 1458 ἀλλʼ ἡ μὲν ἡμῶν μοῖρʼ ὅπῃπερ εἶσʼ ἴτω. Cf. Euth. 3 e 3 n.
The account here given of the attitude of Socrates to the natural science of his time is entirely consistent with the fuller narrative in Phaed. 96 a 6 sqq. Xenophon, of course, puts the matter in a different light.
b 1 ᾗ δὴ B : ἤδη T
b 2 τί δὴ λέγοντες κτλ. 'What was it that those who created this prejudice said to create it?'
b 3 τὴν ἀντωμοσίαν, 'their sworn declaration'. At the ἀνάκρισις or preliminary instruction, both parties had to make a sworn declaration (ἀντόμνυσθαι, διόμνυσθαι). Socrates puts the accusation of the old accusers into strict legal form for them, thus doing what the prosecution should have done if it had been open and straightforward.
b 4 ἀδικεῖ, 'is guilty', the regular word in a real ἀντωμοσία (cf. below 24 b 9). It is generally followed by a participle stating the offence, and so it is here (ζητῶν). The words καὶ περιεργάζεται are only added because, as a matter of fact, the old accusers had not said Socrates was legally 'guilty' of anything, but only that he meddled with what did not concern him. Cf. Phaed. 70 b 10 οὔκουν γʼ ἂν οἶμαι … εἰπεῖν τινα νῦν ἀκούσαντα, οὐδʼ εἰ κωμῳδοποιὸς εἴη, ὡς ἀδολεσχῶ καὶ οὐ περὶ προσηκόντων τοὺς λόγους ποιοῦμαι, where οὐ περὶ προσηκόντων means 'things that are no business of mine'.
b 5 οὐράνια B : τὰ ἐπουράνια T
b 5 καὶ οὐράνια, i. q. τὰ μετέωρα (18 b 7).
T has καὶ τὰ ἐπουράνια, which looks like an ancient variant. It is not, however, in W, so it is safer to follow B.
c 1 τὰ αὐτὰ ταῦτα B w : ταῦτα T : τὰ αὐτὰ W
c 3 περιφερόμενον, 'swinging round'. This refers to Clouds 218 sqq., where Socrates is discovered swinging by a κρεμάθρα, i. e. apparently, a rope with a hook. The traditional 'basket' comes from v. 226 ἔπειτʼ ἀπὸ ταρροὺ τοὺς θεοῦς σὺ περιφρονεῖς, where, however, both the reading and the interpretation have been questioned. See Starkie's notes in loc. Certainly ἀεροβατῶ is hardly consistent with the 'basket'.
ἀεροβατεῖν: cf. Ar. Clouds 225 ἀεροβατῶ καὶ περιφρονῶ τὸν ἥλιον. Socrates treads the air because of the importance of 'air' in the system of Archelaus and the whole Ionian school which he represented at Athens. Cf. Euth. 3 b 2 n.
19 c 4 ὧν … πέρι. There are few instances of the anastrophic πέρι placed so far after its genitive. It is to be accounted for by the fact that οὐδὲν οὔτε μέγα οὔτε μικρόν is treated as a single adverbial expression, for which cf. Dem. 9 § 5 οὔτε μικρὸν οὔτε μέγ' οὐδέν. So too 21 b 4, 24 a 5.
οὐδέν … ἐπαΐω. In the very passage of the Phaedo (96 a 6 sqq.) where Socrates tells of his youthful interest in ἡ περὶ φύσεως ἱστορία, this is stated even more emphatically. Cf. c 1 τελευτῶν οὕτως ἐμαυτῷ ἔδοξα πρὸς ταύτην τὴν σκέψιν ἀφυὴς εἶναι ὡς οὐδὲν χρῆμα. Here too he protests his respect for such σοφία, that is to say, assuming that any one has it. Of course his εἰωθυῖα εἰρωνεία runs all through both passages. Socrates only considers himself incapable of attaining such wisdom because, in the simplicity of his heart (ἴσως εὐήθως Phaed. 100 d 4), he cannot refrain from asking more ultimate questions. Even Xenophon knows that Socrates was acquainted with the science of his time and that he was dissatisfied with it. After saying that he disapproved of studying geometry up to the point where the diagrams become hard to understand (μέχρι τῶν δυσσυνέτων διαγραμμάτων), he adds (Mem. iv. 7, 3) καίτοι οὐκ ἄπειρός γε αὐτῶν ἦν, and after saying that he dissuaded people from studying astronomy up to the point of knowing the heavenly bodies which are not 'in the same revolution' (i. e. those of which the movements cannot be explained by the diurnal revolution of the heavens) and the planets and their distances from the earth and their revolutions and their causes, he adds καίτοι οὐδὲ τούτων γε ἀνήκοος ἦν (ib. 5). In fact, the ἑταῖρος of Archelaus must have known all there was to be known about such things, only—it did not seem to him to be knowledge. Of course the reasons given by Xenophon for the dissatisfaction of Socrates with science are more characteristic of his own outlook on life than of the philosopher's. The Socratic εἰρωνεία was a thing he never understood. It is to be observed further that Socrates could hardly be expected to explain his real grounds for dissatisfaction with the science of his time to a heliastic court. Plato reserves that for the autobiographical sketch of the Phaedo.
c 7 μή πως B T : μήπω W et Arm. (ut videtur) : μή ποτʼ b
φεύγοιμι T : φύγοιμι B
c 7 μή πως κτλ. 'May Meletus never bring actions enough against me to make me do that.' Though he disclaims all competence in such matters for himself, Socrates is not to be frightened into expressing a contempt for science which he does not feel. This is the interpretation of H. Richards (Platonica, p. 4), and seems to me certainly right.
c 8 ἐμοὶ τούτων B : μοι τῶν τοιούτων T
d 1 δ' αὖ T : δὲ αὐτοὺς B : δ' αὐτῶν Schanz
d 2 ἐμοῦ B : ὑμῶν T
d 3 πολλοὶ δὲ ὑμῶν κτλ., 'those of you who have heard me (οἱ τοιοῦτοι = οἱ ἀκούσαντες) are numerous'.
d 4 φράζετε οὖν ἀλλήλοις κτλ. This too seems to be a trick of the trade. Cf. Andoc. 1 § 37 καὶ τούτοις, ὦ ἄνδρες, δέομαι ὑμων προσέχοντας τὸν νοῦν ἀναμιμνῄσκεσθαι, ἐὰν ἀληθῆ λέγω, καὶ διδάσκειν ἀλλήλους, ib. § 46 ταῦτα … ὁπόσοι ὑμῶν παρῆσαν, ἀναμιμνῄσκεσθε καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους διδάσκετε, ib. § 69 καὶ ταῦτʼ εἰ ἀληθῆ λέγω, ὦ ἄνδρες, ἀναμιμνῄσκεσθε, καὶ οἱ εἰδότες διδάσκετε τοὺς ἄλλους, [Dem.] 47 § 44 ὑμῶν τε δέομαι ὅσοι ἐβούλευον ἐπʼ Ἀγαθοκλέους ἄρχοντος φράζειν τοῖς παρακαθημένοις κτλ., 50 § 3 αὐτοί τε ἀναμνήσθητε καὶ τοῖς παρακαθημένοις φράζετε κτλ.
d 5 περὶ τῶν τοιούτων, i.e. such things as he is made to talk about in the Clouds. The attitude of Socrates being such as is described here and, at greater length, in the Phaedo, we may be sure that he never talked about these matters in public. Plato is consistent on this point. In the Timaeus, for instance, Socrates is a silent listener to the discourse of the Locrian Pythagorean. It is practically only in such things as the myth of the Phaedo that he is made to betray his knowledge of contemporary science, and there he makes much the same use of it as he does of the Orphic theology. That is not in any way inconsistent with his having at one time been attracted by both these things or even with his having studied them in the company of his ἑταῖροι.
Oddly enough it is from Xenophon that we get our only direct statement on the latter point. He tells us (Mem. i. 6, 1 sqq.) that Antipho the sophist was once trying to detach the associates of Socrates from him (τοὺς συνουσιαστὰς αὐτοῦ παρελέσθαι), which clearly implies that at one time he stood in such a relation to his ἑταῖροι as to arouse professional jealousy. Socrates, after justifying his refusal to charge a fee, goes on to describe the way he spent his time with his friends thus (ib. 14): καὶ τοὺς θησαυροὺς τῶν πάλαι σοφῶν ἀνδρῶν, οὓς ἐκεῖνοι κατέλιπον ἐν βιβλίοις γράψαντες, ἀνελίττων κοινῇ σὺν τοῖς φίλοις διέρχομαι, καὶ ἄν τι ὁρῶμεν ἀγαθὸν ἐκλεγόμεθα. Now Xenophon can hardly have invented this; for it represents Socrates in quite a different light from that in which he appears elsewhere in his writings. No doubt he got it from some writer of Σωκρατικοὶ λόγοι, and, if it is anything like a true picture, it furnishes ample ground for the Aristophanic caricature of the φροντιστήριον.
d 6 τούτου T : τούτων B
τἆλλα B2 T W Arm. : πολλὰ B
19 d 6 γνώσεσθε ὅτι τοιαῦτʼ ἐστὶ κτλ., 'you will conclude that the other statements made about me by most people (e. g. the charge of making the weaker λόγος the stronger) are of the same character', 'are equally baseless'. For the hyperbaton of the relative in περὶ ἐμοῦ ἃ οἱ πολλοὶ λέγουσιν cf. Rep. 363 a 7 τοῖς ὁσίοις ἅ φασι θεοὺς διδόναι, 390 b 7 μόνος ἐγρηγορὼς ἃ ἐβουλεύσατο, &c.
d 8 εἴ τινος ἀκηκόατε κτλ. Socrates now proceeds to an accusation based on an attempt to confuse Socrates with the so-called 'sophists', and it is noteworthy that he does not make Aristophanes responsible for this. We know from the Meno (91 c 1 sqq.) that Anytus, as a patriotic Athenian democrat, was bitterly opposed to the sophists, and it is possible that this misrepresentation was due to him. Socrates had at least one thing in common with the sophists, namely, that his company was sought after by rich young men, whose loyalty to the democracy was suspect. At any rate, that was the charge that stuck; for Aeschines in the next generation says (1 § 173) ὑμεῖς, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, Σωκράτην μὲν τὸν σοφιστήν ἀπεκτείνατε, ὅτι Κριτίαν ἐφάνη πεπαιδευκώς, ἕνα τῶν τριάκοντα τῶν τὸν δῆμον καταλυσάντων. It will be noted that, though Socrates here treats the 'sophists' with a certain irony, he declines to denounce them, just as he declined to profess contempt for natural science. That too is in keeping with Plato's representation of him elsewhere. He treats Protagoras and Gorgias with elaborate courtesy in the dialogues called by their names, and he actually professes to have been a pupil of Prodicus. Hippias is not quite so gently handled, but that is because he laid himself more open to attack. Socrates is nowhere represented as an enemy of the sophists; his attitude to them is one of respectful amusement. On the other hand, the sophists in Plato show a more or less condescending interest in Socrates (cf. esp. Prot. 361 d 7 sqq.).
d 9 ὡς ἐγὼ παιδεύειν ἐπιχειρῶ κτλ., 'that I undertake to educate people and charge money for it'. In the present passage, as the context shows, it is only the charging of a fee for educating people that is expressly denied, though it is also true that Socrates would never have professed to 'educate' any one. It is humorously suggested here that his only reason for not charging a fee was his sense of his own incapacity. That is just what Xenophon makes Antipho say to him in all seriousness in the passage referred to above (Mem. i. 6, 11) ὦ Σώκρατες, ἐγώ τοί σε δίκαιον μὲν νομίζω, σοφὸν δὲ οὐδʼ ὁπωστιοῦν· δοκεῖς δέ μοι καὶ αὐτὸς τοῦτο γιγνώσκειν· οὐδένα γοῦν τῆς συνουσίας ἀργύριον πράττῃ κτλ.
e 2 ὥσπερ … a 2 προσειδέναι cf. Theag 127 e
e 3 τε B : om. T
e 3 Γοργίας … Πρόδικος … Ἱππίας … These three are mentioned because they were still living. Protagoras had long been dead (Gr. Phil. I § 89).
e 4 οἷός τʼ ἐστίν, sc. πείθειν, but τοὺς νέους is resumed by τούτους after the parenthesis, and the sentence goes on with τούτους πείθουσι, as if οἷός τʼ ἐστίν were not there.
This sentence is imitated in Theages 127 e 8 sqq., but the anacoluthon and the change of number are got rid of by reading οἳ for τούτων γὰρ ἕκαστος and (omitting οἷός τʼ ἐστίν) εἰς τὰς πόλεις ἰόντες πείθουσι. The writer evidently had our text and understood it as above, though he thought he had improved the grammar. Schanz puts a colon after οἷός τʼ ἐστίν (sc. παιδεύειν ἀνθρώπους) and takes the following words as an appositional clause (asyndeton explicativum), but this makes Socrates admit that the sophists really were capable of educating, an admission he would not be likely to make.
ἰὼν εἰς ἑκάστην τῶν πόλεων κτλ. The chief source of Athenian prejudice against the 'sophists' is brought out here. They were foreigners who acquired undue influence in other people's cities. Plato makes Protagoras himself say (Prot. 316 c 5) ξένον γὰρ ἄνδρα καὶ ἰόντα εἰς πόλεις μεγάλας, καὶ ἐν ταύταις πείθοντα τῶν νέων τοὺς βελτίστους ἀπολείποντας τὰς τῶν ἄλλων συνουσίας, καὶ οἰκείων καὶ ὀθνείων, καὶ πρεσβυτέρων καὶ νεωτέρων, ἑαντῷ συνεῖναι ὡς βελτίους ἐσομένους διὰ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ συνουσίαν, χρὴ εὐλαβεῖσθαι τὸν ταῦτα πράττοντα· οὐ γὰρ σμικροὶ περὶ αὐτὰ φθόνοι τε γίγνονται καὶ ἄλλαι δυσμένειαί τε καὶ ἐπιβουλαί. In the fifth century young Athenians sat at the feet of itinerant foreign teachers; in the fourth young men from all parts of Greece came to Athens and sat at the feet of two Athenians, Plato and Isocrates. The change was due to Socrates. No Athenian, however, except Socrates and Plato, ever reached the first rank as a philosopher.
20 a 3 ὃν ἐγὼ ᾐσθόμην ἐπιδημοῦντα. We know from the Phaedo (60 d 3) that Evenus of Paros was still at Athens about a month later; for Cebes had spoken with him πρῴην. This agreement on a comparatively insignificant point is an instance of Plato's carefulness in such matters.
a 4 τετέλεκε B : τετελέκει T
a 5 Καλλίᾳ τῷ Ἱππονίκου, one of the richest men in all Greece till he dissipated his patrimony. In the Protagoras he is represented as entertaining Protagoras, Hippias, and Prodicus in his house at the same time. Cf. Crat. 391 b 11 οἱ σοφισταί, οἷσπερ καὶ ὁ ἀδελφός σου (sc. Ἑρμογένους) Καλλίας πολλὰ τελέσας χρήματα σοφὸς δοκεῖ εἶναι. Xenophon lays the scene of his Symposium in the house of Callias, and it is also the scene of Eupolis' Κόλακες.
Lysias 19 § 48 Καλλίας … ὁ Ἱππονίκου, ὅτε νεωστὶ ἐτεθνήκει ὁ πατήρ, πλεῖστα τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐδόκει κεκτῆσθαι, καὶ ὥς φασι, διακοσίων ταλάντων ἐτιμήσατο τὰ αὑτοῦ ὁ πάππος, τὸ δὲ τούτου νῦν τίμημα οὐδὲ δυοῖν ταλάντοιν ἐστί.
a 6 οὖν B T : γὰρ W
a 8 ἐπιστάτην, 'overseer', the word is more than once used by Socrates in this connexion. There is little doubt that he was influenced by the etymological possibility of regarding it as the nomen agentis of ἐπίσταμαι. A word which might mean either 'ruler' or 'knower' would naturally commend itself to him. Cf. Crito 47 b 10 n. Here it passes into ἐπιστήμων (20 b 5) without our attention being called to the change.
b 1 καλώ τε καὶ ἀγαθὼ B : καλὼ κἀγαθὼ T
c 1 ἔχοι B T W : ἔχει al.
διδάσκει B Arm. : διδάσκοι T W
ἔγωγʼ ὖν ex emend. T : ἐγὼ οὖν B pr. T
b 4 τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης τε καὶ πολιτικῆς, 'the goodness of the man and the citizen' (not 'political virtue'). For πολιτικός as the adjective of πολίτης cf. Gorg. 452 e 4 πολιτικὸς σύλλογος, 'assembly of citizens'.
b 8 Εὔηνος is referred to as a poet in the Phaedo (60 d 9) and as a rhetorician in the Phaedrus (267 a 3). Several fragments of his elegies are preserved, which strike us as uninspired imitations of Theognis, rather in the style of copy-book maxims. Theognis was much used for educational purposes, though not very suitable for democratic Athens. From Phaedo 61 c 6 we learn that the young Pythagorean Simmias regarded Evenus as a φιλόσοφος, and it may be significant that he came from Paros, one of the seats of the Pythagorean dispersion. Cf. Introductory Note to the Euthyphro.
20 b 9 πέντε μνῶν, about the price of a superior οἰκέτης. This is really a small fee compared with those charged by the great sophists of the fifth century before the War (Att. Ber. ii. 21). Protagoras, the first of them openly to profess himself a 'sophist' and to exact a fee (Prot. 348 e 6 sqq.), is said to have charged 100 minae (Diog. Laert. ix. 52), though he was willing to accept whatever payment his pupils would declare on oath that his instruction was worth to them (Prot. 328 b 5 sqq.). There is no reason to doubt the statement in Alc. 119 a 5 that Pythodorus, son of Isolochus, and Callias, son of Calliades, paid 100 minae each to Zeno, and it is quite consistent with the statement that Protagoras was the first sophist to charge a fee, at least if we accept Plato's chronology in preference to Alexandrian combinations (Gr. Phil. I § 89). In the fourth century fees were much lower. If we may trust Isocrates (15 § 155 sq.), even Gorgias, at the end of a long life, left a fortune of only 1,000 staters (= dr. 20,000).
c 1 ἔχοι … διδάσκει. The optative implies that Socrates does not commit himself to the first statement.
TW have διδάσκοι, but this is a case where the letter-by-letter copying of B seems better than the more intelligent transcription of the others.
ἐμμελῶς, 'modestly' (i.e. for so modest a fee). Literally the word means 'in tune' (ἐν μέλει) as opposed to πλημμελῶς, 'out of tune' (πλὴν μέλους = παρὰ μέλος). It implies the absence of all vulgar excess. The μεγαλοπρεπής of Aristotle is able δαπανῆσαι μεγάλα ἐμμελῶς (Eth. Nic. 1122 a 35), while the βάναυσος πολλὰ ἀναλίσκει καὶ λαμπρύνεται παρὰ μέλος. In the Laws 760 a 1 the μέγιστα and σμικρότερα ἱερά are distinguished from τὰ ἐμμελέστατα, and Aristotle speaks in the Politics (1327 b 15) of a πόλις μεγέθει ἐμμελεστέρα, 'more modest in its dimensions'.
c 2 ἐκαλλυνόμην … ἡβρυνόμην. These words are opposed to ἐμμελῶς. Socrates means that he would assume a fastidious and disdainful air (and certainly not charge so modest a fee as five minae) for imparting the goodness of a man and a citizen.
c 3 ὦ B : om. T
c 4 Ὑπολάβοι ἄν, 'may rejoin', 'retort', as in the common phrase ὑπολαβὼν ἔφη. Cf. Phaed. 60 c 8 n.
c 5 τὸ σὸν … πρᾶγμα, 'your business', 'pursuit', 'occupation'. The word is used more than once of philosophy regarded as a 'way of life'. Cf. Phaed. 61 c 8 πᾶς ὅτῳ ἀξίως τούτου τοῦ πράγματος (sc. φιλοσοφίας) μέτεστιν, Theaet. 168 a 8 τοὺς συνόντας ἀντὶ φιλοσόφων μισοῦντας τοῦτο τὸ πρᾶγμα ἀποφανεῖς. The context shows that the meaning is not 'What is the trouble about you?' (Fowler).
20 c 6 οὐ γὰρ δήπου κτλ. is an argumentum ex contrariis, i. e. what is denied is the compatibility of the two statements 'you do nothing out of the common' and 'there is such a rumour about you'. In the present instance one of the statements is expressed by a participle (with οὐδέν, not μηδέν, since it is not conditional), and the inconsistency is emphasized by ἔπειτα, which only means 'after that', but implies 'in spite of that'. For other forms of this construction cf. 28 d 10 n.
περιττότερον, 'more out of the common', 'more originar'. Literally τὸ περιττόν (from περί, 'over') is what exceeds (hence of 'odd numbers', which exceed the even numbers by one). As it also means 'redundant', 'superfluous', it tends to have an unfavourable sense and to suggest either pretentiousness or meddlesomeness. Cf. περιεργάζεται 19 b 4 and Soph. Ant. 67 τὸ γὰρ | περισσὰ πράσσειν οὐκ ἔχει νοῦν οὐδένα.
c 8 εἰ ὴ … οἱ πολλοί secl. Cobet
c 8 εἰ μή τι ἔπραττες κτλ. The repetition of the protasis in a slightly altered form after the apodosis is characteristic of Greek, and especially of Platonic, style. The present case is peculiar in this respect, that the sentence does not open as a conditional sentence.
Cobet (de arte interpr. p. 142) would delete εἰ μή τι … oἱ πολλοί. Strictly speaking, no doubt, the conditional clause would imply μηδέν for οὐδέν above and ἐγένετο ἄν for γέγονεν. But the repetition of the protasis is too characteristic for an interpolation, and the syntactical shift is also in character.
d 3 πεποίηκεν τό … ὄνομα, 'has given me this name', viz. σοφός. Cf. τοῦτο τὸ ὄνομα ἔσχηκα (d 7).
d 8 ἀνθρωπίνη σοφία. This is, of course, the keynote of the Socratic teaching. It must, however, be remembered that it does not mean merely, as is sometimes supposed, 'worldly wisdom'. It includes Logic and the theory of knowledge (σκέψις ἐν λόγοις) and it includes Ethics (ἐπιμέλεια ψυχῆς).
d 9 οὓς ἄρτι ἔλεγον, sc. Gorgias, Prodicus, and Hippias. Socrates is not here speaking of natural science, but of the teaching of the great 'sophists' in the more restricted sense given to the word by Protagoras.
e 2 τί B : ὅτι T
e 4 μηδ' ἐὰν Heusde : μηδὲ ἂν B : μηδὲν ἂν T
20 e 4 μὴ θορυβήσητε: cf. 17 d 1 n.
τι … μέγα λέγειν, 'to speak boastfully'. Cf. Phaed. 95 b 5 μὴ μέγα λέγε, Soph. Ai. 386 μηδὲν μέγʼ εἴπῃς. More often μέγα λέγειν is 'to speak loud', but here μέγα is used as in μέγα φρονεῖν.
e 5 οὐ γὰρ ἐμὸν ἐρῶ τὸν λόγον, 'the words I am about to speak are not mine'. Cf. Symp. 177 a 2 ἡ μέν μοι ἀρχὴ τοῦ λόγου ἐστὶ κατὰ τὴν Εὐριπίδου Μελανίππην· οὐ γὰρ ἐμὸς ὁ μῦθος, ἀλλὰ Φαίδρου τοῦδε, ὃν μέλλω λέγειν. The verse from Melanippe the Wise is thus quoted by Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Rhet. 9, 11) κοὐκ ἐμὸς ὁ μῦθος, ἀλλ' ἐμῆς μητρὸς πάρα, and is often repeated and imitated (Horace, Sat. ii. 2, 2 nec meus hic sermo est). In the Poetics (1454 a 31) Aristotle censures the ῥῆσις of Melanippe, in which she expounds certain cosmological doctrines, as a παράδειγμα … τοῦ ἀπρεποῦς καὶ μὴ ἁρμόττοντος. No doubt he is repeating a stock criticism originating in the fifth century b.c. If the verse was notorious (like some others of Euripides) we can understand how Socrates can allude to it playfully with a certainty of the allusion being taken.
e 6 ἀξιόχρεων, 'sufficient', 'worthy of credit'. The original meaning is that seen below 38 b 9, 'substantial 'able to pay', of sureties and the like (= ἐχέγγυος). When used of witnesses it means 'worthy of credence'. So Suidas ἀξιόχρεως … ἱκανός, ἐχέγγυος, ἀξιόπιστος. Cf. Lat. locuples testis.
ἀνοίσω, 'I shall refer it' (sc. τὸν λόγον).
e 7 εἰ δή τί ἐστιν, σοφίας (om. καὶ οἵα) Arm.
e 8 Χαιρεφῶντα γὰρ ἴστε που (not γιγνώσκετε, for he was dead). Chaerepho was one of the ἑταῖροι of Socrates in the early days of what Aristophanes calls the φροντιστήριον, and is ridiculed in the Clouds accordingly. Socrates says to Strepsiades (v. 503) οὐδὲν διοίσεις Χαιρεφῶντος τὴν φὐσιν, to which the old man replies οἴμοι κακοδαίμων, ἡμιθνὴς γενήσομαι. Eupolis calls him πὐξινος (fr. 239) from his pale complexion. In the Birds he is twice (1296 and 1564) called 'the bat' (νυκτερίς). In the latter of these passages he is spoken of as assisting Socrates in a sort of spiritualistic séance by taking the part of the ψυχή. That is the comic version of the Socratic doctrine of the soul, to which we shall come presently.
The Arethas scholium on Chaerepho gives us a good idea of the handbook of κωμῳδούμενοι used by the Bishop.
a 1 τε ἑταῖρος] ἑταῖρός τε Schanz
ἑταῖρός τε secl. Cobet : ἑταῖρός τε καὶ secl. Ludwig
21 a 1 ἐμός τε ἑταῖρος κτλ. The associates of a philosopher or the members of his school are regularly called his ἑταῖροι, and so are the adherents of a political party. We must carefully distinguish the original ἑταῖροι of Socrates like Chaerepho, the συνουσιασταί, as Xenophon calls them in Mem. i. 6, 1 (quoted in 19 d 5 n.), from the rich young men whom he influenced in the course of his public mission (23 c 2).
ὑμῶν τῷ πλήθει ἑταῖρός τε (sc. ἦν), 'and he was a partisan of the democracy'. It is interesting to know this; for the young men whom Socrates influenced in later life were mostly opposed to the democracy. If, as may fairly be inferred from the gibes of Aristophanes, Chaerepho was attached to Socrates on what may be called the Pythagorist side of him, the ascetic and psychical side, then we must remember that the religious revival appealed more to the people than to the free-thinking aristocrats, and that this is especially true of the Pythagorists (E. Gr. Phil.3 p. 90, n. 1). For the political sense of ἑταῖρος cf. Gorg. 510 a 9 τῆς ὑπαρχούσης πολιτείας ἑταῖρον εἶναι.
Vahlen has shown (Opusc. ii, p. 360 sqq.) that, as ἑταῖρος is used in two different senses, there is nothing offensive in its repetition, while ἦν may quite well be supplied with the second ἑταῖρος from the first.
a 2 τὴν φυγὴν ταύτην, 'he shared your recent exile' (in 404 b.c. five years earlier). The κάθοδος ('restoration') which he also shared was eight months later. Observe that Socrates himself remained in Athens, and it was a good deal more imprudent to remind the judges of that than it was advantageous to recall the democratic opinions of Chaerepho. So it is hardly a captatio benevolentiae, as Schanz imagines.
a 3 ὡς σφοδρὸς κτλ., 'how impetuous he was'. Cf. Charm. 153 b 2 Χαιρεφῶν δέ, ἅτε καὶ μανικὸς ὤν, κτλ. This may explain why he was not satisfied by the passive resistance which Socrates opposed to the illegalities of the Thirty (32 c 4 sqq.).
a 5 θορυβεῖτε W : θορυβῆτε T : θορυβεῖσθε B
ἤρετο … εἴ τις ἐμοῦ εἴη σοφώτερος. It is certain that this would not impress the Athenian public favourably, and it may fairly be urged that Plato would not have repeated it if Socrates had not said it. That is confirmed by Xenophon, who gives (on the authority of Hermogenes) a garbled version of the matter, prudently substituting ἀνεῖλεν ὁ Ἀπόλλων μηδένα εἶναι ἀνθρώπων ἐμοῦ μήτε ἐλευθεριώτερον μήτε δικαιότερον μήτε σωφρονέστερον (Apol. § 14) for the more compromising response given here. It follows from the latter that Socrates had a reputation for σοφία, at least in certain circles, before he undertook his mission to his fellow-citizens. That is in accordance with the way in which Plato consistently represents the matter. In the Parmenides we find him discussing the doctrine of εἴδη with Parmenides and Zeno when he was σφόδρα νέος (Parm. 127 c 5), and he must have won the good opinion of Protagoras (Prot. 361 e 2) somewhere about the same time. From the Symposium (216 e 7 sqq.) we gather that it was some years before the siege of Potidaea (219 e 5) that Alcibiades, then a mere boy, sought to win the affection of Socrates in the hope of 'hearing all that he knew' (217 a 4). Moreover, the distinguished foreigners who visited Athens κατὰ κλέος Σωκράτους, as Aeschines of Sphettos puts it (ap. Diog. Laert. ii. 65), must have done so before the beginning of the Peloponnesian War, and we learn from Ion of Chios (fr. 73 Köpke) that Socrates accompanied the Anaxagorean Archelaus to Samos, a statement which probably refers to the siege of Samos in 441 b.c. (cf. Crito 52 b 6 n.). All this implies that Socrates was known as a σοφός when he was thirty, and even earlier. It is wrong, therefore, to regard his mission to the Athenians as the whole of his activity. It will be seen that we are brought to the same conclusion as we reached above (18 b 5 n.) when we considered the relation of the 'old accusers' to the Clouds of Aristophanes.
21 a 7 ὁ ἀδελφὸς … αὐτοῦ, perhaps the Chaerecrates of whom we hear in Xen. Mem. ii. 3, 1. The absence of Chaerepho in the Phaedo is accounted for by the statement here that he was dead. The text of Plato has been spared by the ingenious persons who sometimes inserted μαρτυρίαι in that of the orators; but of course, as Riddell says, 'the μαρτυρία is supposed to follow at once'. This was the normal procedure (cf. 34 a 3 ἐν τῷ ἑαυτοῦ λόγῳ and note in loc.).
Schanz imagines that the calling of Chaerepho's brother shows that the oracle was not generally known, and suggests that it is a hint of the fictitious character of the whole story. I cannot follow reasoning of this kind. If a point was to be made of the oracle, it was clearly necessary that it should be put in evidence at the ἀνάκρισις and that the deposition should be confirmed at the trial What is really incredible is that Plato should have mentioned this evidence a few years later, when the great majority of those present were still living, if it had not in fact been put in. Xenophon says (Apol. 14) that the response was given πολλῶν παρόντων.
b 1 δὴ T Arm. : δὲ B2 W
21 b 3 τί ποτε αἰνίττεται; 'what is the meaning of his dark saying?' In Ionic αἶνος meant a fable (cf. Archil. fr. 81 ἐρέω τινʼ ὑμῖν αἶνον, ὦ Κηρυκίδη), and αἰνίσσομαι is accordingly 'I speak in fables or riddles' (cf. αἴνιγμα 27 a 1).
b 6 οὐ γὰρ θέμις αὐτῷ, 'that is not lawful for him'. Cf. Pindar, Pyth. ix. 42 καὶ γὰρ σέ, τὸν οὐ θεμιτὸν ψεύδει θιγεῖν. This is represented by Plato as one of the deepest convictions of Socrates. Cf. Rep. 382 e 6 πάντῃ … ἀψευδὲς τὸ δαιμόνιόν τε καὶ τὸ θεῖον.
b 8 μόγις πάνυ, 'with great reluctance'. He would naturally shrink from the attempt to prove the god a liar, but that is just what he tried to do. He does not seem to fear that the Athenians will regard this as impious. The fact is that the ordinary Athenian had no great respect for the Pythian Apollo. The oracle had taken the Persian side and the Spartan side, and generally opposed the Athenians, who were allies of the Phocians. When, finally, it took the side of Philip, the Athenians gave it up altogether and sent to Dodona instead for oracles. There is nothing remarkable, then, in the fact that Euripides made Apollo Pythios play so sorry a part in the Ion and elsewhere. Aeschylus had led the way in this (cf. the fragment quoted in Rep. 383 b).
c 1 τῷ χρησμῷ, to the oracular response personified.
c 2 οὑτοσὶ ἐμοῦ B οὗτός γέ μου T
c 3 διασκοπῶν οὖν τοῦτον resumed c 5 ἔδοξέ μοι οὗτος ὁ ἀνήρ with anacoluthia after the parenthesis.
ὀνόματι … οὐδὲν δέομαι λέγειν κτλ. This would be enough to make a quick-witted Athenian audience think of Anytus. We know from the Meno that Socrates was personally acquainted with him; for he is there represented (90 b 5 sqq.) as joining in the discussion.
c 4 τοιουτον τι T
c 4 πρὸς ὃν … τοιοῦτόν τι ἔπαθον, 'with whom I had an experience of this kind', i. e. 'who produced this impression on me'. Cf. Gorg. 485 b 1 ὁμοιότατοv πάσχω πρὸς τοὺς φιλοσοφοῦντας ὥσπερ πρὸς κτλ., 'Philosophers make the same impression on me as, &c.' Aeschines 3 § 144 ἐκεῖνο πεπόνθατε πρὸς Δημοσθένην.
σκοπῶν … καὶ διαλεγόμενος αὐτῷ. I prefer to take these participles together rather than to end the parenthesis at ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι and take καὶ διαλεγόμενος αὐτῷ ἔδοξέ μοι together with most editors, though that in itself is a perfectly possible irregularity of construction. The simple verb σκοπῶν repeats the compound διασκοπῶν in accordance with usage.
c 5 καὶ διαλεγόμενος αὐτῷ secl. Schanz
21 d 1 ἐντεῦθεν, 'as a result'.
d 4 οὐδὲν καλὸν κἀγαθὸν εἰδέναι, 'not to know anything worth knowing'. Cf. Gorg. 518 c 4 οὐκ ἐπαΐοντας καλὸν κἀγαθὸν οὐδέν.
d 5 ὥσπερ οὖν, 'as indeed', 'as in fact'. The original sense of οὖν is preserved in this phrase.
d 6 γε B T : om. W
d 6 σμικρῷ τινι αὐτῷ τούτῳ, 'in just this one little thing'.
e 3 καὶ secl. Cobet
e 3 ἐφεξῆς ᾖα (sc. ἐπὶ ἅπανταε κτλ. e 6), 'I went on in succession to—', but the sentence is resumed by ἰτέον οὖν ἐπί and ᾖα is left without construction.
αἰσθανόμενος … λυπούμενος καὶ δεδιὼς ὅτι κτλ., 'perceiving with sorrow and apprehension that I was making enemies'.
Cf. Cobet, V.L. p. 191, in his λυπούμενος καὶ δεδιὼς significant μετὰ λύπης καὶ δέους et ὅτι pendet ab αἰσθανόμενος. Itaque expunge prius καὶ a sciolo invectum.
e 5 ἰτέον οὖν B : ἰτέον οὖν ἐδόκει εἶναι Arm.: καὶ ἰέναι T
e 5 τὸ τοῦ θεοῦ. No definite noun is to be 'understood' with this. It is a periphrasis for τὸν θεόν, like τὸ τῆς τύχης in Thucydides and Demosthenes. Socrates might also have said τὸ θεῖον (Euth. 4 e 2 n.).
ἰτέον οὖν, 'so on I must go'.
This is a case where T has spoilt the form of the sentence by thinking too much of the sense. His καὶ ἰέναι is very flat compared to the ἰτέον οὖν of B.
22 a 1 νὴ τὸν κύνα. An oath of this kind was called Ῥαδαμάνθυος ὅρκος. All theories which represent it as peculiar to Socrates are put out of court by the fact that the slave Xanthias says μὰ τὸν κύνα in Ar. Wasps 83. It is a euphemism like parbleu, morbleu, and Great Scott! In Gorg. 482 b 5 we have μὰ τὸν κύνα, τὸν Αἰγυπτίων θεόν, but that is a passing jest. The name Ῥαδαμάνθυος ὅρκος rather suggests that the custom was Orphic. At any rate, Aristophanes says (Birds 521) Λάμπων δ' ὄμνυσ' ἔτι καὶ νυνὶ τὸν χῆνʼ, ὅταν ἐξαπατᾷ τι.
Schol. T. Ῥαδαμάνθυος ὅρκος οὗτος ὁ κατὰ κυνὸς ἢ χηνὸς ἢ πλατάνου ἢ κριοῦ ἤ τινος ἄλλου τοιούτου· οἷς ἦν μέγιστος ὅρκος ἅπαντι λόγῳ κύων· | ἔπειτα χήν· θεοὺς δ' ἐσίγων, Κρατῖνος Χείρωσι (fr. 231). κατὰ τούτων δὲ νόμος ὀμνύναι, ἵνα μὴ κατὰ θεῶν οἱ ὅρκοι γίγνωνται. τοιοὐτοι δὲ καὶ οἱ Σωκράτους ὅρκοι.
22 a 3 οἱ μὲν κτλ. This appositive structure is regular after τοῦτο, τοιοῦτόν τι πάσχω. Cf. Ar. Wasps 1459 καίτοι πολλοὶ τοῦτʼ ἔπαθον· | ξυνόντες γνώμαις ἑτέρων | μετεβάλοντο τοὺς τρόπους.
a 5 φαυλότεροι, ἕπιεικέστεροι, urbane equivalents of κακίους and ἀμείνους.
a 7 μοι καὶ B T W : μή μοι Arm. al.
a 7 ὥσπερ πόνους τινὰς πονοῦντος, 'tanquam Herculis alterius' (Forster).
ἵνα μοι καὶ κτλ., 'only to find the oracle prove quite irrefutable'. Socrates set out with the idea of refuting the oracle (21 b 9 ὡς … ἐλέγζων τὸ μαντεῖον), at least in its obvious sense; it was only when he had discovered its hidden meaning (21 b 3 τί ποτε αἰνίττεται;) that he felt disposed to champion the god of Delphi (23 b 7 τῷ θεῷ βοηθῶν). The final clause is therefore ironical. This use of ἵνα (cf. Lat. ut) to introduce an unexpected or undesired result ironically regarded as an end is as old as Homer. Cf. Il. xiv. 365, Od. xviii. 53 ἀλλά με γαστὴρ | ὀτρύνει κακοεργός, ἵνα πληγῇσι δαμείω. It is commonest in elliptical colloquialisms like Rep. 337 e 1 ἵνα Σωκράτης τὸ εἰωθὸς διαπράξηται, 'O yes, so that Socrates may play his old game'. Cf. also Lysias 1 § 12. There is no occasion, then, to tamper with the text.
b 4 διηρώτων ἄν, 'I would ask'. For the indicative of historical tenses with ἄν to express habitual or intermittent action see G.M.T. § 162, S.C.G. § 431.
b 7 ὀλίγου αὐτῶν ἅπαντες οἱ παρόντες κτλ. Note the hyperbaton. We must take ὀλίγου (cf. 17 a 3 n.) with ἅπαντες and αὐτῶν ('than they') with βέλτιον.
οἱ παρόντες, 'the company' present when Socrates made the experiment, not those now present in court.
b 8 αὖ T : om. B
b 8 ἔγνων … ἐν ὀλίγῳ, 'it did not take me long to discover'. The phrase ἐν ὀλίγῳ is the opposite of ἐν πολλῷ χρόνῳ (19 a 1 n.).
αὖ, just as in the case of the politicians.
b 9 τοῦτο B T : τούτῳ W Arm.
b 9 ὅτι οὐ … ποιοῖεν, 'that they did not compose'. It is well to remember here that σοφία was the regular word for artistic skill, especially in music and poetry.
22 c 1 φύσει τινί, 'by nature'. The word is used here in the sense in which it is opposed to habituation (ἔθος) and instruction (διδαχή). It is the φυά which Pindar (Ol. ii. 94) opposes to the ineffectual efforts of poets who have been taught (μαθόντες), and is in fact 'genius' in the proper sense of that word. The opinion of Socrates is not that of Pindar, as we see. This criticism must apply to Euripides among others, and it implies something very different from modern views about him. Dr. Verrall's Euripides would not have found much difficulty in explaining the meaning of his compositions to Socrates.
ἐνθουσιάζοντες, 'from inspiration', which is regularly associated with 'genius'. The adj. ἔνθεος means 'with a god inside one', and so 'inspired'. (The old rule was that θεο contracts into θον in polysyllabic derivatives, so that θεολόγος and θεόμαντις must be regarded as new formations. Proper names preserve the old contraction, e. g. Θουκυδίδης, Θούμαντις.) For the view here expressed by Socrates cf. Ion 533 e 5 πάντες γὰρ οἵ τε τῶν ἐπῶν ποιηταὶ οἱ ἀγαθοὶ οὐκ ἐκ τέχνης ἀλλʼ ἔνθεοι ὄντες καὶ κατεχόμενοι ('possessed') πάντα ταῦτα τὰ καλὰ λέγουσι ποιήματα, and Democritus fr. 18 Diels ποιητὴς δὲ ἅσσα μὲν ἂν γράφῃ μετʼ ἐνθουσιασμοῦ καὶ ἱεροῦ πνεύματος, καλὰ κάρτα ἐστίν.
ὥσπερ οἱ θεομάντεις κτλ.: cf. Meno 99 c 2 οὐδὲν διαφερόντως ἔχοντες πρὸς τὸ φρονεῖν ἢ οἱ χρησμῳδοί τε καὶ οἱ θεομάντεις· καὶ γὰρ οὗτοι λέγουσιν μὲν ἀληθῆ καὶ πολλά, ἴσασι δὲ οὐδὲν ὧν λέγουσιν. In the Meno this comparison is applied primarily to the politicians, though the poets are mentioned too.
c 6 ἦσαν B T γρ. W : ἤκουσαν W Arm.
c 6 ἃ οὐκ ἧσαν, sc. σοφοί. This point is elaborated in the Ion, which I incline to regard as genuine.
c 7 τῷ αὐτῷ B2 T W : τὸ αὐτὸ B : τῷ αὐτῷ αὐτῶν al. Schanz
c 7 περιγεγονέναι, sc. αὐτῶν, which need not be expressed since it is implied in ἐντεῦθεν.
c 9 Τελευτῶν οὖν κτλ. The χειροτέχναι or δημιουργοί are the only class in which Socrates finds any knowledge at all. It includes not only 'manual labourers', but also 'artists' like Phidias and Polygnotus. There is no Greek word for 'Art' in the sense of fine art as distinguished from crafts and trades. This must be borne in mind when we read of Athenian devotion to Art and contempt of manual labour. They had not even the words to express such a thought. The term βάναυσος, which does imply something of the sort, is strictly limited to such trades as mar body or soul or both. This whole passage makes it very hard to believe that Socrates himself came from the class of δημιουργοί. There is no evidence that he or his father were statuaries (Euth. 11 b 9 n.).
Mr. Zimmern has some good observations on this point (Greek Commonwealth 266 sqq.). The conventional view that Athenian civilization provided for the culture of the few by relegating manual work to slave labour will not bear serious examination. Most Athenians were small farmers or small traders. On the other hand, the Greeks were too honest with themselves to ignore the fact that there were occupations inconsistent with the highest human excellence, just as there are now. What these were appears from Xen. Oec. 4, 2 (referred to by Mr. Zimmern) καταλυμαίνονται γὰρ (αἱ βαναυσικαὶ τέχναι) τὰ σώματα τῶν τε ἐργαζομένων καὶ τῶν ἐπιμελομένων, ἀναγκάζουσαι καθῆσθαι καὶ σκιατραφεῖσθαι, ἔνιαι δὲ καὶ πρὸς πῦρ ἡμερεύειν. τῶν δὲ σωμάτων θηλυνομένων καὶ αἱ ψυχαὶ πολὺ ἀρρωστότεραι γίγνονται. It is the indoor and sedentary nature of some occupations which made them unfit for a free man.
d 1 δέ γʼ] δʼ εὖ Cobet
22 d 6 οἱ ἀγαθοὶ δημιουργοί, 'our good friends the craftsmen'. For the ironical use of ἀγαθός cf. Euth. 6 c 1.
d 7 καὶ τἆλλα τὰ μέγιστα, in particular how to govern Athens. No doubt this is also an allusion to Anytus. Cf. 23 e 5 n.
d 8 πλημμέλεια, 'want of tact'. The word suggests presumption, as ἐμμελῶς (20 c 1 n.) suggests modesty.
e 1 ἀποκρύπτειν W : ἀποκρύπτει B : ἀπέκρυπτεν T Arm.
ὥστέ με ἐμαυτὸν B : ὥστε με καὶ αὐτὸν T : ὥστʼ ἐμὲ ἐμαυτὸν Heindorf
e 1 ἀποκρύπτειν, 'to throw into the shade', occultare (sc. ἔδοξε from ἔδοξαν d 5), co-ordinate with ἔχειν above, the construction being resumed after the explanatory appositional clause.
The reading ἀποκρύπτειν (W) accounts for ἀποκρύπτει (B) and ἀπέκρυπτεν (T).
ὑπὲρ τοῦ χρησμοῦ, 'on behalf of the oracle' (not 'in defence of', for Socrates is still trying to refute it). The χρησμός is still personified, whence e 4 ἐμαυτῷ καὶ τῷ χρησμῷ.
e 3 ἀμφότερα, sc. τὴν σοφίαν καὶ τὴν ἀμαθίαν.
e 5 λυσιτελεῖ W
e 6 ταυτησὶ δὴ B T : ταύτης ἤδη W t
ἐξετάσεως T W : ἕξεως B
23 a 1 πολλαὶ μὲν ἀπέχθειαι is answered by τὸ δὲ κινδυνεύει (a 5), not by ὄνομα δὲ τοῦτο λέγεσθαι (a 3), which illustrates and does not oppose it. The διαβολαί arise from the ἀπέχθειαι, and the name of 'wise' is one of these (cf. 20 e 3 ἐπὶ διαβολῇ τῇ ἐμῇ λέγει). We must bear in mind that the name of σοφός is the chief διαβολή. Cf. 20 d 3 τοῦτο ὃ ἐμοὶ πεποίηκεν τό τε ὄνομα καὶ τὴν διαβολήν.
23 a 1 οἷαι χαλεπώταται καὶ βαρύταται, of the most trying and grievous kind'. Cf. Symp. 220 b 1 ὄντος πάγου οἵου δεινοτάτου.
a 3 λέγεσθαι] λέγομαι Schanz
a 3 ὄνομα δὲ τοῦτο λέγεσθαι, σοφὸς εἶναι, 'and so that I am called this by name, viz. wise' is the literal translation. The grammar is quite in order, though it has troubled some editors. Since the name of 'wise' is the chief διαβολή, λέγεσθαι is rightly dependent on ὥστε. Then ὄνομα λέγεσθαι go closely together (= ὀνομάζεσθαι), and τοῦτο is predicative. Next, σοφός is not 'bad grammar', as has been said; for names may be put in the nominative, even when the sentence seems to require another case (cf. Aeschin. 2 § 99 προσείληφε τὴν τῶν πονηρῶν κοινὴν ἐπωνυμίαν, συκοφάντης). Lastly, a redundant εἶναι is quite commonly added after verbs of naming. Cf. Herod. iv. 33 τὰς ὀνομάζονσι Δήλιοι εἶναι Ὑπερόχην καὶ Λαοδίκην, so Laches 192 a 10 τοῦτο ὃ ἐν πᾶσιν ὀνομάζεις ταχυτῆτα εἶναι, Prot. 311 e 4 σοφιστὴν … ὀνομάζουσι … τὸν ἄνδρα εἶναι.
a 5 ἄνδρες B : ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι T
a 5 τὸ δέ, 'but in fact', 'whereas', cum tamen, au lieu que (cf. 37 a 4). Whatever the origin of the expression may be, this gives the effect of it in Plato.
a 8 τοῦτον] τοῦτʼ οὐ F. A Wolf
a 8 φαίνεται τοῦτον λέγειν κτλ., 'he seems to speak of Socrates here before you, and (δέ explicative, not adversative) to make use of my name, taking me as an example'. The difficulty here arises from the fact that the leading thought is expressed by the participial phrase ἐμὲ παράδειγμα ποιούμενος, a thing which is common in Greek (Riddell, Dig. § 303). As this is not natural in English, we should render 'In speaking of Socrates here before you (τοῦτον) and in making use of my name, he appears to be taking me as an illustration'. This seems more satisfactory than any of the emendations that have been proposed.
b 1 ἐμὲ B t : ἐμὲ δὲ T
b 1 παράδειγμα ποιούμενος: cf. σημεῖον ποιεῖσθαι, to 'take' as a symptom.
b 2 εἰ add. Stephanus
b ἔτι T W : ἔχων ἔτι b
b 4 ταῦτʼ οὖν κτλ., 'that's why …'. Cf. Kuth. 4 d 5 n.
b 5 ζητῶ B t : ἐπιζητῶ T
b 5 ἀστῶν … ξένων. These are the proper terms when legal status is in question. The ξένοι will include 'sophists' like Protagoras and rhetoricians like Gorgias and Thrasymachus.
b 6 ξένων B : τῶν ξένων T
b 7 τῷ θεῷ βοηθῶν. Now that Socrates has discovered the true meaning of the oracle, he no longer seeks to refute it, but becomes the champion of the god.
b 8 ἀσχολίας … σχολή. Like the Latin negotium, ἀσχολία had come to mean 'business', so that Socrates is able to attribute his absence of σχολή to his ἀσχολία.
23 c 1 διὰ τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ λατρείαν. Socrates here attributes his poverty to his mission. He cannot have been really poor in earlier life, for he served as a hoplite from 432 to 424 b.c., which means that he had the necessary property qualification or was deemed to have it.
c 2 ἐπακολουθοῦντες … αὐτόματοι, 'following spontaneously in my train'. There is a malicious suggestion that they did not require any persuasion such as the 'sophists' employed (19 e 6). It is far less pointed to take αὐτόματοι with χαίρουσι, and there is no objection to its separation from ἐπακολουθοῦντες by a parenthesis.
c 3 οἱ τῶν πλουσιωτάτων. That was just the grievance. Socrates shows that he knows this quite well, but he treats it with contempt. It was only because they had most time on their hands!
c 4 ἐξεταζομένων B : ἐξελεγχομένων T
c 4 αὐτοί, 'of their own accord'.
c 7 ἰνθπώπων B : τῶν ἀνθρώπων T
ὀλὶγα B : ἢ ὀλίγα T
c 8 ουχ αὑτ οῖς T : ἀλλʼ οὐχ αὑτοῖς B : ἀλλʼ οὐκ αὐτοῖς ex emend. W
c 8 οὐχ αὑτοῖς T: ἀλλʼ οὐχ αὑτοῖς B. The omission of ἀλλά seems too good for a mistake.
d 1 ἐσ ί τις W Arm.
d 1 καὶ λέγουσιν κτλ. We are told at last ὅθεν μοι ἡ διαβολὴ γέγονεν (21 b 2). It only arises from the necessity of giving some plausible explanation of the charge that he corrupts the young. It really meant that he taught the young to expose the ignorance of their elders, but it would never do to say that. Of course this is really a criticism of the procedure adopted by the prosecution. Note the hyperbaton of τις which belongs to μιαρώτατος, not to Σωκράτης (= ἐστὶ μιαρώτατός τις).
d 3 ἀλλʼ ἀγνοοῦσις secl. Cobet : ἁλλʼ ἀμφιγυοοῦσ Schanz
d 4 τὰ … πρόχειρα ταῦτα, 'the stock charges', which are always ready to hand to throw at philosophers (ταῦτα, ista, is depreciatory). For πρόχειρα cf. Euth. 7 c 12 n. Xenophon paraphrases this by saying (Mem. i. 2, 31) τὸ κοινῇ τοῖς φιλοσόφοις ὑπὸ τῶν πολλῶν ἐπιτιμώμενον ἐπιφέρων αὐτῷ, though he refers it to teaching τὴν τῶν λόγων τέχνην.
d 5 ὅτι κτλ. The elliptical way in which these charges are enumerated (sc. διδάσκων διαφθείρει) carries on the disdain expressed by ταῦτα. For the charges referred to see the words of the γραφή (24 b 8) and the notes there.
d 7 ποιεῖν B t : ποιεῖ T
d 9 εἰδέναι τι Cobet et sic Arm.
e 1 συντεταμένως] ξυντεταγμένως B T W
e 1 συντεταμένως, 'vigorously the adv. of συντεταμένος from συντείνειν, nervos contendere, 'to strain every muscle' (cf. Euth. 12 a 6 σύντεινε σαυτόν).
The reading of the best MSS., ξυντεταγμένως, is supposed to mean either in a 'studied' or 'disciplined' way, but it has not been shown that the word exists at all, while συντεταμένως is given by most MSS. in Rep. 499 a 5 and must be right in Phil. 59 a 2, in both of which passages it qualifies ζητεῖν. (In Phil., loc. cit, BT have συντεταγμένως as here.) Taking the evidence as a whole, we must conclude that the substitution of συντεταγμένως for συντεταμένως is an error to which the best MSS. are prone. In Ar. Plut. 325 συντεταμένως is guaranteed by the metre.
e 3 πάλαι καὶ T W : πάλαι καὶ νῦν b
23 e 3 ἐκ τούτων, 'on the strength of this' (not 'of these'). Socrates means that his present accusers are taking advantage of the old διαβολή. This is made clear by 19 b 1 ἡ ἐμὴ διαβολὴ … ᾗ δὴ καὶ πιστεύων Μέλητός με ἐγράψατο τὴν γραφὴν ταύτην.
Μέλητος is named first as the actual κατήγορος. Cf. Euth. 2 b 9 n. We have seen that he cannot be identified with the tragic poet of that name, but he may have written poems too (possibly hymns). Or, as has been suggested, he may be the son of the tragic poet (we know from the γραφή that his father was also called Meletus), and Socrates may mean that he had a family interest to defend.
e 5 καὶ τῶν πολιτικῶν secl. Cobet sed legit Laertius
e 5 καὶ τῶν πολιτικῶν. Anytus was a master-tanner, as Cleon had been before him, but he was also one of the two or three leading statesmen of the time. There is a real point in making him a representative of two classes. He is the type of those δημιουργοί who fancied that, because they knew their own business, they were wise in other matters which they knew nothing about (22 d 6). There cannot be any doubt that Socrates maintained the doctrine of 'one man, one trade', which Plato represents him as making the foundation of his ideal state (Rep. 370 b 4 sqq.), and this sentence is a gentle reminder of his objection to business men in the government.
Schanz and Wilamowitz (Platon ii. 48, n. 3) follow Cobet (V.L. 299) in deleting καὶ τῶν πολιτικῶν, though these words were already read by Diogenes Laertius (ii. 39). Schanz thinks the words spoil the 'bitter mockery' of representing an eminent statesman as merely the representative of the δημιουργοί, while the obscure Lyco is chosen to represent the politicians. Surely that would have been mere impertinence and very unlike Socrates. As the words stand they certainly imply a criticism, but it is quite courteous in form.
a 2 ἐγὼ ἀρχόμενος T
24 a 5 ἀποκρυψάμενος … ὑποστειλάμενος, 'without concealment or dissimulation'. The metaphorical use of ὑποστέλλεσθαι, 'to take in sail', is common in the orators. Cf. e. g. Dem. I § 16 τὴν ἰδίαν ἀσφάλειαν σκοποῦνθʼ ὑποστείλασθαι, 4 § 51 οὐδὲν ὑποστειλάμενος πεπαρρησίασμαι. So Eur. Or. 607 ἐπεὶ θρασύνῃ κοὐχ ὑποστέλλῃ λόγῷ.
a 7 αὐτοῖς τούτοις Arm. : τοῖς αὐτοῖς B T : τοῖς αὐτοῖς τούτοις Schanz
ἀληθῆ B : τἀληθῆ T
24 a 7 ὅτι αὐτοῖς τούτοις ἀπεχθάνομαι, 'that it is just this that makes enemies for me'. Cf. 34 c 8 ὀργισθεὶς αὐτοῖς τούτοις.
The reading αὐτοῖς τούτοις is implied by the Armenian version and seems preferable to τοῖς αὐτοῖς of the MSS., which Adam explains as ' "for the same", i.e. for saying this'. Schanz's τοῖς αὐτοῖς τούτοις is hardly an improvement.
It need hardly be said that this part of the speech does not contain the real defence of Socrates. That is reserved for the next section (28 d 6 sqq.), after Meletus has been finally disposed of. All Socrates does here is to force from him the admission that it is really the old διαβολή on which he is relying, a point which has been skilfully led up to in the previous refutation of the 'old accusers But, if that is so, Socrates is being tried on a charge which is not only a baseless one, but one which the court could not legally entertain. This, then, is the proper place for a statement of the legal position existing in 399 b. c.
The convention (συνθῆκαι) sworn to in the archonship of Euclides (403 b.c.) provided, as we have seen (Euth. 4 c 4 n.), for a complete revision and codification of the laws, which was not completed till the archonship of Xenaenetus (401/0 b.c.). These laws were to have validity from the archonship of Euclides onwards (τοῖς δὲ νόμοις χρῆσθαι ἀπʼ Εὐκλείδου ἄρχοντος), and no law could be appealed to which was not entered in the new code (ἀγράφῳ δὲ νόμῳ τὰς ἀρχὰς μὴ χρῆσθαι μηδὲ περὶ ἑνός). Moreover, no psephism could override a law (ψήφισμα δὲ μηδὲν μήτε βουλῆς μήτε δήμου νόμου κυριώτερον εἶναι). The effect of these provisions was to invalidate all ψηφίσματα passed before the archonship of Euclides, and therefore, among others, the psephism of Diopeithes (Euth. 3 b 7 n.) directed against Anaxagoras.
For the decrees carried by Patroclides and Tisamenus see Andocides 1 § 73 sqq. Prof. Vinogradoff suggests (Hist. Jur. ii. 100) that the psephism of Diopeithes served as a juridical basis for the prosecution of Socrates. That, however, is impossible in view of the enactments just mentioned, and, moreover, it prescribed procedure by εἰσαγγελία, which would certainly have been adopted if it had been competent, since it released the prosecution from personal responsibility. Nor were the provisions of the psephism incorporated in the new code which regulated εἰσαγγελία by a special statute (εἰσαγγελτικὸς νόμος). Now, whatever view we take of the general veracity of Andocides, there can be no doubt that the account he gives of the legal position at this date is correct. It is confirmed by the statements of Aristotle's Ἀθηναίων Πολιτεία (c. 40), so far as these go; and, what is even more important, Andocides was speaking in the presence of Anytus, one of the authors and leading supporters of the Amnesty, whom he calls upon to speak in his favour at the end of the speech. In these circumstances it is quite incredible that he should have misrepresented the legal effect of the enactments which he enumerated.
From this it follows, in the first place, that Socrates could not be charged with any political offence committed before the archonship of Euclides. It could not be brought up against him that he had been τῶν ἐν ἄστει μεινάντων, nor could anything be said of his relations with Critias and Alcibiades, though these things doubtless weighed with Anytus. It was, however, impossible for Anytus of all men to countenance any violation of the Amnesty. His loyalty to that was beyond all question, since he suffered grievous personal loss by refraining from demanding restitution of his property confiscated under the Thirty, as we know from a speech of Isocrates which belongs to this period. It was, of course, for this very reason that Andocides was able to call on him to speak for him in this very year.
Isocrates 18 § 23 Θρασύβουλος καὶ Ἄνυτος μέγιστον μὲν δυνάμενοι τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει, πολλῶν δὲ ἀπεστερημένοι χρημάτων, εἰδότες δὲ τοὺς ἀπογράψαντας, ὅμως οὐ τολμῶσιν αὐτοῖς δίκας λαγχάνειν οὐδὲ μνησικακεῖν, ἀλλʼ εἰ καὶ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων μᾶλλον ἑτέρων δύνανται διαπράττεσθαι, ἀλλʼ οὖν περί γε τῶν ἐν ταῖς συνθήκαις ἴσον ἔχειν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀξιοῦσιν.
It is less creditable to Anytus that, in order to get rid of Socrates, he stooped to make use of the fanaticism of Meletus. It is doubtless due to his influence that the latter's ἀντωμοσία was couched in such vague and obscure terms. In particular, everything that could suggest the psephism of Diopeithes is studiously avoided. There is not a word about τὰ μετέωρα and, as we shall see, it is extremely hard to say what is meant by καινὰ δαιμόνια. Of course Socrates understood all this quite well, and his defence against Meletus is chiefly devoted to showing that he really meant what he did not venture to say, or rather, perhaps, what Anytus would not allow him to say.
b 4 ἔστω B2 T W Arm. : ἐστὶν B
ἀπολογία B : ἡ ἀπολογία T
b 5 ἀγαθὸν T : ἀγαθόν τε B
24 b 5 φιλόπολιν, 'patriotic', the regular word in the days of the citystate. Later writers use φιλόπατρις, referring to national (Hellenic) patriotism. Barbarians, who had no πόλεις, but only ἔθνη, were said to be πατριῶται, not πολῖται, if they were of the same nation, and the word is accordingly used of slaves (Thracians, Syrians, &c.). It does not mean 'patriot' in Greek.
b 6 ἀπολογήσασθαι T : ἀπολονεῖσθαι B t
b 7 τούτων ἑτέοων T
b 8 δὲ πῶς; ὧδε Herwerden
b 8 ἔχει δὲ πως ὧδε. Socrates does not profess to give the exact words. There are two other versions, one of which professes to be exact. Phavorinus (ap. Diog. Laert. ii. 40) says that in his time (that of Hadrian) the ἀντωμοσία was still preserved in the Metroon (where the Athenian archives were kept), and that it ran thus: Τάδε ἐγράψατο καὶ ἀντωμόσατο Μέλητος Μελήτου Πιτθεὺς Σωκράτει Σωφρονίσκου Ἀλωπεκῆθεν· ἀδικεῖ Σωκράτης οὓς μὲν ἡ πόλις νομίζει θεοὺς οὐ νομίζων, ἕτερα δὲ καινὰ δαιμόνια εἰσηγούμενος. ἀδικεῖ δὲ καὶ τοὺς νέους διαφθείρων. τίμημα θάνατος. Xenophon says (Mem. i. 1, 1) ἡ μὲν γὰρ γραφὴ κατʼ αὐτοῦ τοιάδε τις ἦν. ἀδικεῖ Σωκράτης οὓς μὲν ἡ πόλις νομίζει θεοὺς οὐ νομίζων, ἕτερα δὲ καινὰ δαιμόνια εἰσφέρων. ἀδικεῖ δὲ καὶ τοὺς νέους διαφθείρων. This agrees well enough with the version of Phavorinus, which has every appearance of authenticity. It is not, of course, the γραφή as originally put in by Meletus, but the final form of it as adjusted and sworn to at the ἀνάκρισις. That alone would be before the court and would be preserved in the archives. It is in correct legal form, as shown by the parody in Ar. Wasps 894 ἐγράψατο | Κύων Κυδαθηναιεὺς Λάβητʼ Αἰξωνέα, | τὸν τυρὸν ἀδικεῖν ὅτι μόνος κατήσθιεν | τὸν Σικελικόν. τίμημα κλῳὸς σύκινος. Xenophon does not reproduce the legal formalities, and he substitutes εἰσφέρων for εἰσηγούμενος which seems to be the correct term. At any rate, the accusers of Phryne prosecuted her inter alia as καινοῦ θεοῦ εἰσηγήτριαν (Att. Proc. 366, n. 472).
On the other hand, the formulation of the charge put into the mouth of Socrates in this passage differs considerably, particularly in the order in which the counts of the indictment are given. Here we must remember that Socrates is represented as improvising, and therefore as quoting from memory. If he had attached any importance to the exact wording, he would have asked the clerk to read the document in the usual way. Now, in his eyes, there can be no doubt that the charge of διαφθορὰ τῶν νέων was the only serious part of the accusation, and it is natural that he should put it first, just as he does in Euth. 2 c 4. It is for the same reason that he returns to it after the really earnest part of his defence (33 c 8 sqq.), and treats it in a very different manner from that he adopts when he is only trying to confuse Meletus.
b 9 ἀδικεῖν B2 T W : ἀδικεῖ B
24 b 9 ἀδικεῖν … διαφθείροντα, 'is guilty of corrupting'. Cf. Euth. 5 d 9 n. From Politicus 299 b, c we learn how Plato understood this charge at a later date. Cf. esp. b 6 sqq. πρῶτον μὲν μήτε ἰατρικὸν αὐτὸν μήτε κυβερνητικὸν ὀνομάζειν ἀλλὰ μετεωρολόγον, ἀδολέσχην τινὰ σοφιστήν, εἶθʼὡς διαφθείροντα ἄλλους νεωτέρους καὶ ἀναπείθοντα ἐπιτίθεσθαι κυβερνητικῇ καὶ ἰατρικῇ μὴ κατὰ νόμους … γραψάμενον εἰσάγειν τὸν βουλόμενον οἷς ἔξεστιν εἰς δή τι δικαστήριον· ἂν δὲ παρὰ τοὺς νόμους καὶ τὰ γεγραμμένα δόξῃ πείθειν εἴτε νέους εἴτε πρεσβύτας, κολάζειν τοῖς ἐσχάτοις. The reference to the accusation of Socrates is unmistakable; and it can only mean that, in Plato's mature judgement, the real motive of Anytus (who was not an extreme democrat) was that he doubted the loyalty of Socrates to the πάτριος πολιτεία (cf. esp. Polit. 299 c 6 οὐδὲν γὰρ δεῖν τῶν νόμων εἶναι σοφώτερον … ἐξεῖναι γὰρ τῷ βουλομένῳ μανθάνειν γεγραμμένα καὶ πάτρια ἔθη κείμενα). That is very much the position he is made to take up in the passage already quoted from the Meno (18 b 2 n.), and the two passages taken together give us Plato's view of the matter at least. It has been denied that διαφθορὰ τῶν νέων was a legal offence, and we certainly have no quite conclusive evidence that it was. It is, however, likely in itself, and it would fit in very well with the laws of Solon referred to in Aeschines 1 § 7 sqq. Cf. § 7 πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ περὶ τῆς σωφροσύνης τῶν παίδων τῶν ἡμετέρων ἐνομοθέτησαν … ἔπειτα δεύτερον περὶ τῶν μειρακίων, τρίτον δʼ ἐφεξῆς περὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἡλικιῶν. Moreover, as Taylor has pointed out (Var. Soc. 3 sq.), Isocrates, in the speech Περὶ τῆς ἀντιδόσεως, pretends that he is being tried on a charge of διαφθορὰ τῶν νέων (which in his case means teaching them rhetoric for a fee); and, though this is an avowed fiction, we can hardly suppose he would have had recourse to it, if such a charge had not been a possible one. Now, it is a curious fact that, in the very few cases of prosecution for ἀσέβεια of which anything is known, other charges were tacked on to the main charge (cf. e. g. Plut. Per. 32 Ἀσπασία δίκην ἔφευγεν ἀσεβείας, Ἑρμίππου τοῦ κωμῳδοποιοῦ διώκοντος καὶ προσκατηγοροῦντος ὡς Περικλεῖ γυναῖκας ἐλευθέρας εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ φοιτώσας ὑποδέχοιτο). Nevertheless, the charge of ἀσέβεια, must have been the leading one, or the instruction would not have fallen within the competence of the βασιλεύς. That is an additional reason for holding that Phavorinus and Xenophon have preserved the true arrangement of the ἀντωμοσία.
24 c 1 οὐ νομίζοντα, 'not acknowledging' by giving them the worship prescribed by νόμος, 'use and wont'. Cf. Xen. Mem. iv. 3, 16 νόμῳ πόλεως. The charge is one of nonconformity in religious practice, not of unorthodoxy in religious belief. In Herodotus (who was a somewhat older contemporary of Socrates) νομίζειν with a simple infinitive or with a simple accusative means 'to practice' or 'observe' as a custom or institution (see the numerous examples in L. and S. s.v.). That is how Xenophon understood the charge, and on such a point his evidence is valuable. The answer he puts into the mouth of Socrates (Apol. 11) is that everybody, including Meletus if he liked, could have seen him sacrifice at the public festivals and on the public altars (ἐν ταῖς κοιναῖς ἑορταῖς καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν δημοσίων βωμῶν). There is no evidence, in fact, that a γραφὴ ἀσεβείας would lie for anything else than an overt act of sacrilege or blasphemy affecting the worship and ceremonies of the state religion, above all of the Eleusinian mysteries. The case of Anaxagoras is the exception that proves the rule; for it was preceded by a psephism framed by Diopeithes (Plut. Per. 32) εἰσαγγέλλεσθαι τοὺς τὰ θεῖα μὴ νομίζοντας ἢ λόγους περὶ τῶν μεταρσίων διδάσκοντας. That seems to imply that the ordinary procedure was felt to be inadequate for the purpose in view, while the expression τὰ θεῖα μὴ νομίζοντας seems designedly chosen to suggest neglect of religious practice rather than heterodoxy. So even the typical ἄθεος, Diagoras of Melos, does not appear to have been prosecuted for his opinions, but for blasphemous utterances with regard to the state cultus. Cf. [Lysias] 6 § 17 (Meletus?) ἐκεῖνος μὲν γὰρ (sc. Διαγόρας) λόγῳ περὶ τὰ ἀλλότρια ἱερὰ καὶ ἑορτὰς ἠσέβει, οὗτος δὲ (sc. Ἀνδοκίδης) ἔργῳ περὶ τὰ ἐν τῇ αὑτοῦ πόλει. The prosecution of Protagoras for ἀσέβεια is a baseless fiction (Gr. Phil. I § 89). Finally, when Lysias says (12 § 9) οὔτε θεοὺς οὔτʼ ἀνθρώπους νομίζει, he can only mean 'has no fear of God or man'. There can be no question of 'not believing in' human beings.
For the Herodotean use of νομίζειν cf. e. g. νομίζειν γλῶσσαν (i. 142, iv. 183), φωνήν (ii. 42), ἀσπίδα, δόρυ (v. 97), πανήγυριν (ii. 63), and especially iv. 59 τούτους μὲν (τοὺς θεοὺς) πάντες Σκύθαι νενομίκασι, οἱ δὲ καλεύμενοι βασιλῄοι Σκύθαι καὶ τῷ Ποσειδέωνι θύουσι … ἀγάλματα δὲ καὶ βωμοὺς … οὐ νομίζουσι ποιέειν πλὴν Ἄρεϊ· τούτῳ δὲ νομίζουσι.
24 c 1 ἕτερα δὲ δαιμόνια καινά, sc. νομίζοντα. It is much easier to say what this does not mean than what it does. We know from the Euthyphro (3 b 2) that it was taken to imply 'strange gods' (καινοὶ θεοί), and Xenophon (Apol. 24) must have understood it so; for he makes Socrates answer the charge by saying οὔτε θύων τισὶ καινοῖς δαίμοσιν (not δαιμονίοις) οὔτε ὀμνὺς οὔτε νομίζων ἄλλους θεοὺς ἀναπέφηνα. We have seen, however, that there is no noun-substantive δαιμόνιον in classical Greek (Euth. 3 b 5 n.), so we must certainly not translate the phrase by 'strange divinities'. Of course we can say τὸ δαιμόνιον (abstract collective) as a euphemism for ὁ θεός, just as we can say τὸ θεῖον (Euth. 4 e 2 n.), but that does not entitle us to speak of a δαιμόνιον or to use δαιμόνια in the plural for 'divinities'. We can also speak of the 'divine sign' as τὸ δαιμόνιον, 'the divine something', but that cannot be pluralized either. Rather we must interpret τὰ δαιμόνια here as equivalent to τὰ θεῖα in the psephism of Diopeithes and understand it of religious observances or practices (cf. Euth. 3 b 6 ὡς … καινοτομοῦντός σου περὶ τὰ θεῖα). From 27 c 1 it is quite clear that it stands for δαιμόνια πράγματα, and Herodotus (ii. 65, 66) uses θεῖα πρήγματα for religious practice. Why the charge was formulated in this peculiar way we can only guess. It may be that Anytus fought shy of the expression καινοὺς θεούς, which Socrates attributes to Meletus in Euth. 3 b 2. The 'strange gods 'of Ionian cosmology were an old story, and it might be a breach of the Amnesty to rake them up. In that case we can see why Socrates insists on discussing the 'old accusers'. On the other hand, Anytus knew very well that Socrates had been associating with Pythagoreans even since the archonship of Euclides (an essential point in his eyes); and, though his notion of Pythagorism was probably vague, he doubtless knew that the followers of Pythagoras had been expelled from southern Italy just because they had tried to set up an international religion superior to any state, a thing which could not be reconciled with the ideals of the πάτριος πολιτεία. However that may be, it will be safe to translate καινὰ δαιμόνια νομίζοντα by 'practising a strange religion'.
It may probably be inferred from Philostratus (Apollonius of Tyana iv. 18) that τὰ δαιμόνια was used in a similar way in the πρόρρησις (the 'fencing of the tables', as it used to be called in Scotland) at Eleusis. The hierophant there justifies his refusal to initiate Apollonius by saying: μὴ γὰρ ἄν ποτε μυῆσαι γόητα, μηδὲ τὴν Ἐλευσῖνα ἀνοῖξαι ἀνθρώπῳ μὴ καθαρῷ τὰ δαιμόνια ('unclean in his relation to things divine', C.G.S. iii. 168).
c 5 γε B : om. T
24 c 5 ὅτι σπουδῇ χαριεντίζεται, 'that he is a solemn trifler', 'that he is playing a solemn farce' (schol. T εὐτραπελεύεται, σκώπτει). The suggestion is that Meletus, who is in deadly earnest, is a pince-sansrire (cf. the Hellenistic σπουδογέλοιος). The charge is repeated below 26 e 7, 27 a 7, d 6.
c 6 ἀγῶνασ W t Arm.
c 6 ῥᾳδίως, temere, 'lightly', i. e. 'recklessly'. Cf. Crito 48 c 4 τῶν ῥᾳδίως ἀποκτεινύντων.
εἰς ἀγῶνα καθιστὰς ἀνθρώπους, 'bringing people to trial'. The expression εἰς ἀγῶνα is a fixed one like 'to trial', and may quite well be used with a plural.
Cf. Antipho, Tetr. Γ. a § 1 τοὺς καθαροὺς εἰς ἀγῶνα καθιστάντας, Lys. 19 § 6 ὅταν πολλοὶ ἐπὶ τῇ αὐτῇ αἰτίᾳ εἰς ἀγῶνα καταστῶσιν, 27 § 6 εἰς ἀγῶνα καταστάντες, Xen. Rep. Lac. 8, 4 ἄρχοντας … περὶ τῆς ψυχῆς εἰς ἀγῶνα καταστῆσαι. There is no need, then, to read ἀγῶνας with W.
c 7 προσποιούμενος T : προσποιουμένους B
c 7 ὧν … ἐμέλησεν. All through this passage Socrates plays on the name Μέλητος.
c 8 πώποτε τούτῳ T
c 9 καί μοι δεῦρο κτλ. Cross-examination of witnesses was unknown to Athenian judicial procedure; but, on the other hand, either party was entitled to interrogate the other, and the party interrogated could not refuse to answer (infra 25 d 2). Cf. Dem. 46 § 10 τοῖν ἀντιδίκοιν ἐπάναγκες εἶναι ἀποκρίνασθαι ἀλλήλοις τὸ ἐρωτώμενον, μαρτυρεῖν δὲ μή. There is an ἐρώτησις, though a very short one, in Lysias Against Eratosthenes (§ 25), introduced by the words ἀνάβηθι οὖν μοι καὶ ἀπόκριναι ὅτι ἄν σε ἐρωτῶ, and also in 22 § 5. In the speech Against Agoratus there are two places (§§ 30, 32) where an ΕΡΩΤΗΣΙΣ is indicated, one introduced by ἀπόκριναι δή μοι and the other by καί μοι ἀπόκριναι. Aeschylus has reproduced this feature of Athenian judicial procedure in the Eumenides (586 sqq.). In Rhet. Γ. 18, 1418 b 39 sqq. Aristotle gives some hints on the right methods of ἐρώτησις, and refers to this passage of the Apology (27 d 9 n.).
Socrates does not condescend to use serious arguments against Meletus; his purpose is simply to show that his accuser does not understand his own ἀντωμοσία. It is not to the point, then, to complain that the arguments are 'sophistical'. It was legitimate and necessary for Socrates to show that the ostensible charge was a mere pretext, and that could be most effectively done by making it clear that the nominal prosecutor did not even know what it meant. It was perfectly fair to lay traps for him in order to bring this out.
Artistically this interrogatory serves as a foil to the serious part of the speech which follows it.
A. The first part of the ἐρώτησις (24 c 4–26 a 7) deals with the charge of corrupting the young.
d 1 πλείστου T : πολλοῦ B
24 d 1 περὶ πλείστου T: περὶ πολλοῦ BW. This is doubtless an ancient variant. The superlative is to be preferred as less common, and as giving a better sense: 'Isn't it your chief concern that …?'
d 3 ἴθι B t : ἴσθι T
d 4 μέλον γέ σοι, cum id tibi curae sit (acc. abs.), another allusion to the name Μέλητος.
d 5 τουτοισὶ] εἰς τουτουσὶ Cobet
d 5 εἰσάγεις τουτοισί, 'you bring me before the judges here'. The regular term for bringing a case or a person into court is εἰσάγειν, the regular construction being εἱσάγειν εἰς (τοὺς) δικαστάς (cf. Tim. 27 b 2 εἰσαγαγόντα αὐτοὺς ὡς εἰς δικαστὰς ἡμᾶς), or εἰς (τὸ) δικαστήριον (cf. below 25 d 5, 29 a 2, and 26 a 2 δεῦρο … εἰσάγειν). In this sense the passive of εἰσάγειν is εἰσιέναι (cf. 17 c 5 εἰς ὑμᾶς εἰσιέναι, 29 c 2 οὐ δεῖν ἐμὲ δεῦρο εἰσελθεῖν, ἢ ἐπειδὴ εἰσῆλθον κτλ., though in Gorg. 521 c 4 and Laws 915 c 3 we have εἰσαχθεὶς εἰς δικαστήριον. For the corresponding substantive cf. Crito 45 e 3 ἡ εἴσοδος τῆς δίκης εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον ὡς εἰσῆλθεν.
This seems to be the only instance of εἰσάγω c. dat. in this sense; but as the dative is found with other senses of the verb, this cannot be called impossible with Cobet.
d 9 σοι οὐδὲν μεμέληκεν: the play on the name once more.
d 11 Οἱ νόμοι. That is the answer every Athenian democrat would naturally give, and he would naturally go on to say that the goodness of the man and the citizen was to be learnt from one's fellow-citizens. Socrates only makes Meletus give the same answer in a more exaggerated form that Anytus himself gives deliberately in the Meno (92 e 3).
e 2 πρῶτον, 'to begin with'.
24 e 3 Οὖτοι … οἱ δικασταί, 'These gentlemen, the judges'.
Cobet deletes οἱ δικασταί and writes οὑτοιΐ. That spoils the sentence by destroying the touch of hesitation in the answer.
e 4 οἵδε B t : οὐδὲ T
e 5 ποιοῦσιν B : ποιεῖν B2 T W
e 5 ποιοῦσιν. The external evidence is strongly in favour of the more commonplace ποιεῖν (TW), and the marginal correction in B is not by 'recens b' as Schanz says, but by B2 (Arethas). Still, ποιοῦσιν is not likely to be a blunder, and Schanz's quotation of Meno 94 c 2 τούτους ἐπαίδευσεν τά τε ἄλλα εὖ καὶ ἐπάλαισαν κάλλιστα Ἀθηναίων is much in point as showing that we have here a real finesse of language.
e 7 ἅπαντες B : ἂν πάντες T
e 9 εὖ … λέγεις, 'that is good news', cf. εὖ ἀγγέλλεις. We must repeat λέγεις in thought to govern πολλὴν ἀφθονίαν, but in a slightly different sense, 'you tell of'.
e 10 οἱ δὲ T : οἵδε οἱ B
e 10 οἱ δὲ ἀκροαταί, 'the listeners', i. e. the audience present in court. From Homer downwards δέ often serves to introduce animated questions.
a 5 οἱ ἐκκλησιασταί secl. Hirschig
25 a 5 Ἀλλ' ἄρα … μὴ …, num …
οἱ ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ, οἱ ἐκκλησιασταί. The unusual term ἐκκλησιαστής is found also in Gong. 452 e 2 ἐν δικαστηρίῳ δικαστὰς καὶ ἐν βουλευτηρίῳ βουλευτὰς καὶ ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ ἐκκλησιαστάς, Euthyd. 290 a 3 δικαστῶν τε καὶ ἐλλκησιαστῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὄχλων. In all these instances there seems to be an accommodation of the form to that of the terms with which it is associated. The same explanation may be given of all the Aristotelian examples cited in Bonitz's Index. The regular expression was οἱ ἐκκλησιάζοντες (cf. the title of Aristophanes' Ἐκκλησιάζουσαι). Here we see the accommodation actually being made as an afterthought.
a 12 ἀτυχίαν T sed δυσ in marg.
a 12 Πολλήν γέ μου κατέγνωκας δύστυχίαν, 'That is a great misfortune you lay at my door'. For καταγιγνώσκειν τί τινος in the sense of to 'attribute' or 'impute' a weakness or fault to any one see Euth. 2 b 1 n., and cf. Dem. 30 § 38 τοσαύτην ὑμῶν εὐήθειαν κατέγνωκεν. (Not 'You have condemned me to great unhappiness', as Fowler renders.)
b 1 πάντες B : ἅπαντες T
b 2 εἷς μέν τις κτλ. This is an application of the characteristic Socratic doctrine of ὁ ἐπαΐων who alone is fit to be an ἐπιστάτης. It is more fully developed in Crito 47 b sqq. See the notes on that passage.
b 6 οὐ B t : μὴ T
c 2 ἀποφαίνῃ σαφῶς W Arm.
c 3 ἀμέλειαν … μεμέληκεν: another play on the name Meletus.
(β) Socrates argues that no one will make his neighbours worse if he can help it; for he himself will be the first to suffer from their badness (25 c 5–26 a 7).
25 c 5 ὦ πρὸς Διὸς Μέλητε. Cf. Meno 71 d 5 ὦ πρὸς θεῶν, Μένων. Elsewhere ὦ πρὸς Διός (25 e 3) and ὦ πρὸς θεῶν are used without a vocative. Cf., however, Laws 662 c 6 ὦ πρὸς Διός τε καὶ Ἀπόλλωνος, ὦ ἄριστοι τῶν ἀνδρῶν.
c 6 ὦ τάν, 'my dear sir', the only place where this colloquialism occurs in the (genuine) works of Plato.
Hesychius says it is πρόσρημα τιμητικῆς λέξεως, λέγεται δὲ καὶ ἐπʼ εἰρωνείᾳ πολλάκις. No convincing etymology of τάν has been suggested. It is occasionally plural in sense.
c 7 πονηροὶ κακόν τι B : πονηροὶ ἀεὶ κακόν τι T : πονηροὶ κακὸν ἀεί τι W
c 8 τοὺς ἀεὶ … ὄντας, 'those who are at a given moment …' (ἀεί = ἑκάστοτε, 'from time to time', 'for the time being').
d 2 ἀποκρίνου B T : ἀπόκριναι B2 W
d 6 νέους T : νεωτέρους B
d 8 δῆτα B γρ. t : δή ποτε T
d 9 σὺ B : εὖ T
e 1 ἀγαθόν τι T Arm.
e 3 ὑπ T : ἀπ B
e 3 κακόν τι λαβεῖν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ, 'to get some harm from him'. The ὑπό is correct; for κακόν τι λαβεῖν is treated as a passive. But ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ is also correct; cf. Xen. Oec. 1, 8 (κἂν) ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ κακὰ λαμβάνῃ.
It is not quite accurate to say with Adam that 'ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ is Cobet's conjecture, now confirmed by T'. The vulgate reading was ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ, and ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ makes its first appearance in Bekker. Cobet himself does not claim ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ as his own conjecture; for he says (V.L. p. 342) hoc mendum non Codicibus sed Editoribus imputandum est: optimi enim libri ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ servant et indocte ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ ex deterioribus est receptum. That is not quite correct either; for B has ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ, though Bekker omitted to mention the fact and thus misled Cobet. We know now, however, that ὑπ' αὐτοῦ is the reading of T and are quite free to adopt it.
e 4 τὸ om. B T W
e 6 εἰ om. Stephanus
διαφθείρω bis scripsit Naber
e 6 ἢ εἰ διαφθείρω, ἄκων (sc. διαφθείρω), 'or, if I corrupt them, it is involuntary'. The ellipse gives snap to the argument.
The reading of BW is ἢ εἰ διαφθείρω, ἄκων, though ἢ εἰ is written over an erasure in B. Schanz, for some reason, does not say what the reading of T is; but, as he attributes the vulgate reading ἢ διαφθείρω (which he retains) to Stephanus, we are left to infer that T also has ἢ εἰ διαφθείρω. However that may be, the reading surely carries conviction, and it is strange that so many editors should have rejected it for the tame ἢ διαφθείρω. Naber's ἢ εἰ διαφθείρω, διαφθείρω ἄκων is even worse. We want a strong emphasis on ἄκων, and the ellipse gives just the right effect to it.
26 a 2 τῶν τοιούτων … ἁμαρτημάτων … εἰσάγειν, 'to bring into Court for such (i. e. voluntary) offences'. The genitive is the genitive of the charge used with verba iudicialia like φεύγειν and διώκειν. The words καὶ ἀκουσίων are explanatory of τῶν τοιούτων.
a 2 καὶ ἀκουσίων secl. Cobet
a 3 διδάσκειν καὶ νουθετεῖν, 'to instruct and reprove', the first two of the progressive series διδάσκειν, νουθετεῖν, κολάζειν. See Euth. 5 b 4 n. The prosecution would only be justifiable if it were a case for the third, as is explicitly stated below (εἰσάγειν τοὺς κολάσεως δεομένους a 6).
a 4 ὅ] οὗ Schanz
a 4 ἐὰν μάθω, 'if I am instructed' (μανθάνειν as virtual passive of διδάσκειν).
παύσομαι ὅ γε ἄκων ποιῶ, 'I shall cease what I am doing involuntarily'. A relative clause with the antecedent suppressed may represent any case required by the construction, whatever the case of the relative may be (cf. Euth. 3 c 9 n.). As παύομαι takes the genitive, the relative clause here represents a genitive. An exact parallel in Phaedr. 242 c 1 (of the 'divine sign') ἀεὶ δέ με ἐπίσχει ὃ ἂν μέλλω πράττειν.
This is far simpler than to assume a harsh ellipse of ποιῶν. Schanz's οὖ γε ἄκων ποιῶ is less idiomatic than the reading of the MSS. Neglect of this principle has often caused needless difficulties about the text of Plato. The legal phrase Ἀθηναίων ὁ βουλόμενος οἷς ἔξεστι (= τούτων οἷς ἔξεστι) is a good example.
B. Socrates entraps Meletus into the admission that he charges him with complete atheism, and then shows this to be inconsistent with the indictment which accused him of introducing καινὰ δαιμόνια (26 a 8–28 a 1).
Meletus would naturally fall into the trap at once; for we have been told that those who studied natural science were generally believed to neglect the worship of the gods (18 c 3). Even if they used the word θεοί of 'Chaos, Respiration, and Air', the ordinary Athenian quite rightly believed they were not using it in its accepted sense. Aristophanes undoubtedly meant that Σωκράτης was ἄθεος when he called him ὁ Μήλιος (Clouds 830).
On the other hand, Socrates is quite entitled to show that by adding the charge of introducing καινὰ δαιμόνια Meletus had tacitly dropped the charge of atheism, since the acceptance of δαιμόνια implies the acceptance of δαίμονες, and that in turn the acceptance of θεοί. The argument is no doubt purely verbal, but it is good enough for Meletus. It at least makes it quite clear that no one understood δαιμόνια in the sense of 'divinities'. Cf. 24 c 1 n.
a 8 ἤδη δῆλον W : δῆλον b : δῆλον ἤδη ἐστίν T
26 a 8 τοῦτο μὲν ἤδη δῆλον. It is not quite clear from Schanz whether W adds ἐστίν with T or not. There can hardly have been room for it in B, and it is better away.
b 1 οὑγὼ T W : ὃ ἐγὼ b
τούτων B : τούτῳ T W
b 2 ἐμέλησεν: the play on the name once more.
b 3 δῆλον δὴ ὅτι B : δῆλονότι T
b 5 ταῦτα, object of διδάσκων ('interlaced order').
b 8 ὧν νῦν ὁ λόγος ἐστίν, i. e. οὓς νῦν λέγομεν, 'of whom we are now speaking', rather different from περὶ ὧν ὁ λόγος ἐστίν.
c 1 τοῖς ἀνδράσιν secl. Cobet
c 1 τουτοισί B2 T W : τούτοις B
c 1 πότερον … is answered by c 5 ἢ …
c 2 νομίζειν εἶναί τινας θεούς. By quietly interpolating εἶναι, Socrates takes advantage of the ambiguity of νομίζω, which means 'think' when followed by the accusative and infinitive. This way of speaking is also found in Herodotus. Cf. iii. 16 Πέρσαι … θεὸν νομίζουσι εἶναι πῦρ. Socrates is determined to bring out the real meaning of Meletus, so he must show that belief in δαιμόνια (πράγματα) implies belief in δαίμονες.
d 1 ἵνα B t : om. T
d 1 ἵνα τί, sc. γένηται; ut quid? 'What makes you say that?' Cf. Symp. 205 a 2 ἵνα τί δὲ βούλεται εὐδαίμων εἶναι ὁ βουλόμενος; So Ar. Clouds 1192 ἵνα δὴ τί τὴν ἕνην προσέθηχʼ;
οὐδὲ ἥλιον οὐδὲ σελήνην κτλ. It is essential to the argument that Helios and Selene were not regular objects of worship in the public religion of Athens. At this date they were not identified with Apollo and Artemis (C.G.S. iv. 136 sqq., ii. 457 sqq.), and the scanty traces of Helios-worship at Athens are of late date. In Aristophanes, Peace 406 sqq., we are told that Helios and Selene are betraying Hellas to the barbarians, and the reason is given, ὁτιὴ νὴ Δία | ἡμεῖε μὲν ὑμῖν (the Olympian gods) θύομεν, τούτοισι δὲ | οἱ βάρβαροι θύουσιν. Socrates raises this issue deliberately, as he wishes to expose the true character of the old διαβολή by showing that Meletus is really thinking of his association with the school of Anaxagoras, though he could not say so, now that the psephism of Diopeithes was invalidated by the Amnesty. He does this by inserting εἶναι after νομίζω. No Athenian could be expected to worship Helios or Selene, but he might 'think them to be gods', since Helios was the great god of Rhodes, and Selene was worshipped at Elis and elsewhere.
26 d 4 ὦ ἄνδρες δικασταί. Meletus employs the formula which Socrates avoids (17 a 1 n.).
τὸν μὲν ἥλιον λίθον κτλ. Socrates has skilfully entrapped Meletus into blurting out what he really meant all along (cf. Euth. 3 b 2 n.). The doctrines of Anaxagoras were notorious (E. Gr. Phil.3 § 133), and Socrates had been the ἑταῖρος of his successor Archelaus, but it was impossible for him to be accused on that ground. If the prosecution had been based on the psephism of Diopeithes, Socrates could have replied that it was invalidated by the Amnesty, and would have been entitled to put in a παραγραφή, which would have given him the right to speak first and to have further proceedings suspended till that issue was determined.
d 6 Ἀναξαγόρου secl. Schanz
d 6 Ἀναξαγόρου οἴει κατηγορεῖν; 'Do you think it is Anaxagoras you are accusing?' The suggestion is that Meletus is hopelessly out of date, and this is all the more emphatic if we accept (as I feel sure we must) Taylor's view that the trial of Anaxagoras took place c. 450 b.c. (see C.Q. xi. 81 sqq. and E. Gr. Phil.3 § 124).
d 7 αὐτοὺς B : αὐτὸς T
d 7 ἀπείρους γραμμάτων, 'unable to read or write', 'illiterate'. This clearly implies that there was already a reading public at Athens.
d 10 εἰ πάνυ πολλοῦ, 'at the very outside', lit. 'if (you buy them) at a very high price', cf. Alc. 123 c 6 κόσμος ἴσως ἄξιος μνῶν πεντήκοντα εἰ πάνυ πολλοῦ, Gorg. 511 6 1 ἐὰν πάμπολυ … δύο δραχμὰς ἐπράξατο.
δραχμῆς … πριαμένοις. The editors express surprise at the low price of the book, but we must remember that it would be a very short one, and that the cost of production would be small. In the absence of copyright there were no 'royalties' to pay and no expenses of distribution or advertising. The bookseller had only to invest a small capital in literate slaves (say 5 minae a head) and to provide papyrus and ink. Moreover, it is misleading to say that a drachma was 'about 10d. of our money'; for that ignores the change in the purchasing power of silver. It was something more like four shillings and sixpence.
e 1 πριαμένοις B : πριάμενοι B T W
e 1 ἐκ τῆς ὀρχήστρας. This name was given, not only to the orchestra in the Dionysiac theatre, but also to the part of the Agora where the statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton stood. Timaeus mentions this in his Lexicon (Ὀρχήστρα· τὸ τοῦ θεάτρου μέσον χωρίον, καὶ τόπος ἐπιφανὴς εἰς πανήγυριν, ἔνθα Ἁρμοδίου καὶ Ἀριστογείτονος εἰκόνες), which goes to show that the early interpreters of Plato understood the present passage to refer to it. There is no evidence that the book-market (τὰ βιβλία, Pollux ix. 47) was there, but it is hardly possible to understand the words of the text otherwise. The old view, that Socrates means to say that people could buy the opinions of Anaxagoras 'from the orchestra' by paying to see the tragedies of Euripides, is most improbable. The price of admission to the theatre was only two obols. Besides, as Schanz remarks, they would not have learnt in this way that the doctrines were those of Anaxagoras, which is the whole point. They might just as well be those of Socrates, who was known to be intimate with Euripides. Above all, the words καὶ οἴει αὐτοὺς ἀπείρους γραμμάτων εἶναι can only refer to reading the book for themselves. That is decisive.
26 e 2 οὕτως ἄτοπα ὄντα, 'so strange', 'so singular', that their authorship could not be forgotten. In the Phaedo (98 c 2), where he is expressing his early disappointment with the book of Anaxagoras, Socrates uses the same word. Anaxagoras, he says, made no real use of Mind as a cause, but assigned all causality to ἀέpas … καὶ αἰθέρας καὶ ὕδατα … καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ καὶ ἄτοπα. It must be remembered that, for an educated Athenian in the second half of the fifth century b. c., the cosmology of Anaxagoras really was retrograde. He still held, for instance, that the earth was flat, though the Pythagorean discovery of its sphericity must have been well known at Athens (E. Gr. Phil.3 § 135). In the Phaedo (97 d 8) we are told that this very question (πότερον ἡ γῆ πλατῖά ἐστιν ἢ στρογγύλη) was one of those on which Socrates had hoped to get some light from the book of Anaxagoras, whom he never seems to have met. That is an argument for Taylor's view (cf. 26 d 6 n.). If Anaxagoras had remained at Athens till just before the Peloponnesian War, it is impossible to understand how Socrates could have failed to know him personally. Xenophon, too, was aware, either at first hand or, more probably, from Plato, that Socrates had criticized the cosmology of Anaxagoras. Cf. Mem. iv. 7, 6 κινδυναῦσαι δʼ ἂν ἔφη καὶ παραφρονῆσαι ('to go out of his wits') τὸν ταῦτα (sc. τὰ οὐράνια) μεριμνῶντα οὐδὲν ἧττον ἢ Ἀναξαγόρας παρεφρόνησεν ὁ μέγιστον φρονήσας ἐπὶ τῷ τὰς τῶν θεῶν μηχανὰς ἐξηγεῖσθαι. One of the theories he criticizes is just that mentioned in the text (τὸν ἥλιον λίθον διάπυρον εἶναι). It is not to be believed that Socrates ever spoke cf Anaxagoras in this way, but it is quite probable that Xenophon is right in saying that he insisted on the unimportance of such inquiries in comparison with self-knowledge. Cf. Phaedr. 229 e 4 ἐμοὶ δὲ πρὸς αὐτὰ (mythological speculations) οὐδαμῶς ἐστι σχολή· τὸ δὲ αἴτιον, ὦ φίλε, τούτου τόδε. οὐ δύναμαί πω κατὰ τὸ Δελφικὸν γράμμα γνῶναι ἐμαυτόν· γελοῖον δή μοι φαίνεται τοῦτο ἔτι ἀγνοοῦντα τὰ ἀλλότρια σκοπεῖν.
e 3 νομίζω B : νομίζειν T : ὡς νομίζω Arm. : νουίζων W
26 e 6 Ἄπιστός γʼ εἶ κτλ. 'What you say is incredible, and that too, as I think, to yourself.' Greek prefers the personal expression, which is not natural in English. The point Socrates is making is that Meletus understands the accusation so little that he can be made to contradict himself without difficulty.
e 7 γὰρ B : μὲν γὰρ T
a 1 post συντιθέντι add. ἢ T : καὶ Arm.
27 a 1 συντιθέντι διαπειρωμένῳ, 'making trial of me by composing a riddle.' The first participle is subordinate to the second.
a 2 δὴ B t : om. T
a 4 οὕτως Arm. (recte fortasse) et mox λέγων
a 5 εἰ B2 T W : om. B
a 8 δή B t: δέ T
μοι B t : ἐμοὶ T
a 8 ᾗ μοι φαίνεται κτλ., 'on what grounds I hold this to be the meaning of his words'.
ταῦτα λέγειν, sc. Ἀδικεῖ Σωκράτης θεοὺς οὐ νομίζων, ἀλλὰ θεοὺς νομίζων (27 a 5).
b 4 οὐ νομίζει, sc. εἶναι.
b 5 καὶμὴ ἄλλα καὶ ἄλλα θορυβείτω, 'and not make one interruption after another'. Meletus feels that he has been trapped. For the expression cf. Xen. An. i. 5, 12 ἄλλος … καὶ ἄλλος, εἶτα πολλοί, vii. 6, 10 μετὰ τοῦτον ἄλλος ἀνέστη ὁμοίως καὶ ἄλλος, Cyr. iv. 1, 15 εἰ δʼ ἀπλήστως χρώμενοι ταύτῃ (sc. τῇ ἡδονῇ) ἄλλην καὶ ἄλλην πειρασόμεθα διώκειν κτλ.
b 8 ἀποκρίνεσθαι B T : ἀποκρίνασθαι W t
b 9 τὸ B t : τῷ T
b 9 τὸ ἐπὶ τούτῳ γε 'my next question'. The phrase is not simply equivalent to τὸ μετὰ τοῦτο, but introduces the statement (or, as here, the question) to which the others lead up.
c 1 ἔσθʼ ὅστις κτλ. This sentence makes it clear (1) that δαιμόνια means δαιμόνια πράγματα, and (2) that Socrates is deliberately playing on the ambiguity of νομίζει and νομίζει εἶναι.
27 c 4 Ὡς ὤνησας ὅτι …, 'How good of you to answer—reluctantly and under compulsion'. Socrates required a major premiss for his syllogism, and now he has got it admitted. For the phrase cf. Hipp. mi. 373 3 a 4 ὥσπερ δὲ ἄρτι εἰ θέλεις μοι ἀποκρίνεσθαι, πάνυ ὀνήσεις, Ar. Lys. 1033 νὴ Δί' ὤνησάς γέ με.
c 5 οὐκοῦν δαιμόνια κτλ. This is the minor premiss, which is already admitted in the indictment. 'New or old, no matter, I at least (ἀλλ' οὖν … γε) acknowledge divine things of some sort.'
c 7 τῇ B t : om. T
c 7 διωμόσω is equivalent to ἀντωμόσω (cf. ἀντωμοσία). The δια- in such compounds expresses reciprocity or contention.
ἐν τῇ ἀντιγραφῇ. Harpocr. Πλάτων δὲ ἐν τῇ Σωκράτους ἀπολογίᾳ τὸ αὐτὸ καλεῖ ἀντωμοσίαν καὶ ἀντιγραφήν. It means presumably the officially attested copy of the ἀντωμοσία (19 b 3 n.).
Bekk. Anecd. p. 200, 12 κοινῶς δέ ἐστιν ἀντιγραφὴ ἐν ταῖς δίκαις ταῖς δημοδίαις τὰ τῶν δικαζομένων γράμματα περὶ τοῦ πράγματος καὶ τοῦ φεύγοντος καὶ τοῦ διώκοντος.
c 10 τίθημι … σε ὁμολογοῦντα, 'I set you down as admitting it'. He can fairly do that, since Meletus has admitted the major and minor premisses, of which this is the conclusion.
τούς δὲ δαίμονας κτλ. This is the second step in the argument (cf. b 3 n.), and its conclusion is: Belief in δαίμονες implies belief in θεοί.
d 1 ἡγούμεθα B : ἡγούμεθα εἶναι T
d 1 φῂς ἤ οὔ; 'yes or no?'
d 4 εἴπερ δαίμονας ἡγοῦμαι … d 7 ἐπειδήπερ γε δαίμονας ἡγοῦμαι. The protasis is repeated in a slightly altered form after the apodosis (a b a), a common Platonic idiom. If δαίμονες is only another word for θεοί, cadit quaestio. In Homer it is difficult to draw any distinction between θεός and δαίμων, though in later writers, especially in Plato himself, the conception of δαίμονες as intermediate beings becomes important. Cf. esp. Symp. 202 d 13.
d 6 μς T : ἐμὲ B
d 8 ἤ ἐκ νυμφῶν κτλ. Observe that the nymphs are goddesses. They are mentioned here in order to bring in the case of demigods who have a mortal father and a divine mother like Achilles, who is definitely called ἡμίθεον below (28 c 1), as Thetis is called θεός (28 c 5). It is this that justifies the insertion of μήτε ἥρωας at the end of the argument (28 a 1). Then ἔκ τινων ἄλλων κτλ. refers to human mothers.
d 9 ἂν B2 W t : om. B T
27 d 9 ὧν, i. e. ἐξ ὧν. The preposition is not usually repeated with the relative if it has been used with the antecedent.
τίς ἄν ἀνθρώπων κτλ. In the Rhetoric Aristotle takes this as an instance of the second type of ἐρώτησις.
Rhet. Γ. 18, 1419 a 5 δεύτερον δὲ ὅταν τὸ μὲν φανερὸν ᾖ, τὸ δὲ ἐρωτήσαντι δῆλον ᾖ ὅτι δώσει· πυθόμενον μὲν γὰρ δεῖ τὴν μίαν πρότασιν μὴ προσερωτᾶν τὸ φανερόν, ἀλλὰ τὸ συμπέρασμα εἰπεῖν, οἷον Σωκράτης Μελήτου οὐ φάσκοντος αὐτὸν θεοὺς νομίζειν εἴρηκεν εἰ δαιμόνιόν τι λέγοι, ὁμολογήσαντος δὲ ἤρετο εἰ οὐχ οἱ δαίμονες ἤτοι θεῶν παῖδες εἶεν ἢ θεῖόν τι, ὁμολογήσαντος δὲ ἤρετο εἰ οὐχ οἱ δαίμονες ἤτοι θεῶν παῖδες εἶεν ἤ θεῖόν τι, ὁμολογήσαντος δὲ ἤρετο εἰ οὐχ οἱ δαίμονες ἤτοι θεῶν παῖδες εἶεν ἤ θεῖόν τι, φήσαντος δὲ "ἔστιν οὖν", ἔφη, "ὅστις θεῶν μὲν παῖδας οἴεται εἶναι, θεοὺς δὲ οὔ;" It will be seen that Aristotle quotes from memory as usual. As a matter of fact Socrates does ἐρωτᾶν τό φανερόν, i. e. that belief in δαιμόνια implies belief in δαίμονες.
e 1 ὥσπερ ἂν T W : ὥσπερ B
e 1 ὥσπερ ἄν εἴ τις κτλ., 'as if a man were to believe in the existence of the children of mares or, it may be, of she-asses'. As we are speaking of mothers (ἢ ἐκ νυμφῶν ἢ ἔκ τινων ἄλλων), it is at once suggested that we are to take ἵππων and ὄνων as feminine. The mule proper has an ass for sire and a mare for dam, but there is also the hinny, which has a stallion for sire and a she-ass for dam. These correspond to the two classes of θεῶν παῖδες mentioned above, the children of mortal men and nymphs and those of gods and mortal women. For this classification of ἥρωες cf. Crat. 398 d 1 πάντες … γεγόνασιν ἐρασθέντος ἢ θεοῦ θνητῆς ἢ θνητοῦ θεᾶς. Then τοὺς ἡμιόνους is maliciously added to suggest τοὺς ἡμιθέους. Simonides addressed the mules of Anaxilas as ἀελλοπόδων θύγατρες ἵππων (fr. 7).
e 2 ἢ secl. Forster
τοὺς ἡμιόνους secl. Bäumlein sed legit Arrianus
e 3 σὺ B2 T W : οὐ B
ταῦτα secl. Schanz
e 3 ταῦτα … ἀποπειρώμενος ἡμῶν, 'by way of making this experiment on us', i.e. the experiment described above (27 a 1) διαπειρωμένῳ' Ἆρα γνώσεται κτλ.
e 6 νοῦν T W : γʼ οὖν νοῦν B
οὐ τοῦ αὐτοῦ B : οὐ τοῦ αὐτοῦ ἀνδρὸς T : secl. Rieckher
e 6 ὡς οὐ τοῦ αὐτοῦ κτλ. This is a puzzle at first sight, and no doubt was meant to be so. Socrates has been playing with Meletus all along, and this sentence (which should be read rapidly) is intended to leave him gasping. Nevertheless, it works out quite correctly if we take time to it. The first point is that a man who believes in δαιμόνια will necessarily believe in θεῖα (τοῦ αὐτοῦ ἔστιν καὶ δαιμόνια καὶ θεῖα ἡγεῖσθαι). That is the second stage in the argument (cf. 27 b 3 n.), and it is out of the question that Meletus should con-vince any sensible man that it is wrong. With καὶ αὖ we revert to the first stage of the argument, where it was shown that belief in δαίμονες implies belief in θεοί (note the chiastic arrangement). It is out of the question that this same man (τοῦ αὐτοῦ is the man who believes both in δαιμόνια and θεῖα) should disbelieve in δαίμονες and θεοί. The words μήτε ἥρωας have given trouble, as the heroes have not yet been mentioned. See, however, d 8 n., where it is shown that they are implied.
I owe the interpretation of this sentence mainly to Mr. Garrod (C.R. xx. 212), and I now withdraw the doubts about the text which I formerly shared with other editors.
Having disposed of Meletus, Socrates makes his serious defence In form, it is a digression; in fact, it is the most important part of the speech.
It is by no means improbable that Socrates should have spoken in court like this. There would certainly be a considerable number of dicasts who could be counted on to understand him. In any case, we have here what Plato himself regarded as the true answer to the accusation.
The introduction to this section, with its appeal to the example of Homer's Achilles, raises the tone of the speech above the dialectical fence which was appropriate in dealing with Meletus.
28 a 4 ἱκανὰ καὶ ταῦτα. This form of praeteritio (παράλειψις) is extremely common in the Orators. Cf. Lys. 12 § 79 ἱκανά μοί ἐστι τὰ κατηγορημένα, 31 § 34 ἱκανά μοι νομίζω εἰρῆσθαι, καίτοι πολλά γε παραλιπών, 7 § 9 ἀλλὰ … περὶ μὲν τῶν πρότερον γεγενημένων πολλὰ ἔχων εἰπεῖν ἱκανὰ νομίζω τὰ εἰρημένα. Here again Socrates shows himself not quite so strange to the λέξις of the courts as he professed to be.
ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν, 23 a 1 sqq.
a 6 ἀληθές B : ἀληθής T
αἱρεῖ T : αἱρήσει B
a 6 αἱρεῖ, 'is like to convict me'. The praesens propheticum is specially common with verbs like αἱρῶ and ἁλίσκομαι, as may be seen from the examples in S.C.G. § 194.
I have given the reading of T rather than the αἱρήσει of BW, which is more likely to be a correction.
a 8 πολλοὺς καὶ ἄλλους καὶ B T :
καὶ ἄλλους πολλοὺς καὶ coni. Schanz et sic Arm.
a 8 πολλοὺς καὶ ἄλλους καὶ ἀγαθοὺς ἄνδρας, 'many other good men too'. The first καί is not co-ordinate with the second, but the phrase πολλοὶ καὶ ἄλλοι, 'many others too', is combined with πολλοὶ καὶ ἀγαθοί, 'many good men'.
b 1 αἱρήσει T b : αἱρήσειν B
28 b 1 αἱρήσει. For the finite verb after οἶμαι cf. Gorg. 460 a 3 ἀλλʼ ἐγὼ μὲν οἶμαι … καὶ ταῦτα παρ' ἐμοῦ μαθήσεται. The same construction is implied in the common use of the nominative after οἶμαι δὲ καί (cf. Euth, 3 e 5 n.).
Here too the αἱρήσειν of BW looks like a correction.
οὐδὲν … δεινὸν μὴ ἐν ἐμοὶ στῇ, 'there is no fear of its stopping at me'. For οὐδὲν δεινόν cf. Phaed. 84 b 4 οὐδὲν δεινὸν μὴ φοβηθῇ, Gorg. 520 d 5 οὐδὲν δεινὸν αὐτῷ μήποτε ἀδικηθῇ, Rep 465 b 8 οὐδὲν δεινὸν μή ποτε … διχοστατήσῃ. For the impersonal (or rather subjectless) use of ἵστασθαι cf. Ar. Eth. Nic. Z. 9, 1142 a 29 στήσεται γὰρ κἀκεῖ.
b 3 ἂν T Eus. Stob. δ' ἂν B t :
b 5 οὐ B t : om. T
b 6 ὑπολογίζεσθαι, 'to take into account', a metaphor from bookkeeping, literally of an entry per contra (cf. Crito 48 d 4). Then κίνδυνον is 'risk' rather than 'danger', τοῦ ζῆν ἢ τεθνάναι being added because that is the alternative of which one takes the risk. A man 'risks his life' and also 'risks death'.
b 8 πότερον T W : πότερα B
b 9 φαῦλοι, 'poor creatures', 'fools' (certainly not 'bad', as Fowler translates it). It was only of his folly that the objector thought Socrates should be ashamed. The meaning of φαῦλος depends very much on the context in which it stands. Here it is the opposite of ἄνδρα ὅτον τι καὶ σμικρὸν ὄφελός ἐστιν.
c 1 τῶν ἡμιθέων. The application of this term to the Homeric heroes is correct. Cf. Il. xii. 23 ἡμίθέων γένος ἀνδρῶν, Hes. Op, 159 ἀνδρῶν ἡρώων θεῖον γένος, οἴ καλέονται | ἡμίθεοι.
c 2 ὁ τῆς Θέτιδος ὑός κτλ. The reference is to Il, xviii. 94 sqq., when Thetis appears to Achilles after the death of Patroclus. The same scene is alluded to in Symp. 179 e 1 sqq.
c 3 παρὰ τὸ αἰσχρόν τι ὑπομεῖναι, 'in comparison with dishonour', 'when the alternative was disgrace' (Church).
c 4 ὥστε … c 8 ὁ δὲ τοῦτο ἀκούσας, anacoluthon occasioned by the parenthesis.
c 5 οὑτωσί B : οὕτως T
c 6 ὦ παῖ B2 T W Arm. : om. B
28 c 6 Ὦ παῖ represents τέκος in Il. xviii. 95.
The omission of & ὦ παῖ in B is a mere slip occasioned by οἶμαι. The words are in TW, and were at once supplied by the contemporary corrector of B (B2).
εἰ τιμωρήσεις, fut. ind. in 'monitory' protasis.
c 7 αὐτίκα κτλ. Il xviii. 96 αὐτίκα γάρ τοι ἔπειτα μεθʼ Ἕκτορα πότμος ἑτοῖμος.
c 8 τοῦτʼ T : ταῦτα B
d 2 δίκην B : τὴν δίκην T
d 2 Αὐτίκα κτλ. Il. xviii. 98 αὐτίκα τεθναίην ἐπεὶ οὐκ ἄρ' ἔμελλον ἑταίρῳ | κτεινομένῳ ἐπαμῦναι, 104 ἀλλʼ ἧμαι παρὰ νηυσίν, ἐτώσιον ἄχθος ἀρούρνς. The substitution of κορωνίσιν for ἐτώσιον only means that Plato is quoting from memory as usual. The most familiar texts are the most exposed to misquotation, and it was not very easy to verify quotations in papyrus rolls.
d 3 κορωνίσιν T : κορωνηίσιν B : ἐτώσιον Homerus Σ 104
d 4 μὴ … οἴει, num putas.
d 7 ἢ ante ἡγησάμενος add. B
d 7 ὑπʼ ἄρχοντος, 'by his officer'. As we see from what follows, Socrates regards himself as a soldier of God, whose orders he must not disobey. This has nothing to do with the 'divine sign' which gave only prudential and negative intimations.
d 9 μηδὲν ὑπολοηιζόμενον … πρὸ τοῦ αἰσχροῦ, 'taking dishonour into account before everything else', the danger of death, &c., being a secondary consideration. So Crito 48 d 3 μὴ οὐ δέῃ ὑπολογίζεσθαι οὔτʼ εἰ ἀποθνῄσκειν δεῖ … οὔτʼ ἄλλο ὁτιοῦν πάσχειν πρὸ τοῦ ἀδικεῖν.
d 10 δεινὰ ἂν εἴην εἰργασμένος … εἰ κτλ., 'it would be strange conduct on my part if, whereas on those occasions I …, in this case I should …'. Another form of the argumentum ex contrariis, for which see 20 c 6 n.
e 1 οὓς ὑμεῖς εἵλεσθε ἄρχειν μου. All military offices were filled by election (χειροτονία), not by lot. The dicasts are regularly addressed as ὑμεῖς because they represent the sovereign people in its judicial capacity.
For the construction Schanz compares Ditt. Syll. 79 (101), 13 οἱ ᾑρημένοι ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου εἰσπράττειν τὰ ὀφειλόμενα χρήματα, Lys. 30 § 29 Νικόμαχον εἵλεσθε ἀναγράφειν τὰ πάτρια.
e 2 έν Ποτειδαίᾳ, 432 b.c., when Socrates was about thirty-seven. In the Symposium (219 e 5 sqq.) Alcibiades gives an account of the conduct of Socrates on that campaign. It was there that he once stood in a trance for twenty-four hours, and that he saved the life of Alcibiades. The military record of Socrates was highly distinguished, a fact which should never be forgotten in estimating his character.
28 e 2 ἐν Ἀμφιπόλει. This is the only reference to Socrates having taken part in a battle there. It has been generally assumed (by myself among others) that the famous battle of 422 b. c., in which Cleon and Brasidas lost their lives, is meant; but there are serious difficulties about this. We know that Cleon had only 1,200 hoplites under his command (Thuc. v. 2). It is very unlikely that it was necessary to call up the older men for a distant expedition to provide such a force as that, and Socrates was over forty-seven at the time. It seems more probable that the reference is to the fighting which accompanied the founding of Amphipolis in 437–6 b.c., when Socrates was about thirty-two. If he took part in the siege of Samos in 440 B.C. (cf. Crito 52 b 6 n.) it is pretty safe to assume that he saw service elsewhere between that and Potidaea. Whichever view we take, the three battles are out of their chronological order, but it is perhaps easier to assume that Potidaea and the earlier battle of Amphipolis have been transposed than that this has happened with Delium (424 b. c.) and Amphipolis (422 b.c.).
ἐπὶ Δηλίῳ (424 b.c.), not ἐν Δηλίῳ, for it was not a town, but a temple and precinct of the Delian Apollo (cf. Xen. Mem. iii. 5, 4 ἐν Λεβαδείᾳ … ἐπὶ Δηλίῳ). Socrates was about forty-five at this time, but there is no such difficulty as there is about the battle of Amphipolis two years later. On this occasion the Athenians took the field πανδημεί (Thuc. iv. 90), and Hippocrates had no less than 7,000 regular hoplites under him. In these circumstances a man of forty-five might very well be called up. In Symp. 221 a 2 sqq. Alcibiades is made to give a vivid account of the coolness and courage of Socrates in the retreat. Alcibiades accompanied him and Laches on horseback, and he compares his bearing favourably with that of Laches. In the Laches (181 b 1) Laches himself is made to say that, if the rest had behaved like Socrates, Athens would have been spared defeat.
e 3 ὥσπερ καὶ ἄλλος τις, 'like many another'. The phrase is a modest one, and has just the opposite effect to εἴ τις καὶ ἄλλος.
e 4 τάττοντος … με δεῖν ζῆν, 'when God assigned to me the post of living a life of philosophy'. The infinitive δεῖν is often pleonastic in cases like this. The ordinary Athenian would no doubt think Socrates was referring to the Delphic oracle, but of course he meant more than that for those who knew him well. He was the servant of Apollo in quite another sense (Phaed. 85 a 2 n.).
e 5 δεῖν ζῆν] διαζῆν Stobaeus
28 e 5 φιλοσοφοῦντα κτλ. Socrates regarded τὸ φιλοσοφεῖν as his business in life. Cf. below 29 c 8 and d 5. So too in Symp. 218 a 3 Alcibiades speaks of himself as τὴν καρδίαν ἢ ψυχὴν … πληγείς τε καὶ δηχθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ λόγων, ib. b 3 πάντες γὰρ κεκοινωνήκατε τῆς φιλοσόφου μανίας. From these passages (and many others) it is equally clear that Socrates did not employ the term in the popular sense which is implied in Herodotus (i. 30), and which survives in Isocrates, with whom it means something like 'culture'. I have pointed out elsewhere (E. Gr. Ph.3 p. 278, n. 1) that there are grounds for ascribing the use of the word in a deeper sense to Pythagoras and his followers. It was this which Socrates introduced (for the first time, so far as we can see) into Athens.
a 1 λίποιμι B : λείποιμι T τἂν B : μέντ' ἂν T : ἂν Stobaeus
a 3 ἀπειθῶν τῇ μαντείᾳ. The verb ἀπειθεῖν is a solemn one, and is generally used of disobedience to God or the State (cf. infra b 6). The ordinary Attic word for 'to disobey' is ἀπιστεῖν (see below 29 c 1 n.).
a 6 οὐκ] μὴ in marg. T
a 6 ἃ οὐκ οἶδεν, sc. τις to be supplied from the subject of the infinitive, as often.
a 7 οὐδʼ εἰ τυγχάνει, 'whether it is not really'.
b 1 καίτοι Eusebius : καὶ τοῦτο B T W Stobaeus : καὶ Arm.
b 1 καίτοι κτλ., 'but surely this is just the reprehensible kind of folly' (the pronoun assimilated to the predicate in gender as usual). The reference is to 21 d 5.
The reading καίτοι rests only on the authority of Eusebius, but it commends itself at once. With the reading of the MSS. (καὶ τοῦτο) we must take αὕτη ἡ ἐπονείδιστος together, 'this reprehensible folly' (of which we have spoken already).
b 2 αὕτη ἡ om. Arm.
b 3 τούτῳ secl. Schanz
b 4 τούτῳ B2 T W : τοῦτο B
b 7 πρὸ οὖν τῶν κακῶν κτλ., an extension of the use of πρό with ὑπολογίζεσθαι above 28 d 9 (see note in loc.).
b 8 εἰ καὶ Stobaeus Eusebius Theodoretus : εἰ B T
29 b 9 οὐδʼ εἰ κτλ. suggests some such apodosis as οὐ μὴ παύσωμαι φιλοσοφῶν, but the construction is interrupted by the clause about Anytus and resumed in an altered form at c 5 εἴ μοι κτλ., and once more at d 1 εἰ οὖν με κτλ., where also b 9 εἰ … ἀφίετε is altered to d 2 εἰ … ἀφίοιτε to suit the apodosis εἴποιμʼ ἂν κτλ. The effect of holding on the protasis like this is to add emphasis to the apodosis when it does come.
c 1 Ἀνύτῳ ἀπιστήσαντες, 'refusing to do as Anytus bids you'.
The vulgate had ἀπειθήσαντες, and ἀπειθεῖν is certainly used above (29 a 3; b 6). It is, however, a solemn word (see 29 a 3 n.), and ἀπιστεῖν is the ordinary Attic for 'to disobey' (so even Herodotus vi. 108 and the tragedians). Cf. Suidas ἀπιστεῖ· δοτικῇ· τὸ ἀπειθεῖν, λέγουσι δὲ καὶ ἀπίστίαν τὴν ἀπείθειαν, καὶ ἄπιστος ὁ μὴ πειθόμενος. οὕτω Πλάτων. It would probably have seemed exaggerated to use a word like ἀπειθεῖν of not doing what Anytus told them to do, so the reading of the best MSS. (BTW) is to be preferred.
ὃς ἔφη κτλ. This must certainly be a quotation from the actual speech of Anytus as συνήγορος, and it suggests, what would be pretty clear in any case, that he had hoped Socrates would remove himself from Athens before the trial came on. As he had not chosen to do so, the death penalty had become inevitable. There is a similar argument in Aeschines I § 192 εἰ μὲν δώσει τῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων Τίμαρχος δίκην, ἀρχὴν εὐκοσμίας ἐν τῇ πόλει κατασκευάσετε· εἰ δʼ ἀποφεύξεται, κρείττων ἦν ὁ ἀγὼν μὴ γεγενημένος. In certain cases it is better not to prosecute than to prosecute and fail to secure a conviction. The possibility that Socrates might have avoided the trial altogether is also hinted at in Crito 45 e 3 ἡ εἴσοδος τῆς δίκης εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον ὡς εἰσῆλθεν ἐξὸν μὴ εἰσελθεῖν.
τὴν ἀρχήν, 'at all', used only in conjunction with a negative in normal Attic.
c 3 εἰ διαφευξοίμην. The use of the fut. opt. implies that Anytus used the monitory protasis εἰ διαφεύξεται, 'if he is to slip through your hands'. Cf. the passage of Aeschines quoted on c 1.
c 4 ἂν secl. Cobet
c 4 ἤδη [ἂν] … διαφθαρήσονται. It is probable that all instances in Attic writers of ἄν with the future indicative should be emended, and it is generally easy to do so (S.C.G. § 432).
In the present case, ἄν may be due to dittography of the syllable δη in ἤδη, δή and ἄν being constantly interchanged in uncial writing. See also 30 b 8 n.
c 6 πειθόμεθα Baumann
d 2 ὦ T W : om. B
29 d 3 ἀσπάζομαι … καὶ φιλῶ, 'I have the utmost regard and affection for you'. Cf. Rep. 607 a 1 φιλεῖν μὲν χρὴ καὶ ἀσπάζεσθαι ὡς ὄντας βελτίστους εἰς ὅσον δύνανται.
d 7 πόλεως τῆς μεγίστης κτλ. Such a description hardly fits the Athens of 399 b.c., but it is a fine touch to make Socrates use the language of the Periclean age, to which he really belonged. The words σοφία and ἰσχύς are also used in their Periclean sense, and refer to the artistic glories and imperial might of an Athens that had passed away. For the construction cf. Dem. 19 § 69 Ἀθηναῖοι, τῆς ἐλευθερωτάτης πόλεως.
d 8 χρημάτων … δόξης καὶ τιμῆς … φρονήσεως δὲ καὶ ἀληθείας. This enumeration implies the doctrine of the 'tripartite soul'; for it gives the objects of τὸ ἐπιθυμητικόν, τὸ θυμοειδές, and τὸ λογιστικόν. We have the authority of Posidonius for saying that the doctrine in question was really Pythagorean. See Phaed. 68 c 2 n.
e 1 φρονήσεως … καὶ ἀληθείας. In Plato there is no distinction between φρόνησις and σοφία. Cf. Euth. 2 c 6 n.
τῆς ψυχῆς κτλ. Socrates appears to have been the first Greek to speak of the ψυχή as the seat of knowledge and ignorance, goodness and badness (cf. my paper, The Socratic Doctrine of the Soul, in B.A. 1915–16, pp. 243 sqq.). It followed that the chief duty of man was to 'care for his soul' (ἐπιμελεῖσθαι τῆς ψυχῆς ὅπως ὅτι φρονιμώτατη καὶ βελτίστη ἔσται), sometimes more briefly expressed as ἐπιμελεῖσθαι ἀρετῆς or ἐπιμελεῖσθαι αὑτοῦ, whence the importance of the argument in Alc. 130 a 7 sqq. that the self (αὐτός) is the soul (ψυχή). For the phraseology cf. below e 2, 30 b 2, 31 b 5, 36 c 6, 39 d 7, 41 e 4. So Laches 186 a 5 προθυμούμενοι αὐτοῖν (τοῖν ὑέοιν) ὅτι ἀρίστας γενέσθαι τὰς ψυχάς. This rule of ἐπιμέλεια ψυχῆς was the fundamental thing in the teaching of Socrates. There are a good many traces of it in Isocrates, who is hardly likely to have borrowed it from Plato, who was considerably his junior.
Isocr. 15 § 290 αὑτοῦ πρότερον ἢ τῶν αὑτοῦ ποιήσασθαι τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν … μηδʼ οὕτω χαίρειν μηδὲ μέγα φρονεῖν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀγαθοῖς ὡς επὶ τοῖς ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ διὰ τὴν παιδείαν ἐγγιγνομένοις. The phraseology here is distinctly Socratic, and we know from the Phaedrus (278 e 5 sqq.) that Isocrates had been a ἑταῖρος of Socrates.
e 3 ἀμφισβητήσω T : ἀμφισβητῇ B
29 e 4 ἐρὴσομαι … ἐξετάσω … ἐλέγξω … Note the climax: 'I shall question him, examine him, and convict him'.
a 1 ποιεῖται B : ποιήσεται T
30 a 3 ὅτῳ ἂν ἐντυγχάνω ποιήσω, 'I shall do this for whomsoever I meet', not 'to whomsoever', which would be expressed by the acc.
a 4 μου B : μοι T W (sed υ supra ι T w)
a 4 μᾶλλον δὲ τοῖς ἀστοῖς κτλ. These words mark the distinction between Socrates and the itinerant 'sophists'. When what we call nationality is in question, the proper legal term is ἀστός as opposed to ξένος and μέτοικος. Cf. the law of Pericles which excluded from the citizen body ὃς ἂν μὴ ἐξ ἀμφοῖν ἀστοῖν ᾖ γεγονώς (Ar. Ἀθ. Πολ. 26, 4).
a 8 μήτε σωμάτων ἐπιμελεῖσθαι κτλ. The call to ψυχῆς ἐπιμέλεια is repeated with solemn emphasis. We are to understand that this is the central thing in the teaching of Socrates.
After πρότερον we expect ἤ, but οὕτω shifts the construction to ὡς. Similar shifts from 'than' to 'as' are not unknown in familiar English. Nearly alike are 36 d 6 below and Rep. 526 c 1 Καὶ μὴν … ἅ γε μείζω πόνον παρέχει μανθάνοντι … οὐκ ἂν ῥᾳδίως οὐδὲ πολλὰ ἂν εὕροις ὡς τοῦτο. There seem to be about five clear instances of ὡς after a comparative in classical Greek (Schwab, Syntax der griechischen Comparation, Heft ii, p. 156). It is not very surprising that Greek occasionally expresses this relation as Latin, French, and German regularly do (quam, que, als).
b 1 μηδὲ] μὴ δὲ B et (ut videtur) Stobaeus : μήτε ἄλλου τινὸς T b
b 2 ὅτι T W Arm. Stobaeus : om. B
b 3 ἀρετὴ B : ἡ ἀρετὴ T Stobaeus
τὰ χρήματα Stobaeus
b 3 ἀλλʼ ἐξ ἀρετῆς χρήματα κτλ., 'it is goodness that makes money and everything else good for men'. The subject is χρήματα καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἅπαντα and ἀγαθὰ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις is predicate. We must certainly not render 'from virtue comes money'! This is a case where interlaced order may seriously mislead. As Socrates was now ἐν πενίᾳ μυριᾳ (23 b 9), he could hardly recommend ἀρετή as a good investment.
b 4 ἅπαντα om. Stobaeus
b 7 ἄνδρες T : om. B
b 7 πρὸς ταῦτα, 'in the face of that'. With an imperative πρὸς ταῦτα expresses defiance; it implies that the speaker's mind is made up and cannot be changed, so that the other party must act in the light of that. The phrase is specially common in tragedy, cf. e. g. Eur. fr. 910 πρὸς ταῦθʼ ὅτι χρὴ καὶ παλαμάσθω κτλ. So also Charm. 176 c 8 πρὸς ταῦτα σὺ αὖ βουλεύου ὅτι ποιήσεις.
b 8 με T : om B
ἢ μή T : ἢ μὴ ἀφίετε B
30 b 8 οὐκ ἂν ποιήσαντος, representing οὐκ ἂν ποιήσαιμι, 'there is no chance of my doing otherwise'.
The MSS. have ποιήσοντος, another apparent case of ἄν with the fut. pcp. (cf. 29 c 4 n.), but Cobet's correction is easy and practically certain. In Dem. 18 § 168 the MSS. have συμπνευσόντων ἄν, and there the correction is quite certain, since the future of πνέω is πνεύσομαι.
c 1 ποιήσαντος Cobet : ποιήσοντος B T
c 1 πολλάκις τεθνάναι, 'to die many deaths'. As ἀποθνῄσκειν means 'to be dying', the perfect τεθνάναι is regularly used for 'to die' in such phrases. Cf. 41 a 8. So Dem. 9 § 65 τεθνάναι μυριάκις κρεῖττον ἢ κολακείᾳ τι ποιῆσαι Φιλίππῳ, Ar. Frogs 613 εἰ πώποτʼ ἦλθον δεῦρʼ, ἐθέλω τεθνηκέναι.
c 2 ὦ T : om. B
c 2 Μὴ θορυβεῖτε κτλ.: cf. 17 d 1 n. We are no doubt to understand that the words just uttered by Socrates provoked a disturbance. The dicasts would be amused by the heckling of Meletus, but to defy the Demos to do its worst was another thing. That is what Xenophon means by the μεγαληγορία of Socrates and finds so hard to understand, though he cannot deny it (see Introductory Note).
c 4 οὖν om. W
c 5 ἐρεῖν ὑμῖν T
c 6 με T : ἐμὲ B
c 8 ἂν βλάψειεν B : βλάψει T
c 9 δύναιντο Stobaeus et corr. pr. T
c 9 θεμιτόν, fas, 'permitted', as we say. Socrates states one of his fundamental convictions with great solemnity. It is that the only real injury that can be done to any one is to make him a worse man. That is because the only real injury is an injury to the soul. Cf. Crito 44 d 6 sqq.
d 1 ἀποκτενεῖ με T
d 2 ἀτιμώσειεν Stobaeus : ἀτιμάσειεν B T
d 2 ἢ ἀτιμώσειεν, 'or might disfranchise me'. Cf. Rep. 553 b 4 ἢ ἐκπεσόντα (= ἐξελασθέντα) ἢ ἀτιμωθέντα καὶ τὴν οὐσίαν ἅπασαν ἀποβαλόντα.
The MSS. have ἀτιμάσειεν, which would mean 'he might disparage' or 'despise' me. The proper word ἀτιμώσειεν was restored by Elmsley from Stobaeus (iii, p. 150, 15 Hense). In Rep. 553 b quoted above, though ADM have preserved ἀτιμωθέντα, F has ἀτιμασθέντα. The confusion is not uncommon, as the technical use of ἄτιμος, ἀτιμῶ in Attic law had been forgotten. In Laws 762 d 5 περὶ τὰς τῶν νέων ἀρχὰς ἠτιμάσθω πάσας the meaning is, as Adam says, more general, but Schanz may have been right in reading ἠτιμώσθω. Ignorance of the verb ἀτιμοῦν has even led the scribes to foist the Homeric verb ἀτιμάω (= Att. ἀτιμάζω) on Isocrates (15 § 175) τοὺς δὲ συκοφαντοῖντας ἀτιμητέον (ἀτιμωτέον corr. Cobet).
d 4 οὑτοσὶ νῦν T : οὗτος νυνὶ B
d 7 τι B : om. T W
τοῦ θεοῦ T W b : τῶν θεῶν B
e 1 με T : ἐμὲ B